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THE    EMPIRE 

AND 

THE    PAPACY 

918-1273 


BY 

T.   F.   TOUT,   M.A. 

PROFESSOR    OF    MEDI^-VAL   AND   MODERN    HISTORY 
IN    THE   UNIVERSITY   OF   MANCHESTER 


PERIOD    II 


RIVINGTONS 

34  KING  STREET,  CO  VENT  GARDEN 

LONDON 

1909 

Fifth  Edition.     Sixth  Impression 


All  rights  rtsetz'ed 


CoIIeg-e 
Library 

:ioi 

PREFACE  iQqC) 

The  absence  of  any  existing  text-book,  narrating  with 
any  approach  to  fulness  the  history  of  the  period  with 
which  this  work  is  concerned,  induced  the  writer  to 
think  that  the  most  useful  course  that  he  could  pursue 
would  be  to  cover  as  much  of  the  whole  ground  as 
his  space  allowed.  Finding  that  there  was  not  room 
to  treat  all  the  aspects  of  European  history  with 
the  same  fulness,  the  author  resolved  to  limit  himself 
to  the  central  struggle  between  the  Papacy  and  the 
Empire,  and  to  the  events  directly  connected  with 
it.  He  has  therefore  only  busied  himself  with  the 
affairs  of  Scandinavia,  the  Baltic  lands,  and  the 
Slavonic  kingdoms  of  the  East  so  far  as  they  stand 
in  direct  relation  to  the  main  currents  of  European 
history.  The  history  of  the  Mohammedan  Powers 
has  been  treated  in  the  same  way,  and  even  Christian 
Spain  has  only  been  allowed  a  very  small  number 
of  pages.  This  necessary  limitation  has  afforded 
more  room  for  the  main  purpose  of  the  writer, 
which  has  been  to  narrate,  with  some  amount  of 
detail,  the  political  and  ecclesiastical  history  of  the 
chief  states  of  Southern  and  Western  Europe,  and 
in  particular  of  Germany,  Italy,  France,  and  the 
Eastern  Empire.  The  expansion  of  the  Latin  and 
Catholic  world  at  the  expense  of  both  the  Orthodox 
Greeks   and   the    Mohammedans,  stands  so  much  in 


iv  European  History,  9 1 8- 1 273 

the  forefront  of  the  history  of  the  period  that  it 
could  not  be  neglected,  though  the  writer  has 
avoided  treating  the  Crusades  in  much  detail.  Some 
account  of  the  general  movements  of  thought  and 
of  the  development  of  the  ecclesiastical  system  and 
of  the  religious  orders  seemed  to  him  necessary  for 
the  understanding  even  of  the  political  history  of  a 
time  when  everything  was  subordinated  to  the  autho- 
rity of  the  Church.  He  has,  however,  endeavoured  to 
bring  this  into  some  sort  of  connection  with  the 
political  history  of  the  period,  and  has  not  felt  it  in 
his  power  to  enlarge  upon  the  general  history  of 
civilisation  in  the  way  adopted  by  the  very  valuable 
Histoire  G^n^rale  de  r Europe,  edited  by  MM.  Lavisse 
and  Ram  baud.  He  has,  however,  frequently  availed 
himself  of  the  help  of  that  book  in  his  selection  and 
arrangement  of  his  facts,  and  would  like  to  refer  his 
readers  to  it  for  such  parts  of  the  history  as  do 
not  fall  within  his  scheme.  He  has  indicated  in 
notes  at  the  beginning  of  the  various  chapters  some 
useful  authorities  in  which  readers  will  find  a  more 
detailed  account  of  various  aspects  of  the  time. 

In  conclusion,  the  writer  must  express  his  thanks  to 
his  wife,  who  has  helped  him  materially  in  nearly 
every  part  of  the  book,  and  has  taken  the  chief  share 
in  preparing  the  maps,  tables,  and  index. 

In  preparing  for  fresh  impressions  such  errors  have 
been  corrected  as  the  author  has  been  able  to  find. 

Manchester,  Dtc.  1906. 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PACS 

I.  Introduction,       ......  i 

II.  The  Saxon  Kings  of  thb  Germans,  and  the  Revival 

OF  THE  Roman  Empire  by  Otto  i.  (919-973),  .  .        12 

III.  The  German  Empire  at  the  Height  of  its  Power. 

The  later  Saxon    and    early  Salian  Emperors 
(973-1056) 36 

IV.  France   and  its  Vassal   States    under   the   last 

Carolingians  and  the  early  Capetians  (929-1108),         66 

V.  The  Cluniac  Reformation  (910-1073),  and  Italy  in 

the  Eleventh  Cei^tury,  ....        96 

VI.  The  Investiture  Contest  (1056-1 125),   .  ,  120 

VII.  The    Eastern    Empire   and  the  Seljukian  Turks 

(912-1095), 151 

VIII.  The  Early  Crusades  and  the  Latin  Kingdom  of 

Jerusalem  (1095-1187),  .  .  .  .  .177 

IX.  The  Monastic  Movement  and  the  Twelfth  Century 

(     Renascence,        .  .  .  .  .  .198 

X.  Germany  AND  Italy  (1125-1152),  .  .  .  .221 

XL  Frederick  Barbarossa  and  Alexander  hi. 

The    renewed    Conflict    betweenJ  Papacy    and 
Empire  (1 152-1 190),         .....      245 

XIL  France,  Normandy,  and  Anjou,  and  the  Beginnings 
of  the  Greatnkss  of  the  Capetian  Monarchy 
(110S-1189),  .  .  .  .  .  •      274 


vi  European  History,  918-1273 

CNArTRII 

XIII.  Thb  Third  Crusaiir  and  thb  Reign  of  Hbnry  vi 

(1187-1197) 

XIV.  EOROPB  IN  THB  DAYS  OK  InNOCBNT  III.  (1198-I216), 

XV.  Thb  Byzantine  Empire  in  the  Twelfth  Century 
THE  Fourth  Crdsade,  and  the  Latin  Empire  in 
the  East  (1095-1261), .... 

XVI.    P'REDERICK  II.  AND  THE  PAPACY  (1216-I250),      . 

XVII.  France    under    Philip   Augustus   and   St.   Louis 
(1180-1270),       ..... 

XVIII.  The  Universities  and  the  Friars, 

XIX.  The  Last  Crusades  and  the  East  in  the  Tmir 
teenth  Century,       .... 

XX.  The  Growth  of  Christian  Spain, 

XXI.  The  Fall  of  the  Hohenstaufen  and  the  Great 
Interregnum  (1250-1273), 


MAPS 

1.  Germany  under  the  Saxon  and  Swabian  Emperors, 

2.  Ecclesiastical  Divisions  of  Germany, 

3.  France,  showing  the  great  fiefs, 

4.  South  Italy  before  the  Norman  Conquest, 

5.  Middle  Italy  in  the  Eleventh  Century,  . 

6.  The  Eastern  Empire  in  the  Tenth  and  Eleventh  Centuries, 

7.  The  Crusading  States  in  Syria  in  the  Twelfth  Century, 

8.  Dominions  of  Saladin  in  1 193,  . 

9.  Possessions  of  the  Guelfs  in  the  days  of  Henry  ihe  Lion, 

10.  France  in  1189, 

11.  The  Latin  Empire  of  Constantinople,    . 

12.  France  and  its  neighbour  lands  in  1270, 

13.  Spain  at  the  end  of  the  Twelfth  Century, 

14.  Spain  at  the  end  of  the  Thirteenth  Century, 


Contents 


vil 


GENEALOGICAL  TABLES 


1.  The  Crescentii, 

2.  The  Saxon  and  Salian  Emperors, 

3.  The  Capetian  Kings  of  France, 

4.  The  House  of  Tancred  of  Haute ville, 

5.  The  Macedonian  Dynasty, 

6.  The  Early  Kings  of  Jerusalem, 

7.  The  Guelfs  and  the  Hohenstaufen, 

8.  The  House  of  Blois, 

9.  The  Comneni  and  Angeli, 

10.  The  Latin  Emperors  of  Constantinople, 


35 

65 
94-95 
119 
176 
197 
244 
279 
356 
357 


APPENDIX 

Tables  of  Popes,  Emperors,  Eastern  Emperors,  Latin 
Emperors  in  the  East,  Latin  Kings  of  Jerusalem,  and 
Kings  of  France,      ...... 


493 


INDEX, 


497 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL    NOTE 

To  the  general  modern  authorities  for  French  history  for  this 
period  must  now  be  added  the  valuable  new  Histoire  de  France 
edited  by  M.  Ernest  Lavisse  (Hachette),  of  which  the  three  half- 
volumes  covering  this  period  are  now  published.  They  are : 
Les  Premiers  Capiiiens  (987-1137),  by  Achille  Luchaire,  II.  ii.  ; 
Louis  VIF.,  Philippe  Attguste,  Louis  VIIL,  by  Achille  Luchaire, 
III.  i.  ;  and  Saint  Louis,  Philip>pe  U  Bel,  les  demiers  Capdtiens 
directs,  by  Ch.  V.  Langlois,  Hi.  ii. 


CHAPTER    I 

INTRODUCTION 

General  Characteristics  of  the  Period — The  End  of  the  Dark  Ages — The 
Triumph  of  Feudalism — The  Revival  of  the  Roman  Empire  and  Papacy 
— The  Struggles  of  Papacy  and  Empire — The  Spread  of  Religion  and 
Civilisation — The  Crusades  and  the  Latin  East — The  Growth  of  National 
Monarchies. 

It  is  a  trite  thing  to  say  that  all  long  periods  of  European 
history  are  ages  of  transition.  The  old  order  is  ever 
passing  gradually  away,  and  a  new  society  is 
ever  springing  up  from  amidst  the  ruins  of  the  character- 
dying  system  that  has  done  its  work.  But  the  "ticsofthe 
period  with  which  this  book  is  concerned  is 
transitional  in  no  merely  conventional  sense.  We  take  up 
the  story  in  the  early  years  of  the  tenth  century,  when  the 
Dark  Ages  had  not  yet  run  their  course.  We  end  it  in  the 
closing  years  of  the  thirteenth  century,  when  the  choicest 
flowers  of  mediaeval  civilisation  were  already  in  full  bloom. 
Starting  at  the  end  of  a  period  of  deep  depression  and 
degradation,  we  have  to  note  how  feudalism  got  rid  of 
the  barbarian  invaders,  and  restored  the  military  efficiency 
of  Europe  at  the  expense  of  its  order  and  civilisation. 
We  learn  how  the  revival  of  the  Roman  Empire  again 
set  up  an  effective  and  orderly  political  power,  and  led  to 
the  revival  of  the  Church  and  religion,  and  the  subsequent 
renewal  of  intellectual  life.  But  the  Empire  was  never 
more  than  a  half-realised  theory;  and  while  the  world  had 
theoretically  one  master,  it  was  in  reality  ruled  by  a  multi- 
tude of  petty  feudal  chieftains.  Thus  was  brought  about 
PERIOD  II.  A 


2  European  History,  918-1273 

the  universal  monarchy  of  the  Papacy,  the  Crusades, 
the  monastic  revivals,  the  strong  but  limited  intellectual  re- 
nascence of  the  twelfth  century,  and  the  marvellous  develop- 
ment of  art,  letters,  and  material  civilisation  that  flowed 
from  it  The  conflict  of  Papacy  and  Empire  impaired  the 
efficiency  of  both,  and  made  possible  the  growth  of  the  great 
national  states  of  the  thirteenth  century,  from  which  the 
ultimate  salvation  of  Europe  was  to  come.  Turbulent  as 
was  the  period  during  which  these  great  revolutions  were 
worked  out,  it  was  one  of  many-sided  activity,  and  of 
general,  but  by  no  means  unbroken,  progress.  It  was  the 
time  of  the  development  and  perfection  of  all  the  most 
essential  features  of  that  type  of  civilisation  which  is  called 
mediaeval.  It  was  the  age  of  feudalism,  of  the  Papacy  and 
Empire,  of  the  Crusades,  of  chivalry,  of  scholasticism  and  the 
early  universities,  of  monasticism  in  its  noblest  types,  of 
mediaeval  art  in  its  highest  aspects,  and  of  national  monarchy 
in  its  earliest  form.  Before  our  period  ends,  the  best  charac- 
teristics of  the  Middle  Ages  had  already  manifested  themselves. 
Fertile  as  were  the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries  in  their 
promise  of  later  developments,  they  bore  witness  only  to  the 
decline  of  what  was  most  characteristic  of  the  period  that  we 
now  have  to  consider. 

Let  us  dwell  for  a  moment  on  some  of  the  leading  features 
of  this  period  in  a  little  more  detail. 

We  begin  in  a  time  of  gloom  and  sorrow.    The  Carolingian 
Empire,  which  had  united  the  vigour  of  the  barbarians  with 
The  Dark     the  civilisation  of  the  Roman  world,  had  broken 
Ages.  up.      The  sacred  name  of  Emperor   had   been 

assumed  so  constantly  by  weaklings  that  it  had  ceased  to  have 
much  hold  upon  the  minds  of  men.  The  great  kingdoms,  into 
which  the  Carolingian  Empire  had  resolved  itself,  seemed 
destined  to  undergo  the  process  that  had  destroyed  the  parent 
state.  The  East  Prankish  realm — the  later  Germany — was 
breaking  up  into  its  four  national  duchies  of  Saxony,  Fran- 
conia,  Bavaria,  and  Swabia.     The  West  Frankish  realm  was 


Introduction  3 

the  prey  of  the  rivalry  of  the  Carolings  and  the  Robertians. 
The  Middle  Kingdom  was  in  still  worse  plight.  Italy  had 
fallen  away  under  a  line  of  nominal  Italian  or  Lombard  kings, 
but  the  south  was  Greek  or  Saracen,  and  the  north  was  in 
hopeless  confusion.  The  northern  parts  of  the  Middle  King- 
dom, to  which  alone  the  name  Lotharingia  clung,  were  tend- 
ing towards  their  ultimate  destiny  of  becoming  a  fifth  national 
duchy  of  the  German  realm,  though  their  loyalty  for  the 
Carolingian  house  brought  them  more  than  once  back  to 
the  West  Frankish  kingdom.  The  lands  between  this  re- 
stricted Lotharingia  and  the  Mediterranean  had  become  the 
kingdom  of  Aries  or  Burgundy  by  the  union,  in  932,  of 
the  two  Burgundian  states  that  had  grown  up  in  the  days  of 
chaos.  But  of  the  six  kingdoms  which  now  represented  the 
ancient  Empire,  not  one  was  effectively  governed.  The 
administrative  system  of  the  Carolingians  had  altogether  dis- 
appeared. The  kings  were  powerless,  the  Church  was  corrupt, 
the  people  miserable  and  oppressed,  the  nobles  self-seeking 
and  brutal.  The  barbarian  invader  had  profited  by  the 
weakness  of  civilisation.  The  restored  Rome  of  Charlemagne, 
like  the  old  Rome  of  Constantine  and  Theodosius,  was 
threatened  with  annihilation  by  pagan  hordes.  The  Norse- 
men threatened  the  coasts  of  the  west ;  the  Saracens  domi- 
nated the  Mediterranean,  captured  the  islands,  and  established 
outposts  in  southern  Gaul  and  Italy.  The  Slavs  overran 
Germany.  The  Magyars  threatened  alike  Germany  and  Italy. 
Everywhere  civilisation  and  Christianity  were  on  the  wane. 

Yet   the  darkest  hour  was  already  past  when   the   tenth 
century  had  begun.     The  feudal  system  had  saved  Europe 
from  its  external  enemies.     The  feudal  cavalry  and  the  feudal 
castle  had  proved  too  strong  for  the  barbarians.     The  Norse 
plunderers  had  gone  home  beaten,  or  had  settled  with  Rolf 
in  Neustria,  or  with  Guthrum  in  eastern  England,   ^j^^  ^^^  ^^ 
The  Saracens  had  been  driven  from  Italy,  and  the  Dark 
were  soon  to  be  chased  out  of  Provence.     The   ^^^^' 
Wends  and  the  Magyars  were  soon  to  feel  the    might  of 


4  European  History^  918-1273 

Henry  the  Fowler.  The  Saxon  dukes  were  restoring  the 
East  Frankish  realm.  The  Robertians  were  getting  the 
upper  hand  in  France.  Even  the  consolidation  of  the  two 
Burgundies  made  for  unity.  In  the  east  the  Macedonian 
dynasty  was  ruling  over  the  Greek  Empire  in  uneventful 
peace,  and  extending  its  sway  to  the  farthest  limits  of 
Asia  Minor.  In  Spain  the  Christians  had  definitely  got 
the  better  of  the  Moors.  The  break-up  of  the  Caliphate 
robbed  Islam  both  of  its  political  and  religious  unity, 
and  destroyed  for  the  time  its  capacity  for  aggression.  The 
first  gleams  of  a  religious  revival  began  with 
the  foundation  of  Cluny.  But  despite  all  these 
glimpses  of  hope,  the  state  of  western  Europe  was  still  deplor- 
able. The  feudal  nobles  were  the  masters  of  the  situation. 
Their  benefices  were  rapidly  becoming  hereditary,  their 
authority  more  recognised  and  systematic  But  no  salvation 
was  to  be  expected  from  a  system  that  was  the  very  abnegation 
of  all  central  and  national  authority.  It  was  but  little  more 
than  organised  anarchy  when  the  west  had  to  depend  upon 
a  polity  that  made  every  great  landholder  a  petty  tyrant  over 
his  neighbours.  The  military  strength  of  feudalism  had  given 
it  authority.  Its  political  weakness  was  revealed  when  the 
feudal  baron  had  to  govern  as  well  as  fight. 

Feudalism  was  not  long  in  undisputed  possession  of  the 

field.     From   the   revival  of  the   German   kingdom   by  the 

The  Holy     Saxon  kings  sprang  the  Holy  Roman  Empire  of 

Roman        the  German  nation,  beginning  with  the  coronation 

Empire.       ^j-  q^^^  ^j^^  Great  in  962.     Less  universal,  less 

ecclesiastical,  less  truly  Roman  than  the  Carolingian  Empire, 

the  Empire  of  the  Saxons  and  Franks  was  based  essentially 

upon  the  German  kingship,  yet  was  ever  trying  to  outgrow  its 

hmitations,  and  to  claim  in  its  completeness  the  Carolingian 

heritage.     Within  a  century  of  the  coronation  of  Otto,  the 

revived  Empire  included  in  its  sphere  the  German,  Italian, 

Burgundian,  and  Lotharingian  realms — in  short,  all  the  Empire 

of  Charles  the  Great,  save  the  West  Frankish  states,  ruled  since 


Introduction  5 

987  by  Hugh  Capet  and  his  descendants.  Moreover,  the  Empire 
had  pushed  forward  the  limits  of  Christianity  and  civilisation 
in  the  barbarous  north  and  east.  It  had  extended  its  direct 
rule  over  a  wide  stretch  of  marchlands.  The  Scandinavians, 
Wends,  Poles,  Bohemians,  and  Hungarians  all  received  the 
Christian  faith  from  missionaries  profoundly  impressed  with  the 
imperial  idea,  and  their  conversion  involved  at  least  temporary 
dependence  upon  the  power  that  again  aspired  to  be  lord  of  the 
world.  At  home  the  Emperors  checked  and  restrained,  though 
recognising  and  utilising,  the  feudal  principle.  In  their  fear 
of  the  lay  aristocracy,  no  less  than  in  their  zeal  for  religion 
and  order,  they  associated  themselves  closely  with  the  work 
of  reforming  the  Church.  But  the  restoration  of  religion 
soon  involved  the  restoration  of  Papacy  and  hierarchy,  and 
thus  they  raised  up  the  power  before  which  Emperors  were 
finally  to  succumb.  Yet  the  Empire  did  not  fall  until  it  had 
kept  central  Europe  together  for  nearly  three  centuries,  at 
a  time  when  no  other  power  could  possibly  have  accomplished 
the  task.  From  the  coronation  of  the  Saxon  to  the  fall  of 
the  Hohenstaufen,  the  Holy  Roman  Empire  had  no  small 
claim  to  the  lordship  of  the  world. 

The  darkest  hour  of  the  State  was  the  darkest  hour  of  the 
Church.     The  last  faint  traces  of  the  Carolingian  revival  of 
religion  disappeared  amid  the  horrors  of  Danish,   The 
Saracen,  and  Hungarian  invasions.    The  feudal-   Hiidebrandme 

°  Reformation 

ism  that  saved  Europe  from  the  barbarians  now  and  the 
began  to  infect  what  remained  of  Christian  life  P^P^^^y- 
with  its  own  ferocity,  greed,  and  lust.  The  spiritual  offices  of 
the  Church  were  becoming  heritable  property,  dissociated 
from  all  effective  spiritual  duties.  But  amidst  the  turmoil 
of  feudal  times,  a  few  nobler  spirits  sought  salvation  from 
the  wickedness  that  lay  thick  around  them  in  the  solitude 
of  the  cloister.  Before  the  end  of  the  tenth  century,  the 
Cluniac  revival  presented  to  Europe  an  ideal  of  life  very 
different  from  feudal  militarism.  In  alliance  with  the  Em- 
pire, the  Cluniacs  restored  religion  in  central  Europe,  and 


6  European  History,  918-1273 

missionaries,  working  in  their  spirit,  spread  the  Gospel  beyond 
the  bounds  of  the  Empire  among  the  barbarians  of  the  north 
and  east  But  from  Cluny  also  came  new  theories  of  the 
province  of  the  Church,  which  soon  brought  religion  into 
sharp  conflict  with  the  temporal  authority.  When  the  power 
of  the  State  lay  almost  in  abeyance,  it  was  natural  that  the 
Church  should  encroach  upon  the  sphere  it  left  vacant. 
From  Cluny  came  the  Hildebrandine  Reformation,  and 
from  the  theories  of  Hildebrand  sprang   two   centuries   of 

conflict  between  Papacy  and  Empire.  The  great 
struggles  struggle  of  Popcs  and  Emperors  (the  highest  ex- 
°'h  F*'*^^       pression  of  the  universal  struggle  of  the  spiritual 

and  temporal  swords),  was  the  central  event  of 
the  Middle  Ages.  It  first  took  the  form  of  the  Investiture 
Contest,  but  when  the  Investiture  Contest  had  been  ended 
by  the  substantial  victory  of  the  Church,  the  eternal  strife 
was  soon  renewed  under  other  pretexts.  It  inspired  the 
contest  of  Alexander  in.  with  Frederick  Barbarossa,  of 
Thomas  of  Canterbury  with  Henry  of  Anjou,  of  Innocent  iii. 
with  half  the  princes  of  Europe,  and  the  final  great  con- 
flict between  the  successors  of  Innocent  and  Frederick  11. 
At  last  the  Empire  succumbed  before  the  superior  strength  of 
the  Papacy.  But  the  Hohenstaufen  were  soon  revenged ; 
and,  within  two  generations  of  the  death  of  Frederick  11.,  the 
victorious  Papacy  was  degraded  from  its  pride  of  place  by 
its  ancient  ally. 

From  the  triumphs  of  Hildebrand  and  his  successors 
sprang  the  religious  revivals  that  enriched  the  Middle  Ages 
Religious  ^'^^  ^^  '^^^  ^^s  fairest  and  most  poetical  in  the 
and  monastic  life  of  thosc  timcs.      The   Cistercians   and  the 

Carthusians  revived  the  ideals  of  St.  Benedict, 
with  special  precautions  against  the  dangers  before  which 
the  old  Benedictine  houses  had  succumbed.  The  orders 
of  Canons  Regular  sought  to  unite  the  life  of  the  monk 
with  the  work  of  the  clerk.  They  paved  the  way  for  the 
more  complete  realisation  of  their   ideal  in  the  thirteenth 


Introduction  f 

century,  when  the  mendicant  orders  of  Friars  arose  under 
Francis  and  Dominic.  From  the  monastic  movement  sprang 
a  revival  of  spiritual  religion  and  a  renewed  interest  in 
the  world  of  thought  and  art.  The  artistic 
impulses  of  the  time  found  their  highest  ex- 
pression in  the  vast  and  stern  Romanesque  minsters  of  the 
older  orders,  and  in  the  epic  literature  of  the  chansons  dt 
geste.  The  transition  during  the  twelfth  century  from 
Romanesque  to  Gothic  architecture,  and  the  parallel  change 
in  vernacular  literature  from  the  epic  to  the  romance,  mark 
a  new  development  in  the  European  spirit.  Side  by  side 
with  them  went  the  great  intellectual  renascence  of  the  same 
momentous  century.  While  an  Anselm  sought  to  enlist  philo- 
sophy in  the  service  of  the  Church,  an  Abelard  began  to 
question  the  very  sources  of  authority.  In  Abelard  the  intel- 
lectual movement  outgrew  its  monastic  parentage,  and  in  his 
conflict  with  Bernard  the  dictator  of  Christen-  Revival  of 
dom,  the  old  and  the  new  spirit  came  into  the  speculative 
sharpest  antagonism.  The  systematic  schoolmen  ^'^^'^'^y- 
of  later  ages  had  neither  the  independence  of  Abelard  nor  the 
limitation  of  Bernard.  Learning  passed  from  monastic  to 
secular  hands,  but  the  scholastic  philosophy  was  already 
enlisted  on  the  side  of  the  Church,  and  active  as  was  its 
intelligence,  it  henceforth  worked  within  self-appointed  limits. 
Side  by  side  with  the  revival  of  philosophy,  came  the  work 
of  Irnerius  and  Gratian,  the  revival  of  the  sys- 

Law. 

tematic  study  of  Civil  Law,  and  the  building  up 
of  the  great  structure  of  ecclesiastical  jurisprudence.  From 
the  multiplication  of  students  and  studies  sprang  the  organisa- 
tion of  teachers  and  learners  into  the  universities.  The 
From  the  ignorance  and  barbarism  of  the  tenth  Universities, 
century,  there  is  a  record  of  continuous  progress  until  the  end 
of  our  period.  Yet  the  thirteenth  century  does  not  only  illus- 
trate the  crowning  glories  of  the  Middle  Ages :  it  suggests  new 
modes  of  thought  that  indicate  that  the  Middle  Ages  them- 
selves are  passing  away.     The  triumph  of  the  Church  bore 


S  European  History,  918-1273 

with  it  the  seeds  of  its  own  ruin,  in  the  world  of  thought  as 
well  as  in  the  world  of  action. 

From  the  Hildebrandine  revival  sprang  also  the  Crusades, 
and  the  combination  of  the  military  and  religious  ideals  of 
The  the    Latin   world   in  the  pursuit  of   a   holy  war 

Crusades        fg^   tj,e    recovery   of    Christ's   Sepulchre.      The 

and  the  _,,.,  ,  iiji  t-. 

Latin  rule  Turkish  advance  was  checked  ;  the  Eastern 
in  the  East-  Empire  was  saved  from  imminent  destruction ; 
and  a  series  of  Latin  states  in  Syria  and  Greece  extended 
the  scope  of  western  influence  at  the  expense  of  Orthodox 
and  Mohammedan  alike.  But  the  diversion  of  the  Fourth 
Crusade  to  overthrow  the  Empire  of  Constantinople  indicates 
the  high-water  mark  of  the  Latin  Christian  power  in  the 
East ;  and  the  change  in  the  current  of  western  ideas  made 
the  Crusades  of  the  thirteenth  century  but  vain  attempts  to 
restore  a  vanished  dream.  Before  the  end  of  our  period, 
the  Christian  domination  in  the  East  had  shrunk  to  the 
lordship  of  a  few  Greek  islands.  The  Paljeologi  brought 
back  Byzantine  rule  to  the  Byzantine  capital ;  and  the 
strongest  kings  of  the  West  could  not  save  the  remnants  of 
the  Latin  states  in  Syria.  The  Mongol  invasions  threatened 
Christian  and  Saracen  alike.  While  the  western  prospects 
were  so  fair,  in  the  East  barbarism  was  on  the  highway  to 
ascendency. 

The  failure  of  the  Empire  to  rule  the  world  led  to  a  feudal 
reaction,  that  was  not  least  felt  in  the  lands  directly  governed 
The  by  the  Emperors.     Our  period  witnesses  both  the 

Feudal  Age.  triumph  and  the  decay  of  feudalism.  It  is  the 
time  when  feudal  ideas  prevailed  all  over  the  western  world, 
following  the  Crusaders  into  the  burning  deserts  of  Syria, 
and  the  lands  of  the  Eastern  Emperors.  The  Normans 
took  feudalism  to  southern  Italy  and  Sicily,  and  developed 
the  feudalism  that  they  already  found  in  England.  Even 
Scandinavia  evolved  a  feudalism  of  its  own,  and  the  sons 
and  grandsons  of  the  followers  of  William  the  Conqueror 
planted  feudal  states  side  by  side  with  the  Celtic  tribalism  of 


Introduction  9 

Wales  and  Ireland.  For  nearly  four  centuries  the  mail-clad 
feudal  horseman  was  invincible  in  battle,  and  the  stone-built 
feudal  castle,  ever  becoming  more  complex  and  elaborate  in 
structure,  was  impregnable  except  to  famine.  The  better 
side  of  feudal  social  ideals — chivalry,  knighthood,  honour, 
and  courtesy — did  something  to  temper  the  brutality  and 
pride  of  the  average  baron,  and  found  powerful  expression 
in  the  vernacular  literatures,  written  to  amuse  nobles  and 
gentry.  But  before  our  period  ends,  the  days  of  feudal 
ascendency  were  over.  Hopeful  of  triumph  in  Germany, 
where  the  German  state  suffered  by  its  kings'  pursuit  of  the 
imperial  vision,  feudalism  found  in  Italy  a  powerful  rival  in 
strong  municipalities  closely  allied  with  the  Church.  In 
western  Europe  it  was  beginning  to  give  ground.  The  greater 
feudatories  crushed  their  lesser  neighbours,  and  built  up  states 
that  were  powerful  enough  to  stand  by  themselves.  The 
Church,  though  fitting  itself  into  the  feudal  organisation  of 
society,  could  never  repose  simply  on  brute  force.  The 
towns,  whose  separate  organisation  was,  in  some 

r   Ty  ,  ,       ,  ,         ,-    The  Towns. 

parts  of  Europe  at  least,  as  much  the  result  of 
military,  as  of  economic  necessities,  became  the  centres  of 
expanding  trade  and  increasing  wealth.  Within  their  strong 
walls  they  were  able  to  hold  their  own,  and  claim  for  them- 
selves a  part  in  the  social  system  as  well  as  baron  or  bishop. 
But  feudalism  had  at  last  met  its  master.  With  its  decline 
before  the  national  spirit,  we  are  on  the  threshold  of  modem 
times. 

The  division  of  the  Empire   into  local  kingdoms,  begun 
at  the  treaty  of  Verdun,  paved  the  way  for  the  modern  idea 
of  a  national  state.     The  Empire  stifled  the  early  ^j^^  grovvth 
possibilities  of  a  German  nation,  and  Empire  and  of  national 
Papacy  combined  to  make  impossible  an  Italian   '"°'^*'«=h>e5 
nation.     But  in  France  other  prospects  arose.     Through  its 
virtual  exclusion  from  the  Empire,  France  had  been  delivered 
from   some  very  real   dangers.     The  early  Capetians  were 
shadows  round  which  a  mighty  system  revolved;  but  they  had 


10  European  History,  9 1 8- 1 273 

a  lofty  theory  and  a  noble  tradition  at  their  back,  and  the  time 
at  last  came  when  they  could  convert  their  theory  into  practice. 
Philip  Augustus  made  France  a  great  state  and  nation. 
Power  Under  St.  Louis  the  leadership  of  Europe  passed 

passes  from  definitely  from  the  Germans  to  the  French — from 
France"^  ***  the  people  ruled  by  the  visionary  world-Empire 
to  the  people  ruled  by  a  popular  and  effective 
national  monarchy.  The  alliance  between  France  and  the 
Church,  the  preponderance  of  French  effort  in  the  Crusades, 
the  spread  of  the  French  tongue  and  literature  as  the  common 
expression  of  European  chivalry,  had  made  tbe  French  nation 
famous,  long  before  a  large  proportion  of  the  French  nation 
had  been  organised  into  a  French  state.  The  Spanish  peoples 
acquired  strong  local  attachments;  the  English  became 
conscious  of  their  national  life.  Alfonso  the  Wise  of  Castile 
and  Edward  i.  of  England  rank  with  St.  Louis  and  Philip  the 
Fair.  Even  Frederick  11.  owed  his  strength  to  his  national 
position  in  Germany  and  Naples,  rather  than  to  his  imperial 
aspirations.  Before  our  period  ends,  the  national  principle 
had  clearly  asserted  itself.  Trade,  art,  literature,  religion 
began  to  desert  cosmopolitan  for  national  channels,  and 
the  beginnings  of  the  system  of  estates  and  representative 
institutions  show  that  the  great  organised  classes  of  mediaeval 
society  aspired  to  share  with  their  kings  the  direction  of  the 
national  destinies.  The  Empire  had  fallen ;  the  Papacy  was 
soon  to  be  overthrown  ;  feudalism  was  decayed ;  the  cosmo- 
politan culture  of  the  universities  had  seen  its  best  days.  It 
is  in  the  juxtaposition  of  what  was  best  in  the  old,  and  what 
was  most  fertile  in  the  new,  that  gives  its  unique  charm  to 
the  thirteenth  century.  The  transition  from  the  Dark  Ages 
to  the  Middle  Ages  had  been  worked  out.  There  were 
signs  that  the  transition  was  beginning  that  culminates  in  the 
Renascence  and  the  Reformation. 


CHAPTER    II 

THE  SAXON  KINGS  OF  THE  GERMANS, 
AND  REVIVAL  OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  BY  OTTO  I.  (919-973)* 

The  Transference  of  the  German  Kingship  from  the  Franks  to  the  Saxons — 
The  Reign  of  Henry  the  Fowler — The  De.ence  of  the  Frontiers  and  the 
Beginnings  of  the  Marks — Otto  i.'s  Rule  as  German  King — The  Feudal 
Opposition  and  its  Failure — The  First  and  Second  Civil  Wars — The 
Reorganisation  of  the  Duchies— The  Marks  established — Battle  on  the 
Lechfeld — Otto's  Ecclesiastical  Policy — His  Intervention  in  Italy  and  its 
Causes — Italy  in  the  Tenth  Century — Degradation  of  the  Papacy — 
Theodora  and  Marozia — Alberic  and  John  xii. — Otto's  Second  Inter- 
vention in  Italy — His  Coronation  as  Emperor — His  later  Italian  Policy — 
His  Imperial  Position  and  Death. 

The  death  of  Conrad  i.,  in  December  918  (see  Period  i. 
pp.  475-7),  ended  the  Franconian  dynasty.  In  April  919  the 
Election  of  Franconian  and  Saxon  magnates  met  at  Fritzlar 
Henry  the  to  elect  a  new  king.  On  the  proposal  of  Eber- 
Fowier,  9x9.  j^j^j.(j^  Duke  of  Franconia,  and  brother  of  the  dead 
king  Conrad,  Henry,  Duke  of  the  Saxons,  called  Henry  the 

*  Giesebrecht's  Geschichte  der  deutschen  Kaiserzeit  gives  a  full  account 
of  German  and  Italian  history  from  919  to  the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of 
Frederick  i.  Richter  and  Kohl's  Annalen  des  deutschen  Reichs  im 
Zeitalter  der  Ottonen  und  der  Salur,  include  an  excellent  series  of 
extracts  from  the  original  sources.  Pruti's  Staatengeschichte  des  Abend- 
lands  im  MUtelalter  (vol.  i.  Oncken's  Series)  is  a  popular  working-up  of 
the  whole  period.  A  French  account  is  in  Zeller's  Histoire  de  PAlle- 
magm ;  while  Lavisse  and  Rambaud's  Histoire  gin4rale  du  ixf  SiicU  d 
nos  jours,  vols.  i.  and  ii.,  is  certainly  the  best  presentation  of  the  general 
history  of  the  early  Middle  Ages.  Bryce's  remarkable  essay  on  The  Holy 
Roman  Empire,  and  Fisher's  detailed  Medieval  Empire  are  the  best  books 
in  English.  The  facts  are  related  in  Henderson's  History  of  Germany 
during  tht  Middle  Ages,  and  in  Milman's  History  of  Latin  Christianity, 
Giegorovius'  Geschichtt  der  Stadt  Rom  im  MUtelalter  is  now  translated. 
U 


The  Saxon  Kings  of  the  Germans  13 

Fowler,  was  elevated  to  the  vacant  throne.  Henry  had  been 
already  marked  out  for  this  dignity,  both  by  the  great  position 
of  his  house  and  nation,  and  by  the  wish  of  the  last  king. 
Yet  the  voluntary  abdication  of  the  Franconian  and  the 
transference  of  the  monarchy  to  the  Saxon  forms  one  of  the 
great  turning-points  in  the  history  of  the  German  nation. 
The  existence  of  a  separate  German  state  had  been  already 
secured  by  the  work  of  Louis  the  German  and  Arnulf  of 
Carinthia.  Yet  so  long  as  the  sceptre  remained  in  the  Caro- 
lingian  hands,  the  traditions  of  a  mighty  past  overpowered 
the  necessities  of  the  present.  Down  to  the  death  of  Conrad, 
the  Franks  were  still  the  ruling  nation,  and  the  German  realm 
was  East  Frankish  rather  than  German.  The  accession  of 
the  Saxon  gave  the  best  chance  for  a  more  general  The  Saxon 
development  on  national  lines.  For  of  all  the  five  nation, 
nations  of  Germany,  the  Saxons  were  the  least  affected  by  the 
Carolingian  tradition.  Christianity  was  still  less  than  a  century 
old  with  them,  and  formal  heathenism  still  lingered  on  in  the 
wilder  moors  and  marshes  of  the  north.  Roman  civilisation 
was  still  but  a  sickly  exotic;  and,  free  from  its  enervating 
influences,  the  Saxons  still  retained  the  fierce  barbaric  prowess 
of  the  old  Teutonic  stock,  while  the  primitive  Teutonic  in- 
stitutions, which  were  fast  disappearing  in  the  south  before 
the  march  of  feudalism,  still  retained  a  strong  hold  amidst 
the  rude  inhabitants  of  northern  Germany.  In  the  south  the 
mass  of  the  peasantry  were  settling  down  as  spiritless  and 
peaceful  farmers,  leaving  the  fighting  to  be  done  by  a  limited 
number  of  half-professional  soldiers.  But  among  the  Saxons 
every  freeman  was  still  a  warrior,  and  the  constant  incursions 
of  heathen  Danes  and  Wends  gave  constant  opportunities 
for  the  practice  of  martial  habits.  The  old  blood  nobility 
still  took  the  leadership  of  the  race.  Not  only  were  the 
Saxons  the  strongest,  the  most  energetic,  and  most  martial 
of  the  Germans,  but  the  mighty  deeds  of  their  Ludolfing 
dukes  showed  that  their  princes  were  worthy  of  them.  It 
was   only  the   strong  arm   of  a   mighty  warrior  that   could 


14  European  History^  918-1273 

save  Germany  from  the  manifold  evils  that  beset  it  from 
within  and  without.  The  Ludolfings  had  already  proved  on 
many  a  hard-fought  field  that  they  were  the  natural  leaders 
of  the  German  people.  The  dying  Conrad  simply  recognised 
accomplished  facts,  when  he  urged  that  the  Saxon  duke  should 
be  his  successor.  The  exhausted  Franconians  merely  accepted 
the  inevitable,  when  they  voluntarily  passed  over  the  hegemony 
of  Germany  to  their  northern  neighbours. 

There  were,  however,  insuperable  limitations  to  the  power 
of  the  first  Saxon  king  of  the  Germans.     Henry  the  Fowler 

Henry's     ^^^  \\\S\t  more  influential  as  king  than  as  duke. 

German     There  was  no  idea  whatever  of  German  unity  or 

P°''*^^'  nationality.  The  five  nations  were  realities,  but 
beyond  them  the  only  ties  that  could  bind  German  to 
German  were  the  theoretical  unities  of  Rome — the  unity  of 
the  Empire  and  the  unity  of  the  Church.  From  the  circum- 
stances of  his  election  and  antecedents,  Henry  could  draw 
no  assistance  from  the  great  ideals  of  the  past,  by  which  he 
was  probably  but  little  influenced.  He  feared  rather  than 
courted  the  support  of  the  churchmen.  When  the  Church 
offered  to  consecrate  the  choice  of  the  magnates  by  crowning 
and  anointing  the  new  king,  Henry  protested  his  unworthiness 
to  receive  such  sacred  symbols. 

Thus  Germany  became  a  federation  of  great  duchies,  the 
duke  of  the  strongest  nation  taking  precedence  over  the  others 
with  the  title  of  king.  Even  this  result  was  obtained  only 
through  Henry's  strenuous  exertions.  His  power  rested 
almost  entirely  on  the  temporary  union  of  the  Saxons  and 
Franconians.  The  southern  and  western  nations  of  Germany 
were  almost  outside  the  sphere  of  his  influence.  Lotharingia 
fell  away  altogether,  still  cleaving  to  the  Carolings,  and  recog- 
nising the  West  Frankish  king,  Charles  the  Simple,  rather 
than  the  Saxon  intruder.  Henry  was  conscious  of  the  weak- 
ness of  his  position,  and  discreetly  accepted  the  withdrawal 
of  Lotharingia  from  his  obedience,  receiving  in  return  an 
acknowledgment  of  his  own  royal  position  from  Charles  the 


The  Saxon  Kings  of  t lie  Germans  15 

Simple.  Swabia  and  Bavaria  were  almost  as  hard  to  deal 
with  as  Lotharingia.  They  had  taken  no  practical  share  in 
Henry's  election,  and  were  by  no  means  disposed  to  acknow- 
ledge the  nominee  of  the  Saxons  and  Franconians.  It  was 
not  until  921  that  Henry  obtained  the  formal  recognition  of 
the  Bavarians,  and  this  step  was  only  procured  by  his 
renouncing  in  favour  of  Duke  Arnulf  every  regalian  right, 
including  the  much-cherished  power  of  nominating  the 
bishops.  Henry  was  no  more  a  real  king  of  all  the  Germans 
than  Egbert  or  Alfred  were  real  kings  over  all  England.  His 
mission  was  to  convert  a  nominal  overlordship  into  an  actual 
sovereignty.  But  he  saw  that  he  could  only  obtain  the  formal 
recognition  necessary  for  this  process  by  accepting  accom- 
plished facts,  and  giving  full  autonomy  to  the  nations.  His 
ideal  seems,  in  fact,  to  have  been  that  of  the  great  West 
Saxon  lords  of  Britain.  He  strove  to  do  for  Germany  what 
Edward  the  Elder  and  Athelstan  were  doing  for  England. 
It  is,  from  this  point  of  view,  of  some  political  significance 
that  Henry  married  his  eldest  son  Otto,  afterwards  the  famous 
Emperor,  to  Edith,  daughter  of  Edward,  and  sister  of  Athel- 
stan, Yet,  like  England,  Germany  could  hope  for  national 
unity  only  when  foreign  invasion  had  been  successfully  warded 
off.  The  first  condition  of  internal  unity  was  the  cessation 
of  the  desolating  barbarian  invasions  which,  since  the  break- 
up of  the  Carolingian  Empire,  had  threatened  to  blot  out 
all  remnants  of  civilisation.  Saxony  had  already  sufiFered 
terribly  from  the  Danes  and  Wends.  To  these  was  added 
in  924  a  great  invasion  of  the  Magyars  or  Hungarians,  the 
Mongolian  stock  newly  settled  in  the  Danube  plains,  and 
still  heathen  and  incredibly  fierce  and  barbarous.  The 
Magyars  now  found  that  the  Bavarians  had  learnt  how  to 
resist  them  successfully,  so  that  they  turned  their   , 

-^ '  ■'  _        Invasion  ot 

arms  northwards,  hoping  to  find  an  easier  foe  in  barbarians 
the  Saxons.     Henry,  with  his  Franks  and  Saxons,   *=^«<=''«'^- 
had  to   bear  the  full   brunt  of  the    invasion,   and   no  help 
came  either  from  Swabia  or  Bavaria.     Henry  had  the  good 


1 6  European  History^  918-1273 

luck  to  take  prisoner  one  of  the  Hungarian  leaders,  and  by 
restoring  his  captive  and  promising  a  considerable  tribute,  he 
was  able  to  procure  a  nine  years'  truce  for  Saxony.  Two 
years  later  the  Magyars  again  swarmed  up  the  Danube  into 
Bavaria,  but  Henry  made  no  effort  to  assist  the  nation  which 
had  refused  to  aid  him  in  his  necessity. 

Thus  freed  from  the  Magyars,  Henry  turned  his  arms  against 
the  Danes  and  the  Wends.  In  934  he  established  a  strong 
mark  against  the  Danes,  and  forced  the  mighty  Danish  king, 
Gorm  the  Old,  to  pay  him  tribute.  He  was  even  more  successful 
against  the  Slavs.  In  928  Brennabor  (the  modern  Branden- 
The  defence  t)urg),  the  chief  Stronghold  of  the  Havellers,  fell 
of  the  into   his    hands,   and   with   it   the    broad    lands 

the"beein*"  between  the  Havel  and  the  Spree,  the  nucleus  of 
ningsofthe  the  later  East  Mark.  But  more  important  than 
Marks.  Hcnry's  victories  were  his  plans  for  the  defence 

of  the  frontiers.  He  planted  German  colonists  in  the  lands 
won  from  the  barbarian.  He  built  a  series  of  new  towns, 
that  were  to  serve  as  central  strongholds,  in  the  marchland 
districts.  The  Saxon  monk  Widukind  tells  us  how  Henry 
ordered  that,  of  every  nine  of  his  soldier-farmers,  one 
should  live  within  the  walls  of  the  new  town,  and  there 
build  houses  in  which  his  eight  comrades  might  take  shelter 
in  times  of  invasion,  and  in  which  a  third  part  of  all  their 
crops  was  to  be  preserved  for  their  support,  should  necessity 
compel  them  to  take  refuge  within  the  walls.  In  return, 
the  dwellers  in  the  country  were  to  till  the  fields  and  harvest 
the  crops  of  their  brother  in  the  town.  Moreover,  Henry 
ordered  that  all  markets,  meetings,  and  feasts  should  be  held 
within  the  walled  towns,  so  as  to  make  them,  as  far  as  pos- 
sible, the  centres  of  the  local  life.  Some  of  the  most  ancient 
towns  of  eastern  Saxony,  including  Quedlinburg,  Meissen,  and 
Merseburg,  owe  their  origin  to  this  policy.  Henry  also 
improved  the  quality  of  the  Saxon  cavalry  levies,  teaching  his 
rude  warriors  to  rely  on  combined  evolutions  rather  than 
the  prowess  of  the  individual  horseman.      So  anxious  was 


The  Saxon  Kings  of  the  Germans  17 

he  to  utilise  all  the  available  forces  against  the  enemy,  that 
he  settled  a  legion  of  able-bodied  robbers  at  Merseburg, 
giving  them  pardon  and  means  of  subsistence,  on  the  con- 
dition of  their  waging  war  against  the  Wends. 

The  effect  of  these  wise  measures  was  soon  felt,  Henry 
had  laid  the  foundation  of  the  great  ring  of  marks,  whose 
organisation  was  completed  by  his  son.  He  had  also  in- 
spired his  subjects  with  a  new  courage  to  resist  the  bar- 
barian, and  a  new  faith  in  their  king.  When  the  nine 
years'  truce  with  the  Hungarians  was  over,  the  Saxons  re- 
solved to  fight  rather  than  continue  to  pay  them  a  humiliating 
tribute.     A  long  series  of  victories  crowned  the   „ 

*-'  Henrys 

end  of  Henry's  martial  career.  He  was  no  longer  triumph  and 
forced  to  strictly  limit  himself  to  the  defence  of  '*"^'''  ^3^- 
his  own  duchy  of  Saxony,  and  the  southern  nations  of  Germany 
could  honour  and  obey  the  defender  of  the  German  race 
from  the  heathen  foe,  though  they  paid  but  scanty  reverence 
to  the  duke  of  the  Saxons.  Lotharingia  reverted  to  her 
allegiance  after  the  sceptre  of  the  western  kingdom  had 
passed,  on  the  death  of  Charles  the  Simple,  from  her 
beloved  Carolings.  Yet  Henry  never  sought  to  depart  from 
his  earlier  policy,  and  still  gave  the  fullest  autonomy  to 
Saxon,  Bavarian,  and  Lotharingian.  He  still  lived  simply 
after  the  old  Saxon  way,  wandering  from  palace  to  palace 
among  his  domain-lands  on  the  slopes  of  the  Harz,  and 
seldom  troubling  the  rest  of  the  country  with  his  presence. 
Yet  visions  of  a  coming  glory  flitted  before  the  mind  of  the 
old  sovereign.  He  dreamed  of  a  journey  to  Rome  to  wrest 
the  imperial  crown  from  the  nerveless  hands  of  the  pre- 
tenders, whose  faction  fights  were  reducing  Italy  to  anarchy. 
But  his  end  was  approaching,  and  the  more  immediate 
task  of  providing  for  the  succession  occupied  his  thoughts. 
His  eldest  son,  Thankmar,  was  the  offspring  of  a  marriage 
•unsanctioned  by  the  Church,  and  was,  therefore,  passed 
over  as  illegitimate.  By  his  pious  wife  Matilda,  the  pattern 
of  German  housewives,  he  had  several  children.     Of  these 

PERIOD  II.  B 


I S  European  History,  9 1 8- 1 273 

Otto  was  the  eldest,  but  the  next  son,  Henry,  as  the  first 
born  after  his  father  had  become  a  king,  was.  looked  upon 
by  many  as  possessing  an  equally  strong  title  to  election. 
The  king,  however,  urged  on  his  nobles  to  choose  Otto  as 
his  successor.  He  died  soon  after,  on  and  July  936,  and  was 
buried  in  his  own  town  of  Quedlinburg,  where  the  pious  care 
of  his  widow  and  son  erected  over  his  remains  a  great  church 
and  abbey  for  nuns,  which  became  one  of  the  most  famous 
monastic  foundations  of  northern  Germany.  '  He  was,'  says 
the  historian  of  his  house,  *  the  greatest  of  the  kings  of  Europe, 
and  inferior  to  none  of  them  in  power  of  mind  and  body ' 
But  Henry's  best  claim  to  fame  is  that  he  laid  the  solid 
foundations  on  which  his  son  built  the  strongest  of  early 
mediaeval  states. 

Otto  I.  was  a  little  over  twenty  years  of  age  when  he 
ascended  the  throne.  While  his  father  had  shunned  the 
Coronation  of  consecration  of  the  Church,  his  first  care  was 
Otto  I.,  936.  tQ  procure  a  pompous  coronation  at  Aachen.  As 
strong  a  statesman  and  as  bold  a  warrior  as  his  father, 
the  new  king  was  so  fully  penetrated  with  the  sense  of 
his  divine  mission,  and  so  filled  with  high  ideals  of  king- 
craft, that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  endure  the  limita- 
tions to  his  sway,  in  which  Henry  had  quietly  acquiesced. 
Duke  Eberhard  of  Franconia  was  the  first  to  resent  the 
pretensions  of  the  young  king.  He  felt  that  he  was  the 
author  of  the  sway  of  the  Saxon  house,  and  resolved  to 
exercise  over  his  nation  the  same  authority  that  he  had 
wielded  without  question  in  the  days  of  King  Henry.  Mean- 
The  attack  while,  the  death  of  Duke  Amulf  of  Bavaria  gave 
on  the  duke-     q^^q  ^n  Opportunity  of  manifesting  his  power  to 

doms,  andthe     ,  ,       ^^  ,,      j  j     .  ,rt 

First  Civil  the  south.  He  roughly  deposed  Arnulfs  eldest 
war,938-94x.  gon,  Eberhard,  who  had  refused  to  perform 
him  homage,  and  made  his  younger  brother  Berthold  duke, 
but  only  on  condition  that  the  right  of  nominating  to  the 
Bavarian  bishoprics,  which  had  been  wrung  from  the  weakness 
of  Henry,  should  now  be  restored  to  the  crown.     Moreover, 


Revival  of  the  Roman  Empire  by  Otto  I.  19 

he  set  up  another  brother,  Arnulf,  as  Count  Palatine,  to 
act  as  a  sort  of  overseer  over  the  new  duke.  But  while 
Franconia  and  Bavaria  were  thus  deeply  offended.  Otto's 
own  Saxons  were  filled  with  discontent  at  his  policy.  They 
resented  Otto's  desire  to  reign  as  king  over  all  Germany,  as 
like'iy  to  impair  the  dominant  claims  of  the  ruling  Saxon 
race.  They  complained  that  he  had  favoured  the  Franks 
more  than  the  Saxons,  and  the  sluggish  nobles  of  the 
interior  parts  of  Saxony  were  disgusted  that  Otto  had  over- 
looked their  claims  on  his  attention  in  favour  of  Hermann 
Billung  and  Gero,  to  whom  he  had  intrusted  the  care  of 
his  old  duchy  along  with  the  government  of  the  Wendish 
marches.  Thankmar,  the  bastard  elder  brother,  Henry, 
the  younger  brother  who  boasted  that  he  was  the  son  of  a 
reigning  king,  were  both  angry  at  being  passed  over,  and  put 
themselves  at  the  head  of  the  Saxon  malcontents.  In  938,  a 
revolt  broke  out  in  the  north.  The  faithfulness  of  Hermann 
Billung  limited  its  extent,  and  the  death  of  Thankmar  seemed 
likely  to  put  an  end  to  the  trouble.  But  Henry  now  allied 
himself  with  Duke  Eberhard  of  Franconia;  and  Duke 
Giselbert  of  Lotharingia,  Otto's  brother-in-law,  joined  the 
combination.  A  bloody  civil  war  was  now  fought  in  West- 
phalia and  the  Lower  Rhineland.  The  army  of  Otto  was  taken 
at  a  disadvantage  at  Birthen,  near  Xanten;  but  the  pious 
king  threw  himself  on  his  knees,  and  begged  God  to  protect 
his  followers,  and  a  victory  little  short  of  miraculous  followed 
his  prayer.  However,  the  rebels  soon  won  back  a  strong 
position,  and  the  bishops,  headed  by  Archbishop  Frederick  of 
Mainz,  intrigued  with  them  in  the  belief  that  Otto's  term 
of  power  was  at  an  end.  But  the  king  won  a  second  un- 
expected triumph  at  Andernach,  and  the  Dukes  of  Franconia 
and  Lotharingia  perished  in  the  pursuit.  Henry  fled  to 
Louis,  king  of  the  West  Franks,  whose  only  concern,  how- 
ever, was  to  win  back  Lotharingia  from  the  eastern  king- 
dom. At  last  Henry  returned  and  made  his  submission  to 
his  brother ;  but  before  long  he  joined  with  the  Archbishop 


20  European  History ^  918-1273 

of  Mainz  in  a  plot  to  murder  the  king.  This  nefarious 
design  was  equally  unsuccessful,  and  Henry,  under  the 
influence  of  his  pious  mother,  sought  for  the  forgiveness  of 
his  injured  brother.  At  the  Christmas  feast  of  941  a  recon- 
ciliation was  effected.  The  troubles  for  the  season  were 
over. 

Otto  now  sought  to  establish  his  power  over  the  nations 
by  setting  up  members  of  his  own  family  in  the  vacant 
Thereorgani-  duchics.  Franconia  he  kept  henceforth  in  his 
sationofuie  own  hands,  wearing  the  Prankish  dress  and 
^^  *"'  ostentatiously  following  the  Frankish  fashions. 
Over  Lotharingia  he  finally  set  a  great  Frankish  noble, 
Conrad  the  Red,  whom  he  married  to  his  own  daughter, 
Liutgarde.  The  reconciled  Henry  was  made  Duke  of 
Bavaria,  and  married  to  Judith,  the  daughter  of  the  old 
Duke  Arnulf.  Swabia  was  intrusted  to  Otto's  eldest  son, 
Ludolf,  who  in  the  same  way  was  secured  a  local  position 
by  a  match  with  the  daughter  of  the  last  duke.  But  the 
new  dukes  had  not  the  power  of  their  predecessors.  Otto 
carefully  retained  the  highest  prerogatives  in  his  own  hands, 
and,  by  the  systematic  appointment  of  Counts  Palatine  to 
watch  over  the  interests  of  the  crown,  revived  under  another 
name  that  central  control  of  the  local  administration  which 
had,  at  an  earlier  period,  been  secured  by  the  Carolingian 
missi  dominici. 

The  new  dukes  soon  fell  into  the  ways  of  their  predeces- 
sors. They  rapidly  identified  themselves  with  the  local 
traditions  of  their  respective  nations,  and  quickly 
The  Second  forgot  the  tics  of  blood  and  duty  that  bound 
Civil  War,  tjjgjn  tQ  King  Otto.  Henry  of  Bavaria  and 
Ludolf  of  Swabia  soon  took  up  diametrically 
different  Italian  policies,  and  their  intervention  on  different 
sides  in  the  struggle  between  the  phantom  Emperors,  that 
claimed  to  rule  south  of  the  Alps,  practically  forced  upon 
Otto  a  policy  of  active  interference  in  Italy.  Ludolf  was 
intensely  disgusted   that   his  father  backed  up  the  Italian 


Revival  of  the  Roman  Empire  by  Otto  1.  21 

policy  of  Henry,  and  began  to  intrigue  with  Frederick  of 
Mainz,  Otto's  old  enemy.  Conrad  of  Lotharingia  joined  the 
combination.  Even  in  Saxony,  the  enemies  of  Hermann 
Billung  welcomed  the  attack  on  Otto.  At  last  in  953  a 
new  civil  war  broke  out  which,  like  the  troubles  of  938,  was 
in  essence  an  attempt  of  the  '  nations '  to  resist  the  growing 
preponderance  of  the  central  power.  But  the  rebels  were 
divided  among  each  other,  and  partisans  of  local  separatism 
found  it  doubly  hard  to  bring  about  an  effective  combination. 
The  restless  and  turbulent  Frederick  of  Mainz  died  during 
the  struggle.  Conrad  and  Ludolf  made  their  submission. 
A  terrible  Hungarian  inroad  forced  even  the  most  reluctant 
to  make  common  cause  with  Otto  against  the  barbarians. 
But  the  falling  away  of  the  dukes  of  the  royal  house  had 
taught  Otto  that  some  further  means  were  necessary,  if  he 
desired  to  continue  his  policy  of  restraining  the  '  nations  *  in 
the  interest  of  monarchy  and  nation  as  a  whole.  That  fresh 
support  Otto  found  in  the  Church,  the  only  living  unity  out- 
side and  beyond  the  local  unities  of  the  five  nations. 

Even  King  Henry  had  found  it  necessary,  before  the  end 
of  his  reign,  to  rely  upon  ecclesiastical  support,  especially  in 
his  efforts  to  civilise  the  marks.  There  the  fortified  ^j^^ 
churches  and  monasteries  became,  like  the  new  organisation 
walled  towns,  centres  of  defence,  besides  being  °^**^*  Marks, 
the  only  homes  of  civilisation  and  culture  in  those  wild 
regions.  But  King  Henry  had  not  removed  the  danger  of 
Wendish  invasion,  and  the  civil  wars  of  Otto's  early  years 
gave  a  new  opportunity  for  the  heathen  to  ravage  the  German 
frontiers.  In  the  midst  of  Otto's  worst  distress,  Hermann 
Billung  kept  the  Wends  at  bay,  and  taught  the  Abotrites  and 
Wagrians,  of  the  lands  between  the  lower  Elbe  and  the  Baltic, 
to  feel  the  might  of  the  German  arms.  His  efforts  were  ably 
seconded  by  the  doughty  margrave,  Gero,  of  the  southern 
Wendish  mark.  By  their  strenuous  exertions  the  Slavs  were 
for  the  time  driven  away  from  German  territory,  and  German 
rule  was  extended  as  far  as  the  Oder,  so  that  a  whole  ring 


22  European  History,  918-1273 

of  organised  marchlands  protected  the  northern  and  eastern 
frontiers.  These  marks  became  vigorous  military  states,  pos- 
sessing more  energy  and  martial  prowess  than  the  purely 
Teutonic  lands  west  of  the  Elbe,  and  destined  on  that 
account  to  play  a  part  of  extreme  prominence  in  the  future 
history  of  Germany.  Owing  their  existence  to  the  good-will 
and  protection  of  the  king,  and  having  at  their  command 
a  large  force  of  experienced  warriors,  the  new  margraves 
or  counts  of  the  marches,  who  ruled  these  regions,  gradually 
became  almost  as  powerful  as  the  old  dukes,  and,  for  the 
time  at  least,  their  influence  was  thrown  on  the  side  of  the 
king  and  kingdom.  Under  their  guidance,  the  Slav  peasantry 
were  gradually  Christianised,  Germanised,  and  civilised, 
though  it  took  many  centuries  to  complete  the  process.  Even 
to  this  day  the  place-names  in  marks  like  Brandenburg  and 
Meissen  show  their  Slavonic  origin,  and  a  Wendish-speaking 
district  still  remains  in  the  midst  of  the  wholly  German- 
ised mark  of  Lausitz.  To  these  regions  Otto  applied  King 
Henry's  former  methods  on  a  larger  scale.  Walled  towns 
became  centres  of  trade,  and  refuges  in  times  of  invasion. 
Monasteries  arose,  such  as  Quedlinburg,  and  that  of  St. 
Maurice,  Otto's  favourite  saint,  at  Magdeburg.  A  whole 
series  of  new  bishoprics — Brandenburg  and  Havelberg,  in  the 
Wendish  mark ;  Aarhus,  Ripen,  and  Schleswig,  in  the  Danish 
mark  —  became  the  starting-points  of  the  great  missionary 
enterprise  that  in  time  won  over  the  whole  frontier  districts 
to  Christianity.  Hamburg  became  the  centre  of  the  first 
missions  to  Scandinavia.  Never  since  the  days  of  Charles  the 
Great  had  the  north  seen  so  great  an  extension  of  religion 
and  culture.  There  was  many  a  reaction  towards  heathenism 
and  barbarism  before  the  twelfth  century  finally  witnessed  the 
completion  of  this  side  of  Otto's  work. 

The  Hungarians  were  still  untamed,  and,  profiting  by 
the  civil  war  of  953,  they  now  poured  in  overwhelming 
numbers  into  south  Germany,  But  the  common  danger  was 
met  by  common  action.     On   loth  August  955,  Otto  won 


Revival  of  the  Roman  Empire  by  Otto  I.  23 

a  decisive  victory  on  the  Lechfeld,  near  Augsburg,  at  the 
head  of  an  army  drawn  equally  from  all  parts  of  Germany, 
and  including  among  its  leaders  Conrad  the  Red,  -j-he  battle 
the  former  Duke  of  Lorraine,  who  died  in  the  on  the 
fight.  This  crushing  defeat  damped  the  waning  ^"^  *  '^^' 
energies  of  the  Magyars,  and  the  carrying  out  of  the  same 
policy  against  them  that  had  been  so  successful  against  their 
northern  neighbours  resulted  in  the  setting  up  of  an  east 
mark  (the  later  Austria),  which  carried  German  civilisation 
far  down  the  Danube,  and  effectually  bridled  the  Magyars. 
In  these  regions  Henry  of  Bavaria  did  the  work  that  Hermann 
Billung  and  Gero  were  doing  in  the  north.  The  final  defeat 
of  the  barbarian  marauders,  and  the  wide  extension  of  German 
territory  through  the  marks,  are  among  Otto's  greatest  titles 
to  fame.  Moreover,  Otto  forced  the  rulers  of  more  distant 
lands  to  acknowledge  his  sovereignty.  In  950  he  invaded 
Bohemia,  and  forced  its  duke,  Boleslav,  to  do  him  homage. 
Nor  did  he  neglect  the  affairs  of  the  more  settled  regions 
of  the  west.  Already  in  946  he  had  marched  through  north 
France  as  far  as  the  frontiers  of  Normandy,  striking  vigorous 
blows  in  favour  of  the  Carolingian  Louis  iv. — who  had 
married  his  daughter  Gerberga,  Duke  Giselbert's  widow — 
against  his  other  son-in-law,  Hugh  the  Great,  the  head  of  the 
rival  Robertian  house  [see  page  69].  He  also  took  under  his 
protection  Conrad  the  Pacific,  the  young  king  of  the  Arelate. 
In  civilising  the  marks  Otto  had  striven  hard  to  use 
the  Church  to  secure  the  extension  of  the  royal  power. 
But  the  lay  nobles  were  not  slow  to  see  that  Otto's 
trust  in  bishops  and  abbots  meant  a  lessening  q^^^. 
of  their  influence,  and  resented  any  material  ecciesiasti- 
extension  of  ecclesiastical  power.  The  Saxon  *^*  poi»cy- 
chieftains  —  half-heathens  themselves  at  heart  —  did  their 
very  best  to  prevent  the  Christianisation  of  the  Wends, 
knowing  that  it  would  infallibly  result  in  a  close  alliance 
between  the  crown  and  the  new  Christians  against  their 
old  oppressors.      Even  the  churchmen  of  central  Germany 


24 


European  History,  918-1273 


watched  Otto's  policy  with  a  suspicious  eye.  Typical  of 
this  class  is  Archbishop  Frederick  of  Mainz,  the  centre  of 
every  conspiracy,  and  the  would-be  assassin  of  his  sovereign. 
If  his  policy  had  prevailed,  the  Church  would  have 
become  a  disruptive    force   of   still   greater    potency  than 

ECCLESIASTICAL  DIVISIONS  OF  GERMANY 

showing  the  growth  of  the  pro^ances  Magdeburg  and  Hamburg -Bremen. 


Jiiliciu'.MtJ 


yPROV.  (    St.uayeii   ^  f 

-.'"   c=ffe""ot^AQUILEIA/ 


Heathen  -HiffilW  HMupri-'  .5 
Ardibithoprini  Montulerkt  o 


the  dukedoms.  But  a  new  school  of  churchmen  was 
growing  up  willing  to  co-operate  with  Otto.  His  youngest 
brother,  Bruno,  presided  over  his  chancery,  and  made 
the  royal  palace  as  in  Carolingian  times  the  centre  of  the 
intellectual  life  of  Germany.      Bruno  'restored,'  as  we  are 


Revival  of  the  Roman  Empire  by  Otto  I.  25 

told,  'the  long-ruined  fabric  of  the  seven  liberal  arts,'  and, 
like  our  Alfred,  was  at  the  same  time  the  scholar  and  the 
statesman.  From  his  efforts  sprang  that  beginning  of  the 
general  improvement  of  the  German  clergy  that  made  possible 
the  imperial  reformation  of  the  Papacy.  Moreover,  Bruno 
carried  out  a  reform  of  discipline  and  of  monastic  life  that  soon 
made  Germany  a  field  ripe  to  receive  the  doctrines  that  were 
now  beginning  to  radiate  from  Cluny  to  the  remotest  parts  of  the 
Christian  world.  Side  by  side  with  the  religious  revival  came 
the  intellectual  revival  that  Bruno  had  fostered.  Widukind  of 
Corvey  wrote  the  annals  of  the  Saxons;  the  abbess  Hrotswitha 
of  Gandersheim  sang  Otto's  praises  in  Latin  verse,  and  wrote 
Latin  comedies,  in  which  she  strove  to  adopt  the  methods  of 
Terence  to  subjects  chosen  in  order  to  enhance  the  glories 
of  religious  virginity.  The  literary  spirit  touched  Otto  himself 
so  far  that  he  learnt  to  read  Latin,  though  he  never  succeeded 
in  talking  it.  Under  Bruno's  care  grew  up  a  race  of  clerical 
statesmen,  far  better  fitted  to  act  as  Otto's  ministers  than  the 
lay  aristocracy  with  its  insatiable  greed,  ruthless  cruelty,  and 
insufferable  arrogance.  It  now  became  Otto's  policy,  since 
he  had  failed  to  wrest  the  national  duchies  to  subserve  his 
policy,  to  fill  up  the  great  sees  with  ministerial  ecclesiastics 
of  the  new  school.  The  highest  posts  were  reserved  to 
his  own  family.  His  faithful  brother,  Bruno,  became  Arch- 
bishop of  Cologne,  and  was  furthermore  intrusted  with  the 
administration  of  Lotharingia.  Otto's  bastard  son,  William, 
succeeded  the  perfidious  Frederick  as  Archbishop  of  Mainz. 
Otto  now  stood  forth  as  the  protector  of  the  clergy  against  the 
lay  nobles,  who,  out  of  pure  greed,  were  in  many  cases  aiming 
at  a  piecemeal  secularisation  of  ecclesiastical  property.  The 
incapacity  of  a  spiritual  lord  to  take  part  in  trials  affecting  life 
and  limbs  had  already  led  to  each  bishop  and  abbot,  who 
possessed  feudal  jurisdiction,  being  represented  by  a  lay 
'  Vogt'  {advocatus)  in  those  matters  with  which  he  was  himself 
incompetent  to  deal.  The  lay  nobles  sought  to  make  their 
'advocacy'  the  pretext  of  a  gradual  extension  of  their  power 


26  European  History,  918-1273 

until  the  bishop  or  abbot  became  their  mere  dependant.  But 
this  course  was  not  to  the  interest  of  the  crown.  If  the 
domains  of  the  crown  were  to  be  administered  by  the  local 
magnates  or  to  be  alienated  outright,  if  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
crown  was  to  be  cut  into  by  grants  of  immunities  to  feudal 
chieftains,  it  was  much  better  that  these  should  be  put  into 
spiritual  rather  than  into  secular  hands.  Otto  therefore  posed 
as  the  protector  and  patron  of  the  Church.  Vast  grants  of 
lands  and  immunities  were  made  to  the  bishops  and  abbots, 
and  the  appointment  to  these  high  posts,  or  at  least  the  in- 
vestiture of  the  prelates  with  the  symbols  of  their  office, 
was  carefully  kept  for  the  king.  The  clergy,  who  in  the 
day?  of  Henry  had  feared  lest  the  king  should  lay  hands  on 
their  estates,  joyfully  welcomed  Otto's  change  of  front.  It 
was  not  clear  to  them  as  it  was  to  Otto,  that  the  royal  favour 
to  the  Church  was  conditional  on  the  Church  acting  as  the 
chief  servant  of  the  State.  Otto  would  brook  no  assertion  of 
ecclesiastical  independence,  such  as  had  of  old  so  often  set 
bounds  to  the  empire  of  the  Carolings.  He  desired  to  attach 
the  Church  to  the  State  by  chains  of  steel ;  but  he  carefully 
gilded  the  chains,  and  the  German  clergy,  who  were  neither 
strong  theologians  nor  sticklers  for  ecclesiastical  propriety, 
entered  as  a  body  into  that  dependence  on  the  throne  which 
was  to  last  for  the  best  part  of  a  century,  and  which  was  in 
fact  the  indispensable  condition  of  the  power  of  the  Saxon 
kings  in  Germany.  The  unity  of  the  Church  became  as  in 
England  the  pattern  of  the  unity  of  the  State,  and  in  a  land 
which  had  no  sense  of  civil  unity,  Saxon  and  Frank,  Lorrainer 
and  Bavarian  were  made  to  feel  that  they  had  common  ties 
as  citizens  of  the  Christian  commonwealth. 

The  first  efforts  of  Otto  towards  the  conciliation  and  sub- 
jection of  the  clergy  were  surprisingly  successful.     He  next 
Resistance    ^o^med  a  schcmc  of  withdrawing  eastern  Saxony 
of  William    and  the  VVendish  march  from  obedience  to  the 
of  Maim.      Archbishop  of  Mainz,  and  setting  up  a  new  Arch- 
bishop of  Magdeburg  as  metropolitan  of  these  regions.     It 


Revival  of  the  Roman  Empire  by  Otto  I.  27 

was  a  well-designed  device  to  give  further  unity  to  those 
warlike  and  loyal  regions  upon  which  Otto's  power  was 
ultimately  based.  But  his  own  son,  Archbishop  William, 
violently  opposed  a  scheme  which  deprived  the  see  of  Mainz 
of  the  obedience  of  many  of  its  suffragans.  William's  repre- 
sentations to  Rome  induced  the  Pope  to  take  no  steps  to 
carry  out  Otto's  plan.  The  king  was  deeply  incensed,  but 
the  check  taught  him  a  lesson.  He  learnt  that  after  all,  the 
German  Church  was  not  self  contained  or  self-sufficing.  Over 
the  German  Church  ruled  the  Roman  Pope.  He  could  only 
ensure  the  obedience  of  the  German  Church  by  securing  the 
submission  or  the  co-operation  of  the  head  of  the  Christian 
world.  So  long  as  the  Pope  was  outside  his  power,  Otto's 
dream  of  dominating  Germany  through  churchmen  seemed 
likely  to  end  in  a  rude  awakening.  To  complete  this  aspect 
of  his  policy  required  vigorous  intervention  in  Italy. 

The  condition  of  Italy  had  long  been  one  of  deplorable 
anarchy.  After  the  death  of  the  Emperor  Berengar  in  924 
had  put  an  end  to  the  best  chance  of  setting  up  a  national 
ItaUan  kingdom,  things  went  from  bad  to  worse.  The 
Saracens,  having  plundered  its  coasts,  settled  down  in  its 
southern  regions  side  by  side  with  the  scanty  remnants  of  the 
Byzantine  power.  Thus  all  southern  Italy  was  withdrawn 
altogether  from  the  sphere  of  western  influence.  But  in 
the  centre  and  north  things  were  far  worse.  The  inroads  of 
the  barbarians  were  but  recently  over,  and  had  left  their 
mark  behind  in  poverty,  famine,  pestilence  and  disorder. 
Great  monasteries  like  Subiaco  and  Farfa  were  in  ruins. 
The  Hungarians  had  penetrated  to  the  heart  of  central  Italy. 
The  Saracens  from  their  stronghold  of  Freinet,  amidst  the 
'  mountains  of  the  Moors '  of  the  western  Riviera,  had 
devastated  Provence,  and  had  held  possession  of  the  passes 
of  the  Alps.  If  the  growth  of  feudalism,  with  g^^^^  ^^ 
its  permanent  military  system  and  its  strong  itaiy, 
castles,  had  already  repelled  the  barbarians,  the  ^^^'^^o. 
price  paid  for  deliverance  was  the  cutting  up  of  sovereignty 


28  European  History^  918-1273 

among  a  multitude  of  petty  territorial  lords.  The  rising  tide 
of  feudal  anarchy  had  almost  overwhelmed  the  city  civilisation 
which  had  been,  since  Roman  times,  the  special  feature  of 
Italian  life.  A  swarm  of  greedy  feudal  counts  and  marquises 
struggled  against  each  other  for  power,  and  a  series  of  phantom 
Emperors  reduced  to  an  absurdity  the  once  all-powerful  name 
of  Caesar.  There  was  still  a  nominal  Italian  or  Lombard 
king,  who  claimed  the  suzerainty  over  all  northern  and  central 
Italy.  But  in  their  zeal  for  local  freedom,  the  Italians  had  en- 
couraged quarrels  for  the  supreme  power.  '  The  Italians,'  said 
Liutprand  of  Cremona,  '  always  wish  to  have  two  masters,  in 
order  to  keep  the  one  in  check  by  the  other.'  After  the  death 
of  the  Emperor  Berengar,  in  924  [see  Period  i.  pp.  463-7], 
Rudolf  of  Burgundy  reigned  for  nearly  three  years.  On  his 
fall  in  926,  Hugh  of  Provence  was  chosen  his  successor,  and 
held  the  name  at  least  of  king  till  his  death  in  946.  There 
then  arose  two  claimants  to  the  Italian  crown — Lothair,  son 
of  Hugh  of  Provence,  and  Berengar,  Marquis  of  Ivrea,  the 
grandson  of  the  Emperor  Berengar.  Neither  was  strong 
enough  to  defeat  the  other,  and  both  looked  for  help  from 
the  warlike  Germans.  It  is  however  significant  that  they 
sought  support,  not  from  the  distant  Saxon  king,  but 
from  the  neighbouring  dukes  of  Swabia  and  Bavaria,  whose 
dominions  extended  to  the  crest  of  the  Alps.  Lothair  begged 
the  help  of  Ludolf  of  Swabia,  while  Berengar  called  in  Henry 
of  Bavaria.  The  latter  gave  the  most  efficient  assistance,  and 
Lothair  in  despair  was  negotiating  for  help  from  Constantinople 
when  he  was  cut  off  by  death  (950),  leaving  his  young  and 
beautiful  widow,  Adelaide  of  Burgundy,  to  make  what  re- 
sistance she  might  to  Berengar  of  Ivrea.  But  there  was  no 
chance  of  a  woman  holding  her  own  in  these  stormy  times, 
and  Adelaide  was  soon  a  prisoner  in  the  hands  of  the  victorious 
marquis.  She  naturally  looked  over  the  Alps  to  her  German 
friends  and  kinsfolk,  and  both  Ludolf  and  Henry,  already  on 
the  verge  of  war  on  account  of  their  former  differences  as  to 
Italian  policies,  were  equally  willing  to  come  to  her  assistance. 


Revival  of  the  Roman  Empire  by  Otto  I.  29 

Henry  now  raised  pretensions  to  the  great  city  of  Aquileia  and 
the  north-eastern  comer  of  the  Italian  peninsula.  He  now 
aspired,  as  the  protector  of  Adelaide,  his  former  foe,  to  unite 
the  Bavarian  duchy  with  the  Italian  kingdom.  Ludolf,  more 
active  than  his  uncle,  appeared  in  the  valley  of  the  Po  intent 
on  a  similar  mission.  Otto,  ever  on  the  watch  to  prevent  the 
extension  of  the  ducal  powers,  saw  with  dismay  the  prospect 
of  his  brother's  or  son's  aggrandisement.  He  resolved  by 
prompt  personal  intervention  to  secure  the  prize  for  himself. 

In  951,  Otto  successfully  carried  out  his  first  expedition  to 
Italy.  He  met  with  no  serious  resistance,  and  on  23rd  Septem- 
ber entered  in  triumph  in  to  Pavia,  the  old  capital  of  q^^^^  j^j^^^ 
the  Lombard  kings.  Adelaide  was  released  from  of  itaiy, 
her  captivity,  and  appeared  in  Pavia.  Otto,  who  ^^^' 
was  now  a  widower,  forthwith  married  her,  assumed  the 
crown  of  Italy,  and  fruitlessly  negotiated  with  the  Pope 
to  bring  about  his  coronation  as  Emperor.  But  Otto  soon 
crossed  the  Alps,  leaving  Conrad  of  Lorraine  to  carry  on 
war  against  Berengar.  Next  year,  however,  a  peace  was 
patched  up.  Berengar  was  recognised  as  vassal  king  of  Italy, 
with  Otto  as  his  overlord,  and  the  lands  between  the  Adige 
and  Istria — the  mark  of  Verona  and  Aquileia — were  confirmed 
to  Duke  Henry,  who  thus  drew  substantial  advantage  from 
his  brother's  intervention.  The  revolt  of  Ludolf  and  Conrad 
in  953  was  largely  due  to  their  disgust  at  Otto's  vigorous  and 
successful  defeat  of  their  schemes. 

Nine  years    elapsed  before  Otto  again  appeared  in  Italy. 
Though  he  needed  the  help  of  the  Papacy  more  than  ever, 
its  condition  was  not  one  that  could  inspire  much   p^sj^j^n  ^^ 
hope.     It  was  the  period  of  the  worst  degradation  the  Papacy, 
into  which  the  Roman  See  ever  fell.     For  more  9^4-960. 
than  a  generation  the  Popes  had  almost  ceased  to  exercise 
any  spiritual  influence.      The  elections  to  the  Papacy  had 
been  controlled  by  a  ring   of  greedy  and   corrupt  Roman 
nobles,  conspicuous  among  whom  was  the  fair  but  dissolute 
Theodora  and  her  daughters  Marozia,  wife  of  the  Marquis 


30  European  History,  918-1273 

Alberic  1.  of  Camerino,  and  the  less  important  Theodora  the 
younger.  Imperialist  partisans  like  Liutprand  of  Cremona 
have  drawn  the  character  of  these  ladies  in  the  darkest  and 
most  lurid  colours ;  but,  allowing  for  monastic  exaggeration, 
it  is  hard  to  see  how  the  main  outlines  of  the  picture  can  be 
untrue.  With  all  their  vices,  they  did  not  lack  energy.  Pope 
John  X.  (914-928),  an  old  lover  and  partisan  of  Theodora, 
was  not  destitute  of  statecraft,  and  did  much  to  incite  the 
Italians  to  drive  away  the  Saracens  of  the  south  ;  but, 
quarrelling  with  Marozia,  he  had  to  succumb  to  her  second 
husband,  (iuido.  Marquis  of  Tuscany.  After  John's  death 
in  prison  in  928,  Marozia  became  mistress  of  Rome,  and 
made  and  unmade  Popes  at  her  pleasure.  She  married  as 
her  third  husband,  Hugh  of  Provence,  the  nominal  king  of 
the  Italians,  and  procured  the  election  of  her  second  son,  a 
youth  of  twenty,  to  the  Papacy,  under  the  name  of  John  xi. 
About  932  her  elder  son,  Alberic  11.,  a  strong,  unscrupulous 
but  efficient  tyrant,  whose  character  found  many  parallels  in 
later  Italian  history,  drove  his  father-in-law  out  of  Rome, 
and  reduced  the  city  to  some  sort  of  order  under  his 
own  rule.  His  policy  seems  to  have  been  to  turn  the  patri- 
mony of  St.  Peter  into  an  aristocratic  republic,  controlled  by 
his  house,  and  leaving  to  the  Pope  no  functions  that  were  not 
purely  spiritual.  He  took  the  title  of  '  Prince  and  Senator 
of  all  the  Romans.'  He  kept  his  brother.  Pope  John  xi. 
(931-936),  and  the  subsequent  Popes,  in  strict  leading- 
strings,  and  retained  his  power  until  his  death  in  954.  His 
dreams  of  hereditary  power  seemed  established  when  his 
young  son  Octavian  succeeded  him  as  a  ruler  of  Rome, 
and  in  955  also  ascended  the  papal  throne  as  John  xii. 
John  XII.,  But  the  new  Pope,  who  thus  united  the  ecclesi- 
9i55-964-  astical  with  the  temporal  lordship  of  Rome, 
looked  upon  things  purely  with  the  eye  of  a  skilful  but 
unscrupulous  statesman.  His  great  ambition  was  to  make 
his  house  supreme  throughout  middle  Italy,  and  he  soon 
found  that  King  Berengar,  whose  claims  grew  greater  now 


Revival  of  the  Roman  Empire  by  Otto  I.  3 1 

that  Otto  was  back  beyond  the  Alps,  was  the  chief  obstacle 
in  the  way  of  carrying  out  his  designs.  He  therefore  appealed 
to  Otto  for  aid  against  Berengar.  In  957  Ludolf  of  Swabia 
was  sent  by  his  father  to  wage  war  against  Berengar,  but, 
after  capturing  Pavia,  Ludolf  was  carried  off  by  fever,  and 
Berengar  then  resumed  his  successes.  In  960  John  sent  an 
urgent  appeal  to  Otto  to  come  to  his  assistance. 

Otto  had,  as  we  have  seen,  long  felt  the  need  of  the 
support  of  the  Papacy  in  carrying  out  his  schemes  over  the 
German  Church.  The  wished-for  opportunity  of  effecting  a 
close  alliance  with  the  head  of  the  Church  was  now  offered  by 
the  Pope  himself,  and  the  monastic  reformers,  disciples  of 
Bruno,  or  of  the  new  congregation  of  Cluny,  urged  him  to 
restore  peace  and  order  to  the  distracted  Italian  Church. 
In  961  Otto  procured  the  election  and  coronation  otto  crowned 
of  Otto,  his  young  son  by  Adelaide,  as  king  of  the  Emperor,  962. 
Germans.  In  August  he  marched  over  the  Brenner  at  the 
head  of  a  stately  host.  On  31st  January  962  he  entered 
Rome.  On  2nd  February  he  was  crowned  Emperor  by 
John  XII. 

The  coronation  of  Otto  had  hardly  among  contemporaries 
the  extreme  importance  which  has  been  ascribed  to  it  by  later 
writers.     Since  the  fall  of  the  Carolingians  there 

,       ,  ,  .       ,  ,  ,         .  ,      Consequences 

had  been  so  many  nonimal  emperors  that  the  title  of  the  revival 
in  itself  could  not  much  affect  Otto's  position,  of  the  Roman 
Neither  was  the  assumption  of  the  imperial  *" 
title  the  starting-point  so  much  as  the  result  of  Otto's 
intervention  in  Italy.  But  the  name  of  Roman  Emperor,  when 
assumed  by  a  strong  prince,  gave  unity  and  legitimacy  to 
Otto's  power  both  over  Germany  and  Italy.  And  in  Germany 
no  less  than  in  Italy  there  was  no  unity  outside  that  which 
adhered  to  the  Roman  tradition.  Yet  the  imperial  title  made 
very  little  difference  in  the  character  and  policy  of  Otto.  He 
never  sought,  like  Charles  the  Great,  to  build  up  an  imperial 
administrative  system  or  an  imperial  jurisprudence.  Even  in 
Germany  there  was  still  no  law  but  the  local  laws  of  the  five 


32  European  History,  918-1273 

nations.  And  there  was  no  effort  whatever  made  to  extend 
into  Italy  the  rude  system  on  which  Otto  based  his  power  in 
Germany.  Still  the  combination  of  the  legitimacy  of  the 
imperial  position  with  the  strength  of  the  Teutonic  kingship 
did  gradually  bring  about  a  very  great  change,  both  in  Germany 
and  Italy,  though  it  was  rather  under  Otto's  successors  than 
under  Otto  himself  that  the  full  consequences  of  this  were 
felt.  Yet  Otto  was  the  founder  of  the  mediaeval  '  Holy  Roman 
Empire  of  the  German  Nation,'  and  the  originator  of  that 
close  connection  of  Germany  with  Italy  on  which  both  the 
strength  and  the  weakness  of  that  Empire  reposed.  Modern 
Germans  have  reproached  him  for  neglecting  the  true 
development  of  his  German  realm  in  the  pursuit  of  the 
shadow  of  an  unattainable  Empire.  The  criticism  is  hardly 
just  to  Otto,  who  was  irresistibly  led  into  his  Italian  policy 
by  the  necessities  of  his  German  position,  and  who  could 
hardly  be  expected  to  look,  beyond  the  immediate  work 
before  him,  to  far-off  ideals  of  national  unity  and  national 
monarchy  that  were  utterly  strange  to  him  and  to  his  age. 
Otto  came  into  Italy  to  win  over  the  Pope  to  his  side.  He 
looked  upon  his  Roman  coronation  as  mainly  important, 
because  it  enabled  him  to  complete  his  subjection  of  the 
German  Church  with  the  help  of  his  new  ally  Pope  John. 

The  first  result  of  the  alliance  of  Pope  and  Emperor  was 
the  completion  of  the  reorganisation  of  the  German  Church 
for  which  Otto  had  been  striving  so  long.  The  Pope  held 
a  synod  at  St.  Peter's,  in  which  Otto's  new  archbishopric  of 
Magdeburg  was  at  last  sanctioned.  But  Otto,  who  looked 
upon  the  Pope  as  the  chief  ecclesiastic  of  his  Empire,  was  as 
ottQ.g  anxious  to  limit  Roman  pretensions  as  he  had  been 

motives.  to  curb  the  power  of  the  see  of  Mainz.  He  issued 
a  charter  which,  while  confirming  the  ancient  claims  of  the 
Papacy  to  the  whole  region  in  middle  Italy  that  had  been 
termed  so  long  the  patrimony  of  St  Peter,  reserved  strictly 
the  imperial  supremacy  over  it.  He  provided  that  no  Pope 
should  be  consecrated  until  he  had  taken  an  oath  of  fealty 


Revival  of  the  Roman  Empire  by  Otto  I.  33 

to    the   Emperor.      The  Pope  was   thus   reduced,  like   the 
German  bishops,  to  a  condition  of  subjection  to  the  state. 

Otto  now  left  Rome  to  carry  on  his  campaign  against 
Berengar,  who  had  fled  for  refuge  to  his  Alpine  castles. 
John  XII.  now  took  the  alarm,  and  quickly  allied  quo's  later 
himself  with  his  old  foe  against  his  new  friend.  Italian  policy 
Otto  marched  back  to  Rome,  and  in  963  held  a  962-973- 
synod,  mostly  of  Italian  bishops,  in  which  John  was  deposed 
for  murder,  sacrilege,  perjury,  and  other  gross  offences,  and  a 
new  Pope  set  up,  who  took  the  name  of  Leo  viii.,  and  who 
was  frankly  a  dependant  of  the  Emperor.  John  escaped 
to  his  strongholds,  'hiding  himself  like  a  wild  beast  in  the 
woods  and  hills,'  and  refusing  to  recognise  the  sentence  passed 
upon  him.  The  need  of  fighting  Berengar  again  forced  Otto 
to  withdraw  from  Rome.  During  his  absence  the  fickle 
citizens  repudiated  his  authority,  and  called  back  John.  But 
hardly  was  the  youthful  Pope  restored  to  authority  than  he 
suddenly  died  in  May  964.  His  partisans  chose  at  once  as  his 
successor  Benedict  v. 

Otto  now  hurried  back  to  Rome,  and  attended  a  synod, 
held  by  Leo  viii.,  which  condemned  Benedict  and  reaffirmed 
the  claims  of  Leo.  There  was  no  use  in  opposing  the  mighty 
Emperor,  and  Benedict  made  an  abject  submission.  Sinking  on 
his  knees  before  Otto,  he  cried,  '  If  I  have  in  anywise  sinned, 
have  mercy  upon  me.'  He  was  banished  beyond  the  Alps, 
and  died  soon  afterwards.  His  fall  made  patent  the 
dependence  of  the  Papacy  on  Otto.  A  last  revolt  of  the 
Romans  was  now  sternly  suppressed.  When  Otto,  flushed 
with  triumph,  marched  northwards  against  Berengar,  Leo's 
successor,  John  xiii.,  humbly  followed  in  his  train.  The 
young  king  Otto  now  crossed  the  Alps,  and  accompanied 
his  father  on  a  fresh  visit  to  Rome,  where,  on  Christmas  day 
967,  John  xiii.  crowned  him  as  Emperor.  Henceforth 
father  and  son  were  joint  rulers.  Otto  had  done  his  best 
to  make  both  German  kingdom  and  Roman  Empire 
hereditary. 

PERIOD  II,  C 


34  European  History,  918-1273 

The  last  years  of  Otto's  reign  were  full  of  triumph.  Secure 
in  the  obedience  of  the  Church,  he  ruled   both   Germany 

and  Italy  with  an  ever-increasing  authority.  The 
imperial  Magdeburg  archbishopric  received  new  suffragans 

position,         in  the  sees  of  Zeiz,  Meissen,  and  Merseburg.     A 

new  era  of  peace  and  prosperity  dawned.  The 
German  dukes  were  afraid  to  resist  so  mighty  a  power.  The 
division  of  Lotharingia  into  the  two  duchies  of  Upper  and 
Lower  Lorraine  which  now  took  place  was  the  first  step  in  the 
gradual  process  that  soon  began  to  undermine  the  unity  of  the 
traditional  '  nations '  of  the  German  people.  Beyond  his 
Teutonic  kingdom  the  kings  of  the  barbarous  north  and 
east  paid  Otto  an  increasing  obedience.  The  marauding 
heathens  of  an  earlier  generation  were  now  becoming 
settled  cultivators  of  the  soil.  Christian  and  civilised.  Their 
dukes  looked  up  to  Otto  as  an  exemplar  of  the  policy 
which  they  themselves  aspired  to  realise.  The  dukes  of 
Poland  and  Bohemia  performed  homage  to  Otto  as  Emperor. 
Ambassadors  from  distant  lands,  France,  Denmark,  Hungary, 
Russia,  and  Bulgaria,  flocked  around  his  throne.  He 
intervened  with  powerful  effect  in  the  West  Prankish  king- 
dom. He  aspired  to  the  domination  of  southern  Italy, 
and,  having  won  over  to  his  side  the  powerful  Pandulf, 
prince  of  Capua  and  Benevento,  he  enlarged  that  prince's 
dominions  and  erected  them  into  a  mark  to  withstand  the 
assaults  of  the  Arabs  and  Greeks  of  southern  Italy.  But 
while  waging  war  against  the  Mohammedans,  Otto  was 
anxious  to  be  on  good  terms  with  the  Romans  of  the  East. 
The  accession  of  John  Zimisces  to  the  Eastern  Empire  [see 
pages  161-162]  gave  Otto  his  opportunity.  The  new  lord  of 
Constantinople  offered  the  hand  of  Theophano,  daughter  of 
Marriage  of  his  prcdccessor  Romanus  ii.,  as  the  bride  of  the 
the  young  young  Otto  II.,  with  Greek  Italy  as  her  marriage 
Theophano,  portioH.  The  Emperor  welcomed  the  opportunity 
«7*-  to    win    peacefully    what    he   had     sought    in 

vain   to  acquire   by    war.      Early    in   972    Theophano   was 


Revival  of  the  Roman  Empire  by  Otto  I. 


35 


crowned  by  John  xiii.  at  Rome,  and  immediately  afterwards 
married  to  the  young  Emperor.  The  gorgeous  festivities 
that  attended  this  union  of  East  and  West  brought  clearly 
before  the  world  the  reality  of  Otto's  power. 

Otto  was  now  growing  old,  and  had  outlived  most  of  his 
fellow-workers.  His  brother  Henry  had  died  soon  after  the 
battle  on  the  Lechfeld.  His  bastard  son  William  had  already 
sunk  into  a  premature  grave.  Now  came  the  news  of  the 
death  of  the  faithful  Hermann  Billung.  In  the  spring  of  973 
Otto  went  on  progress  for  the  last  time  through  -^^^^^  ^ 
his  ancestral  domains  on  the  slopes  of  the  Harz.  otto  i., 
Death  came  upon  him  suddenly  as  he  was  cele-  ^^' 
brating  the  Whitsuntide  feast  in  his  palace  at  Memleben. 
He  was  buried  beside  his  first  wife,  the  English  Edith,  in  his 
favourite  sanctuary  of  St.  Maurice  of  Magdeburg,  raised  by 
his  care  to  metropolitan  dignity.  His  long  and  busy  life 
had  not  only  restored  some  sort  of  peace  and  prosperity  to 
two  distracted  nations,  but  his  policy  had  begun  a  new 
development  of  western  history  that  was  to  last  nearly  three 
centuries,  and  was  to  determine  its  general  direction  up  to 
the  Reformation.  He  had  built  up  a  mighty  state  in  an  age 
of  anarchy.  He  had  made  Germany  strong  and  peaceful, 
and  the  leading  power  of  Europe.  He  had  subjected  the 
Church  and  pacified  Italy.  Under  him  the  Roman  Empire 
had  again  acquired  in  some  real  sense  the  lordship  of  the 
civilised  world. 

THE  CRESCENTII. 
Theodora 


Marozia  tn. 


(i) 


Alberic  I.,  Marquis  of  Camerino 
GuiDO,  Marquis  of  Tuscany 
Hugh,  King  of  Italy 

I LO 


Alberic  ii. 
(d.  054) 

PoPB  John  xii.  (Octavian) 
(955-964) 


I 

Pope  John  xi. 

(931-936) 


Theodora 
(the  younger)  (?) 


Crescentius  I.  (Duke) 
(98.) 

Crrscbntics  II.  (Patrician) 
698) 

Crescentius  hi.  (Patrician) 
(1013) 


CHAPTER    III 

THE  GERMAN   EMPIRE   AT  THE   HEIGHT   OF   ITS   POWER  ; 

THE  LATER  SAXON  AND  EARLY  SALIAN  EMPERORS 

(973-1056)* 

The  rdgn  of  Otto  11.— Break-up  of  Bavaria— Projects  of  Crusade— War  and 
Alliance  with  Greek  Empire — The  Reign  of  Otto  iii. —  Regency  of 
Theophano  and  Bavarian  Revolt — Otto  and  the  Bishops — Gerbert  of 
Aurillac — Visionary  Schemes  of  Oito — His  failure — Reign  of  Henry  11. — 
The  two  Conrads— Reign  of  Conrad  11.— His  Italian  and  Slavonic  Policy 
— Union  of  Arelate  and  Empire— Fiefs  declared  Hereditary — Aribert — 
Reign  of  Henry  in.— His  Policy  in  the  East,  France,  Germany,  and  Italy 
— Synod  of  Sutri— Death  of  Henry  ni. 

Otto  ii.  was  eighteen  years  of  age  when  the  death  of  his 
father  made  him  sole  ruler.  His  education  and  surround- 
otto  II.,  ings  gave  his  policy  a  very  different  direction  from 
973-983-  that  of  Otto  I.  The  elder  prince  was  purely 
German,  and  even  in  winning  the  imperial  crown  sought 
to  subserve  a  Teutonic  object.  His  son,  born  and  reared 
in  the  purple,  Burgundian  or  Italian  on  his  mother's  side, 
and  married  to  a  Byzantine  Emperor's  daughter,  took  wider 
views.  To  Otto  11.  Italy  was  as  important  as  Germany,  and 
his  ambition  was  to  weld  the  two  realms  together  in  a  solid 
imperial  unity,  while  constantly  keeping  his  eyes  even  beyond 
these  two  kingdoms.  To  him  the  Emperor's  lordship  of  the 
world  was  a  reality,  and  he  strove  with  all  the  force  of  an  ardent, 
impetuous,  and  impulsive  nature  to  give  effect  to  his  ideal. 
But  while  Otto  11. 's  short  reign  witnessed  the  Empire  assuming 
a  more  universal  character,  it  also  saw  the  first  signs  of  that 
essential  incompatibility  between    the  position   of  German 

'  For  authorities  sec  note  to  chapter  ii. 


The  German  Empire  at  the  Height  of  its  Power      37 

king  and  Roman  Emperor  which,  in  after  ages,  was  to  bear 
such  bitter  fruit. 

Despite  the  quietness  of  Otto  i.'s  last  years,  the  difficulties 
against  which  the  old  Emperor  had  struggled  still  remained. 
The  separatist  spirit  of  the  national  dukedoms  still  lived  on 
in  Bavaria,  and  had  only  been  temporarily  glossed  over  by 
the  good  understanding  between  Otto  i.  and  Duke  Henry. 
Judith,  the  widow  of  Duke  Henry,  now  ruled  Bavaria  in  the 
name  of  her  son  Henry  11.,  surnamed  the  Quarrelsome,  while 
she  controlled  Swabia  through  her  influence  on  her  daughter 
Hedwig,  and  Hedwig's  aged  husband,  the  Swabian  Duke 
Burkhard.  Otto  11.  saw  the  danger  of  a  close  union  between 
the  two  southern  duchies,  and,  on  Burkhard's  deatli,  invested 
his  nephew  Otto,  Duke  Ludolfs  son,  with  Swabia.  Judith  and 
her  partisans  were  instantly  aroused.  A  new  civil  war  was 
threatened,  in  which  the  Bavarians  did  not  scruple  to  call  in 
the  help  of  the  Bohemians  and  Poles.  But  the  young  Emperor's 
vigorous  measures  proved  fatal  to  the  attempted  rebellion, 
and  Otto  took  the  opportunity  of  his  triumph  to  Break-up  of 
lessen  the  influence  of  the  Bavarian  dukes  by  the  Bavarian 
intrusting,  to  separate  margraves,  the  east  mark,  ^"<=**y> 976-8. 
on  the  Danube  (the  later  Austria),  and  the  north  mark  be- 
tween the  Danube  and  the  Bohemian  Forest.  The  great 
highland  marchland  of  Carinthia  and  Carniola,  with  which  still 
went  the  Italian  March  of  Verona,  or  Friuli,  was  constituted 
a  seventh  duchy.  The  rest  of  the  Bavarian  duchy  was  con- 
signed to  the  care  of  the  faithful  Otto  of  Swabia.  Judith 
was  shut  up  in  a  convent.  Henry  the  Quarrelsome  fled  to 
Bohemia,  whence  he  made  subsequent  unsuccessful  attempts 
to  recover  his  position.  Thus  the  Emperor  triumphed,  but 
he  had  simply  to  do  over  again  the  work  of  his  father.  It 
was  a  thankless  business,  and  showed  how  insecure  were  the 
very  foundations  of  the  German  kingdom.  But  for  the  rest 
of  his  short  reign  Germany  gave  Otto  but  little  trouble.  The 
extension  of  Christianity  among  Wends,  Poles,  and  Bohemians 
gave  Magdeburg  and  Mainz  new  suffragaus  in  the  Bishops 


38  European  History,  918-1273 

of  Gnesen  and  Prague,  though  renewed  attacks  on  the 
marches  soon  taught  Otto  that  the  Christianised  Slavs  were 
scarcely  less  formidable  enemies  than  their  heathen  fathers 
had  been. 

In  978  Otto  marched  with  a  great  army  almost  to  the  walls 
of  Paris  to  avenge  on  the  Carolingian  king,  Lothair,  his 
War  with  attempt  to  withdraw  Lorraine  from  the  imperial 
France,  978.  obedience  [see  page  70].  Few  of  his  acts  bring 
out  more  clearly  his  imperial  position  than  this  long  progress 
through  hostile  territory.  But  Italy  was  the  scene  of  Otto  11. 's 
most  famous  actions,  and  best  illustrates  his  high  conception 
of  the  imperial  dignity.  Rome  was,  as  usual,  a  constant 
source  of  trouble.  A  series  of  insignificant  Pontiffs  succeeded 
John  XIII. ;  but  above  them  towered  the  noble  Roman, 
Crescentius  Crescentius,  Duke  of  the  Romans,  perhaps  the 
at  Rome, 980.  gpn  of  the  younger  Theodora,  Marozia's  sister,  who 
aspired  to  renew  the  great  part  played  by  Alberic  11.  In 
980  Otto  crossed  the  Alps  for  Italy,  and  on  his  approach  the 
opposition  was  shattered.  In  981  he  restored  the  Pope  to 
Rome,  whence  he  had  fled  from  fear  of  Crescentius,  and 
forced  Crescentius  himself  to  withdraw  into  the  seclusion  of 
a  monastery,  where  a  few  years  later  he  died.  The  need  of 
protection  still  kept  the  Papacy  faithful  to  the  imperial 
alliance. 

Otto  now  assumed  new  responsibilities  directly  flowing 
from  his  position  as  Emperor.  The  Mohammedan  lords  of 
Sicily  had  re-established  themselves  in  southern  Italy,  and 
threatened  the  march  of  Benevento.  Otto  marched  to  the 
Campaign*  help  of  the  Lombard  Duke  of  Benevento.  At  the 
against  same  time   he   sought  to  make  a  reality  of  the 

Greeks  and  ,-   ^        ,     ▼     ,         i  •      j  e 

Saracens,  cession  of  Greek  Italy,  the  promised  portion  of 
gSx-gSa.  Theophano,  but  which,  owing  to  the  unwilling- 

ness of  the  Byzantines,  had  never  actually  come  into  his 
hands.  In  981  and  982  Otto  carried  on  successful  war  in 
southern  Italy.  A  whole  series  of  Greek  towns — Salerno, 
Bari,  Taranto— fell  into  his  hands.     In  the  summer  of  982 


The  German  Empire  at  the  Height  of  its  Power      39 

Otto  traversed  the  old  road  of  Pyrrhus,  along  the  Gulf 
of  Taranto,  and  defeated  the  Arabs  at  Cotrone  (the  ancient 
Croton),  slaying  Abul  Cassim,  the  Ameer  of  Sicily,  in  the 
fight.  A  few  days  later  Otto  fell  into  a  Saracen  ambush 
as  he  pursued  his  route  along  the  narrow  road  between 
the  Calabrian  mountains  and  the  sea.  His  army  was  almost 
destroyed,  though  he  himself,  after  a  series  of  remarkable 
adventures,  succeeded  in  eluding  his  enemies. 

Germans   and    Italians   vied   with    each    other    in    their 
efforts  to  restore  the  Emperor's  preponderance.     In  983  a 
remarkable  Diet  assembled  at  Verona,  in  which  the   Diet  of 
magnates  of  Germany  and  Italy  sat  side  by  side,   Verona  and 

,  ,  ,  ^        ^  -^      .  ,    ,  projected 

to  show  that  the  two  realms  constituted  but  one  crusade, 
Empire.     The  spirit  that  a  century  later  inspired  983. 
the  Crusades   first   appeared  in    this   remarkable  assembly. 
It  was  resolved  to  follow  the  Emperor  on  a  holy  war  against 
the  Mussulmans.     That  the  succession  might  be  peacefully 
secured    during    his   absence    the  magnates  chose  as   their 
future    ruler    the    little    Otto,    his    three-years-old    son    by 
Theophano.      Preparations    were    then    made  for    the   war 
against  Islam.      But  the  rising   commercial  city  of  Venice, 
jealous  of  the  imperial  policy,  and  already  enriching  itself 
by  trade  with  the  enemies  of  the  Christian  faith,  refused  to 
supply  the  necessary  ships  for  an  expedition  against  Sicily, 
the  centre  of  the  infidel  power.     Otto  sought  to  block  up 
the  land  approaches  to   the   recalcitrant   town,  but,  secure 
in    her  impregnable  lagoons,  Venice  was  able  to  defy  the 
Emperor.     The  news  of  a  Wendish  invasion  now  came  from 
Germany;  and  the  disturbed  condition  of  Rome  again  de- 
manded Otto's  personal  presence.     There  he  laboured  with 
feverish  earnestness  to  prepare  for  his  mighty  task ;  but  there 
he  was  smitten  with  a  sudden  and  deadly  disease,    0^3^^  of 
that  carried  him  off  on  7th  December  983.     He  otto  11., 
was  only  twenty-eight  years  old.     His  body  was  '^^' 
buried,  as  became  a  Roman  Emperor,  in  the  Church  of  St. 
Peter's.     The  difficulties  which  had  proved  almost  too  much 


40  European  History,  918-1273 

for  the  strong  and  capable  grown  man,  were  now  to  be  faced, 
as  best  they  might  be,  by  his  young  widow  Theophano,  the 
regent  of  the  new  lord  of  the  world,  a  child  scarcely  four 
years  of  age. 

The  German  Empire  rested  almost  entirely  on  the  warlike 
character  of  its  head,  and  any  failure  of  the  central  military 
power  involved  the  gravest  evils.  A  wave  of  heathen  re- 
action burst  from  the  Wendish  and  Danish  lands  into  the 
very  heart  of  the  Saxon  Empire.  In  the  south,  Islam,  excited 
by  the  threatened  Crusade,  menaced  the  centre  of  the  Christian 
world.  It  seemed  as  if  the  Empire  of  the  Ottos  was  on  the 
verge  of  dissolution,  when  Henry  the  Quarrelsome,  the  deposed 
Revolt  of  Duke  of  Bavaria,  came  back,  and,  by  claiming  the 
Henry  of  regency  from  Theophano,  added  the  terrors  of 
Bavaria,  984.  internal  discord  to  those  of  barbarian  invasion. 
At  first  Henry  made  good  progress,  and,  advancing  in  his 
claims,  began  to  covet  the  crown  itself.  The  Dukes  of  Poland 
and  Bohemia  paid  him  homage,  and  Lothair  of  France  eagerly 
supported  him.  It  was  more  important  that  Henry  had 
won  over  many  of  the  bishops,  who,  as  the  natural  result  of 
Otto  i.'s  policy,  had  the  balance  of  power  in  their  hands. 
He  also  secured  the  person  of  the  young  Otto  iii.  But,  as 
the  Archbishop  of  Magdeburg  favoured  Henry,  the  lay  nobles 
of  the  Wendish  mark,  who  hated  their  clerical  supplanters, 
and  Archbishop  Willegis  of  Mainz,  who  still  looked  with 
detestation  on  the  mushroom  primacy  on  the  Elbe,  declared 
for  Theophano.  The  adhesion  of  the  mass  of  the  Saxon 
nation  at  last  secured  the  victory  of  the  Greek.  Henry  was 
forced  to  submit,  and  was  pacified  by  being  restored  to  his 
duchy  of  Bavaria. 

Otto  III.  owed  his  throne  to  the  clergy.  The  influence  of 
the  bishops  kept  Germany  quiet  during  the  regency  of 
Re  encyof  Thcophano.  The  fall  of  the  last  of  the  West 
Theophano,  Frankish  Carolingians,  and  the  accession  of 
983-99«-  Hugh    Capet    in    987,    prevented    any    further 

danger  from  the  French  side,  while  on  the  east,  the  Margrave 


The  German  Empire  at  the  Height  of  its  Power      41 

Eckhard  of  Meissen  hurled  back  the  Slavonic  invaders,  and 
cleverly  set  the  Bohemians  and  the  Poles  by  the  ears. 
Adelaide,  Otto's  grandmother,  ruled  Italy  from  the  old 
Lombard  capital  of  Pavia.  She  was  less  fortunate  than  her 
daughter-in-law,  with  whom,  moreover,  her  relations  were  not 
cordial.  Rome  fell  away  almost  altogether,  so  that  a  French 
synod  at  Reims  (995)  was  able,  with  good  reason,  to  denounce 
the  scandals  that  degraded  the  Papacy,  and  to  threaten  that 
France,  like  the  east,  might  be  provoked  into  breaking  off 
all  connections  with  the  See  of  Peter.  John  Crescentius, 
son  of  the  man  driven  by  Otto  11.  into  a  cloister,  renewed 
the  policy  of  his  father,  and,  taking  the  name  of  Patrician, 
ruled  over  Rome  with  little  opposition. 

Theophano  died  in  991.  No  new  regent  was  appointed, 
but  a  council  of  regency  set  up,  prominent  among  its  members 
being  the  Empress  Adelaide,  Willegis  of  Mainz, 
Eckhard  of  Meissen,  and  Henry,  Duke  of  bishops  and 
Bavaria,  son  and  successor  of  Henry  the  Quarrel-  education  of 
some.  The  composition  of  this  body  was  a  °'^^ 
further  proof  of  the  extension  of  ecclesiastical  influence.  But 
an  even  more  significant  indication  of  this  was  the  fact  that 
the  young  king  was  brought  up  almost  entirely  under  the 
direction  of  highly-placed  churchmen.  Willegis  of  Mainz, 
and  Bernward,  Bishop  of  Hildesheim,  the  future  saint,  were 
the  two  prelates  most  directly  responsible  for  his  education. 
The  result  was  that,  though  the  young  king  spent  his  early 
years  amidst  his  fierce  and  half-barbarous  Saxon  subjects,  he 
became  still  less  of  a  German  than  Otto  11.,  and  was  pos- 
sessed by  ideals  that  stand  in  the  strongest  contrast  with 
those  of  his  predecessors.  Bernward  caused  him  to  be 
schooled  in  the  best  culture  of  his  time,  and  gave  him  an  abid- 
ing love  of  letters  and  learned  men.  He  also  strongly  inspired 
the  quick-witted  and  sympathetic  youth  with  the  ascetic  views 
and  the  sacerdotal  sympathies  of  the  Cluniacs.  Thus  Otto 
became  enthusiastically  religious,  and  ever  remained  a  devout 
pilgrim  to  holy  places  and  seeker  out  of  inspired  anchorites 


42  European  History,  918-1273 

and  saints.  Moreover,  Otto  inherited  from  Theophano  all 
the  high  Byzantine  notions  of  the  sacredness  of  the  Empire, 
and,  seeking  to  combine  the  two  aspects  of  his  education,  his 
mind  was  soon  filled  with  glowing  visions  of  a  kingdom  of 
God  on  earth,  in  which  Pope  and  Emperor  ruled  in  har- 
mony over  a  world  that  enjoyed  perfect  peace  and  idyllic 
happiness.  Otto's  ideals  were  generous,  noble,  and  unselfish  ; 
but  in  the  iron  age  in  which  he  lived  they  were  hopelessly 
unpractical.  The  young  king  lived  to  become  the  '  wonder 
of  the  world '  and  the  'renewer  of  the  Empire.'  But  his  early 
death  came  none  too  soon  to  hide  the  vanity  of  his  ambitions. 
At  best,  he  was  the  first  of  that  long  line  of  brilliant  and 
attractive  failures  which  it  was  the  special  mission  of  the 
mediaeval  Empire  to  produce. 

In  996  Otto  attained  his  legal  majority,  and  crossed  the 
Alps  to  seek  his  coronation  at  Rome  as  Emperor.  The  king 
,  and   his   army   marched  as  though  bound  on  a 

coronation  pilgrimage,  or  like  the  crusading  hosts  of  a  cen- 
at  Rome,  996.  ^^^  \aXQx.  As  they  entered  the  Lombard  plain, 
the  news  came  that  the  Papacy  was  vacant,  and  a  deputation 
of  Romans,  tired  of  the  tyranny  of  Crescentius,  begged  Otto 
to  nominate  a  new  Pope.  The  young  king  at  once  appointed 
his  cousin,  Bruno,  grandson  of  Conrad  the  Red  and  Liut- 
Gregory  v.,  g^^de,  daughter  of  Otto  i.,  a  youth  of  four-and- 
996-999-  twenty,  and  a  zealous  champion  of  the  Cluniacs, 

who  took  the  name  of  Gregory  v.  On  25th  May  996,  Otto 
was  crowned  by  Gregory  at  Rome. 

Pope  and  Emperor  strove  at  once  to  embody  their  theories 
in  acts.  The  proceedings  of  the  anti-papal  synod  of  Reims 
were  annulled  ;  its  nominee  to  the  see  of  Reims,  Gerbert  of 
Aurillac,  was  forced  to  yield  up  his  post  to  the  worldly 
Arnulf  that  the  synod  strove  in  vain  to  depose.  The  whole 
French  episcopate  bowed  in  submission  before  the  new  Pope, 
and  Gerbert  soon  repudiated  his  earlier  teachings.  The 
French  king,  Robert,  was  visited  with  the  severest  censures 
of  the  Church  for  contracting  a  marriage  within  the  prohibited 


The  German  Empire  at  the  Height  of  its  Power     43 

degrees.  The  holy  Adalbert,  the  apostle  of  Bohemia,  but 
driven  from  his  see  of  Prague  by  a  pagan  reaction,  was 
sternly  ordered  to  return  to  his  bishopric,  or,  if  that  were 
impossible,  to  engage  in  a  new  mission  to  the  heathen. 
Adalbert  chose  the  latter  alternative,  and  his  early  death 
at  the  hands  of  the  heathen  Prussians  made  him  the  proto- 
martyr  of  the  new  order  that  Otto  and  Gregory  were  striving 
to  introduce.  But  while  the  two  enthusiasts  were  busy  in  the 
regeneration  of  the  universe,  they  were  unable  to  maintain 
themselves  in  the  very  centre  of  their  power.  A  new  Roman 
rebellion  brought  back  Crescentius.  Only  through  p  jj  ^^ 
the  help  of  the  iron  soldiery  of  the  Saxon  borders,  Crescentius, 
headed  by  the  valiant  Eckhard  of  Meissen,  could  ^' 
Otto  win  back  the  Eternal  City  to  his  obedience.  In  998 
Rome  surrendered,  and  Crescentius  atoned  for  his  rebellion 
on  the  scaffold. 

An  early  death  now  cut  off  Gregory  v.,  and  Otto  raised 
Gerbert  of  Aurillac  ^  to  the  papal  throne.  Gerbert  was  quite 
the  most  remarkable  man  of  his  age.  A  poor  Gerbert 
Frenchman  of  obscure  birth  from  the  uplands  ««Auriiiac. 
of  the  centre,  he  received  his  first  schooling  in  a  cloister  at 
his  native  Aurillac,  where  he  took  the  monastic  vows. 
Borrel,  a  pious  Count  of  Barcelona,  made  his  acquaintance 
while  visiting  Aurillac  on  a  pilgrimage,  and  took  him  back 
with  him  to  the  Spanish  march.  There  Gerbert  abode  some 
years,  and  there  he  acquired  that  profound  knowledge  of 
mathematics  which  had  perhaps  filtered  into  the  march  from 
the  Mussulman  schools  of  Cordova,  and  which  gave  him  in 
the  unlearned  north  a  reputation  for  extraordinary  learning, 
if  not  for  magical  skill.  Ever  eager  for  knowledge,  he  accom- 
panied his  patron  to  Italy,  and  attracted  the  notice  of  Otto  i. 
Finally  he  settled  down  at  Reims,  attracted  by  the  fame  of 

1  Havet's  Lettres  de  Gerbert  (Picard's  *  Collection  de  Textes '),  with  the 
editor's  introduction,  are  a  chief  authority  for  Gerbert's  history  and  policy. 
See  also  an  article  on  Gerbert  by  Mr.  R.  Allen,  in  the  English  Historical 
/Review,  vol.  vii.  pp.  625-668. 


44  European  History,  918-1273 

a  certain  archdeacon  who  taught  in  the  cathedral  school. 
The  good  Archbishop  Adalbero  made  Gerbert  '  scholasticus ' 
of  the  school  at  Reims.  Accompanying  the  archbishop 
to  Italy,  Gerbert  received  from  Otto  11.  the  headship  of 
Columban's  old  abbey  of  Bobbio,  and  speedily  reformed  its 
lax  discipline.  On  Otto  ii.'s  death,  the  angry  monks  drove 
him  away,  and  he  went  back  to  Reims  and  resumed  his 
teaching  as  '  scholasticus.'  He  dominated  the  policy  of  the 
archbishop  in  the  critical  years  that  saw  the  accession  of 
Hugh  Capet  to  the  French  throne  [see  pages  70-71],  but  on 
Adalbero's  death  was  ungratefully  passed  over  by  Hugh, 
whose  interests  procured  the  election  of  Amulf,  an  unlearned 
but  high-born  Carolingian,  to  the  great  see.  A  it'fi  years 
later,  Amulf  was  deposed  by  the  synod  of  995,  and  Gerbert 
put  in  his  place.  But  Amulf  still  claimed  to  be  archbishop, 
and  Gerbert  went  to  Italy  to  plead  his  cause  with  Gregory  v. 
Finding  his  chances  hopeless,  he  closely  attached  himself  to 
Otto  111.,  with  whom  he  had  strong  affinities  in  character. 
Gerbert  loved  pomp  and  splendour,  was  attracted  by  Otto's 
high  ideals,  and  was  of  a  pliant,  complaisant,  and  courtier-like 
disposition.  He  was  made  Archbishop  of  Ravenna  to  com- 
pensate him  for  the  loss  of  Reims.  When  elevated  to  the 
Papacy,  he  chose  to  call  himself  Sylvester  11.  As  Sylvester  i. 
had  stood  to  the  first  Christian  Emperor,  so  would  Sylvester  11. 
stand  to  the  new  Constantine.  Under  him  the  close  alliance 
of  Pope  and  Emperor  was  continued  as  fervently  as  during 
the  lifetime  of  Gregory  v. 

Otto's  plans  grew  more  mystical  and  visionary.  Rome, 
and  Rome  alone,  could  be  the  seat  of  the  renewed  Empire, 
Visionary  and  Otto  began  the  building  of  an  imperial  palace 
schemes  of      ^^  jj^g  Avcntine  on  the  site  of  the  abode  of  the 

Otto  and 

Sylvester  II.,  early  Caesars.  He  abandoned  the  simple  life  of  a 
9»-»«>3.  Saxon  etheling,  which  had  been  good  enough  for 

his  father  and  grandfather,  and  secluded  his  sacred  person 
from  a  prying  world  by  all  the  devices  of  Byzantine  court- 
eiiquetle  and   Oriental  exclusivencss.      His   court   officials 


The  German  Empire  at  the  Height  of  its  Power      45 

dropped  their  old-fashioned  Teutonic  titles,  and  were  renamed 
after  the  manner  of  Constantinople.  The  chamberlain  became 
the  Protovestiariusy  the  counsellor  the  logothetes,  the  generals 
were  comites  imperialis  militice,  and  their  subordinates  proto- 
spatharii.  The  close  union  of  the  Pope  and  Emperor  in 
a  theocratic  polity  was  still  better  illustrated  by  the  institu- 
tion of  iht  Judices  palatii  ordinarii.  They  were  of  the  mystic 
number  of  seven,  ecclesiastics  by  profession,  and  were  to  act 
as  supreme  judges  in  ordinary  times,  but  were  also  to  ordain 
the  Emperor  (a  new  ceremony  to  be  substituted  for  coronation) 
and  to  elect  the  Pope.  But  apart  from  its  fantastic  character, 
the  whole  policy  of  Otto  depended  upon  a  personal  harmony 
between  Pope  and  Emperor.  Even  under  Otto  himself  this 
result  could  only  be  secured  by  the  Emperor's  utter  subor- 
dination of  his  real  interests  to  the  pursuit  of  his  brilliant 
but  illusive  fancies. 

Otto's  cosmopolitan  imperialism  soon  brought  him  in  col- 
lision with  Germany,  and  especially  with  the  German  Church. 
He  set  up  a  new  archbishopric  at  Gnesen  in  opposition 
Poland,  where  reposed  the  relics  of  the  martyred  to  otto  in, 
Adalbert,  and  surrounded  it  with  the  mystical  *"  ermany. 
number  of  seven  suffragans.  In  the  same  way,  Sylvester,  in  re- 
cognising Stephen,  the  first  Christian  Duke  of  Hungary,  as  a 
king,  established  a  Hungarian  archbishopric  at  Gran.  These 
acts  involved  a  recognition  of  the  national  independence 
of  Poland  and  Hungary.  Wise  as  they  were,  they  were 
resented  in  Germany  as  being  directly  counter  to  the 
traditional  Saxon  policy  of  extending  German  influence  east- 
wards, by  making  the  bishops  subject  to  the  German 
metropolitans  at  Magdeburg  and  Salzburg.  The  practical 
German  bishops  saw  with  disgust  the  Emperor  giving 
up  the  very  corner-stone  of  the  policy  of  Henry  and  Otto  i. 
The  deep  differences  of  sentiment  came  to  a  head  in  a  petty 
dispute  as  to  whether  a  new  church  for  the  nuns  of  Ganders- 
heim  should  be  consecrated  by  Bernward  of  Hildesheim,  the 
diocesan,  who  favoured  Otto's  fancies,  or  by  the  metropolitan 


4<5  European  History^  918-1273 

Willegis  of  Mainz,  who  bitterly  lamented  the  outlandish  ideas 
of  his  old  pupil.  Sylvester  upheld  Bernward,  but  the  German 
bishops  declared  for  Willegis,  and  paid  no  heed  to  the  papal 
censures  that  followed  quickly  on  their  contumacy.  They 
refused  even  to  be  present  at  the  Councils  in  which  Sylvester 
professed  to  condemn  the  Archbishop  of  Mainz.  The  German 
clergy  were  thus  in  open  revolt  from  Rome,  and  they  were, 
as  we  have  seen,  the  leaders  of  the  German  nation. 

While  the  outlook  was  thus  gloomy  in  Germany,  the  march 
of  events  in  Italy  gave  but  little  encouragement  to  Pope  and 
Br  kdown  ^'^P^^o^j  ^^^  demanded  the  personal  presence  of 
of  Otto's  Otto,  who  had  been  forced  to  return  to  Germany 
system  in  jj^  jj^g  ^^jj^  ^ope  of  appeasing  the  general  opposi- 
tion to  his  policy.  Before  he  crossed  the  Alps 
for  the  last  time.  Otto  went  to  Aachen,  and,  if  we  can  believe 
one  of  his  followers'  statement,  visited  the  vaults  beneath 
the  venerable  palace-chapel  to  gaze  upon  the  corpse  of 
Charles  the  Great,  sitting  as  in  life  upon  a  throne,  with 
crown  on  head  and  sceptre  in  hand.  When  he  reached  the 
south,  he  found  to  his  dismay  that  lower  Italy  had  fallen 
altogether  from  his  obedience,  and  that  even  Tivoli,  in  the 
immediate  neighbourhood  of  Rome,  had  rebelled  against 
him.  Otto  made  feverish  efforts  to  restore  his  authority. 
He  clamoured  for  Byzantine  help,  and  begged  for  a  Byzantine 
wife.  He  paid  a  flying  visit  to  the  Venetian  lagoons,  seeking 
for  a  fleet  from  the  great  Doge  Peter  Orseolo.  But  worse 
news  now  reached  him.  Rome  itself  now  rose  in  revolt,  and 
Otto,  postponing  in  despair  his  warlike  operations,  could  only 
find  consolation  in  visits  to  the  holy  Romuald  in  his  inac- 
cessible island  hermitage  amidst  the  swamps  of  Ravenna,  and 
in  the  practice  of  penances,  mortifications,  and  scourgings. 
Recovering  his  energy,  he  now  sought  to  obtain  an  army  from 
Germany  to  procure,  as  in  the  old  days,  the  subjection  of 
Italy;  but  it  was  the  very  moment  of  the  crisis  of  the 
Gandersheim  struggle,  and  no  German  help  was  forthcoming. 
A  sharp  fever  now  attacked   Otto  at  the  very  moment  of 


The  Later  Saxon  dnd  Early  Saltan  Emperors     47 

the  collapse  of  all  his   plans.      He  died  on  23rd  January 
1002,  at  Paterno,  near  Rome,  when  only  twenty-two  years 
old.      With    him   perished   his    lofty  ambitions.   Death  of 
He  had  made  himself  the  wonder  of  the  world ;  otto  iii., 
but  all  that  he  had  accomplished  was  to  play  the 
game  of  the  high  ecclesiastical  party.     The  tendency  of  his 
policy,   like   the   latter    Carolings,   was   to   subordinate   the 
visionary    Empire    to  the    practical    Papacy,    thus    exactly 
reversing  the  ideas  of  the  great  Saxons,  and  bringing  out  in 
its  most  glaring  contrast  the  incompatibility  of  the  union  of  the 
German  kingship  with  the  imperial  claims  to  universal  domi- 
nation.   Within  a  year  Sylvester  11.  followed  him  to  the  tomb. 

For  eighty  years  the  Saxon  kings  and  emperors  had  suc- 
ceeded from  father  to  son,  and  even  a  minority  had  not 
broken  down  the  tendency  towards  heredity  which  Henry  11., 
seemed  rapidly  divesting  the  German  kingdom  of  ^°°^-^°^ 
the  elective  character  which  it  had  shared  with  the  Empire 
itself.  Otto  iii.'s  death  without  direct  heirs  now  reminded 
the  German  magnates  that  they  still  could  choose  their  king, 
and,  in  the  absence  of  any  strong  claimant,  there  was  a  whole 
swarm  of  aspirants  after  the  vacant  dignity.  The  friends  of 
the  Saxon  traditions,  which  Otto  iii.  had  so  violently  set  at 
naught,  hoped  for  the  election  of  the  brave  and  experienced 
Eckhard  of  Meissen;  but  as  Eckhard  was  travelling  to  the 
south  to  pursue  his  candidature,  he  was  murdered  to  satisfy 
a  private  revenge.  His  removal  secured  the  appointment  of 
Henry,  Duke  of  Bavaria,  the  son  of  Henry  the  Quarrelsome, 
and  the  nearest  kinsman  of  competent  age  and  position  to 
the  dead  ruler.  Thus  the  throne  was  retained  in  the  hands 
of  the  Saxon  house,  though  it  now  was  held  by  a  branch  that 
had  long  attached  itself  to  the  traditions  of  its  southern  duchy. 
Bavarians,  Lorrainers,  and  Franks  accepted  Henry  at  once ; 
the  Saxons  and  Swabians  only  after  a  short  hesitation. 

It  was  a  great  thing  that  the  succession  had  been  peaceably 
settled.  Yet  the  new  king  had  neither  the  power  nor  the 
energy  of  the  Ottos.      Raised  to  the  throne  by  the  great 


48  European  History,  918-1273 

magnates,  Henry  II.  never  aspired  to  carry  on  the  despotic 
traditions  of  the  earlier  Saxon  kings,  but  thought  to  rule  with 
the  help  of  frequent  Diets  and  Councils.  He  had  more 
authority  over  the  Church,  and  his  personal  piety  and  zeal 
for  good  works,  in  which  he  was  well  supported  by  his  wife 
Cunigunde,  procured  for  him  in  after  times  the  name  and  re- 
putation of  a  saint,  and  in  his  own  day  kept  him  on  good  terms 
with  the  clergy,  though  he  was  never  their  slave.  He  used 
his  bishops  and  abbots  as  instruments  of  his  temporal  rule, 
and  systematically  developed  Otto  iii.'s  system  of  making  the 
bishops  and  abbots  the  local  representatives  of  the  imperial 
power  by  granting  them  the  position  of  Count  over  the 
neighbouring  Gau.  On  one  great  matter  he  gave  much 
offence  to  the  German  bishops.  He  set  up  a  new  bishop- 
Henry  11.  "C  ^*  Bamberg  in  Franconia,  laying  in  1004 
and  the  the  foundations  of  its  new  cathedral,  and  con- 
ferring on  it  such  extensive  privileges  that 
every  bishop  in  Germany  was  annoyed  at  the  new  prelate 
holding  a  position  next  after  the  archbishops,  while  the 
Archbishop  of  Mainz  resented  the  merely  nominal  ties  of 
obedience  that  bound  the  Bishop  of  Bamberg  to  him  as  his 
metropolitan.  Henry  was  a  friend  of  the  Cluniac  monks, 
and  it  was  through  his  efforts  that  these  zealous  Church 
reformers  first  got  a  strong  position  in  Germany. 

Henry  had  no  trouble  with  the  Hungarians,  whose  great 
king,  St.  Stephen,  the  founder  of  the  settled  Magyar  state, 
Henry II.     '^^^   ^^^  brothcr-inlaw  and  friend.      But   it  was 
and  the        among  his  chief  cares  to  uphold  the  old  Saxon 
^'*^""  supremacy  over  the  Slavs,  which  Otto  111.   had 

generously  or  fantastically  neglected.  Poland  was  now  a  for- 
midable state,  and  its  Duke  Boleslav,  who  had  become  a  terror 
to  the  marks  before  the  death  of  Otto,  aspired  to  build  up 
a  strong  Slavonic  power,  and  drive  back  the  Germans  over 
the  Elbe.  It  was  no  longer  the  frontier  warfare  of  the  days 
after  Otto  the  Great's  victories.  It  was  rather  a  stern  fight 
between  two  vigorous  nations^  in  which  Henry  only  won  the 


The  Later  Saxon  and  Early  Saltan  Emperors      49 

upper  hand  after  long  and  costly  efforts.  Even  at  the  last 
he  was  forced  to  hand  over  the  mark  of  Lausitz  to  the  Poles, 
to  be  held  as  a  fief  of  the  German  kingdom.  Henry's  laborious 
policy,  his  shrinking  from  great  efforts,  and  his  fixed  resolve 
to  concentrate  himself  on  little  objects  within  his  reach,  stand 
in  the  strongest  contrast  to  the  vast  ambitions  of  his  prede- 
cessor. Yet,  in  his  slow  and  determined  way,  Henry  brought 
back  the  German  kingdom  to  a  more  national  policy,  and 
did  much  to  restore  the  havoc  wrought  by  Otto's  vain 
pursuits  of  impossible  ideals.  As  a  German  king,  he  was  in 
no  wise  a  failure,  though  he  raised  the  monarchy  to  no  new 
heights  of  power. 

Henry's  success  in  Germany  was  closely  connected  with 
his  failure  in  Italy.  Under  his  cautious  rule  the  plans  of 
Otto  III.  were  quickly  lost  sight  of.  On  the  death  of  Syl- 
vester II.,  the  Papacy  fell  back  into  its  old  dependence  on 
the  local  nobles.  At  first  a  third  Crescentius,  son  of  Otto  iii.'s 
victim,  assumed  his  father's  title  of  Patrician,  ruled  Rome  at 
his  pleasure,  and  nominated  two  puppet  Popes  in  succession. 
But  a  stronger  power  arose,  that  of  the  Counts  of  Tusculum. 
Before  long  a  series  of  Tusculan  Popes,  set  up  by  the  good- 
will of  these  powerful  lords,  again  degraded  the  Papacy,  and 
threatened  to  deprive  it  of  the  obedience  and  respect  of 
Europe.  It  was  the  same  in  the  secular  as  Henry  11. 
in  the  spiritual  sphere.  Before  the  German  sue-  and  itaiy. 
cession  had  been  settled,  Ardoin,  Marquis  of  Ivrea,  had 
got  himself  elected  King  of  Italy,  and  held  his  own 
for  many  years  against  the  partisans  of  Henry  reinforced 
by  German  armies.  In  1004  Henry  went  over  the  Alps, 
and  submitted  to  be  elected  and  crowned  king  at  Pavia, 
though  the  Ottos  had  borne  the  Italian  crown  without  con- 
descending to  go  through  such  formalities.  Despite  this 
Ardoin  long  maintained  himself.  At  last,  in  10 13,  Henry 
went  down  to  Italy  again,  and  on  14th  February  1014  re- 
ceived the  imperial  diadem  from  Pope  Benedict  viii.  But  no 
striking  result  followed  this  renewal  of  the  Empire.   Benedict, 

PERIOD  U.  D 


50  European  History,  918-1273 

who  was  a  zealous  partisan  of  the  Count  of  Tusculum, 
now  sought,  by  advocacy  of  the  Cluniac  ideas,  to  maintain 
himself  against  an  Antipope  of  the  faction  of  Crescentius. 
In  1020  Benedict  visited  Germany  to  consecrate  the  cathedral 
of  Bamberg,  and  signalised  his  visit  by  taking  Henry's 
foundation  under  his  immediate  care.  It  seemed  as  if  the 
old  alliance  of  Papacy  and  Empire  were  renewed.  Next 
year  Henry  crossed  the  Brenner  at  the  head  of  a  strong 
German  army,  which  traversed  all  Italy,  in  three  divisions, 
commanded  respectively  by  Henry  himself,  the  Patriarch  of 
Aquileia,  and  the  Archbishop  of  Cologne.  But  by  the  time 
the  Lombard  dukes  of  Capua  and  Salerno  had  made  their 
submission,  and  Henry  was  marching  through  Apulia,  a 
deadly  sickness  raged  in  his  host  and  compelled  its  im- 
mediate retreat.  Next  year  Henry  was  back  in  Germany. 
It  is  significant  that  the  office  of  Count  Palatine  of  Italy 
ceased  to  exist  during  his  reign.  The  Emperor  was  no  longer 
an  effective  ruler  of  the  peninsula. 

In  the  latter  years  of  his  life  Henry  attached  himself  still 
more  strongly  to  the  Cluniac  party,  and,  as  with  Otto  in.,  his 
friendship  for  foreign  priests  brought  him  into  renewed  con- 
flict with  the  German  bishops.  Aribo,  Archbishop  of  Mainz, 
led  the  opposition  to  Henry  and  Benedict  But  just  as  the 
conflict  was  coming  to  a  head,  Benedict  viii.  died  (1024). 
He  was  quickly  followed  to  the  grave  by  Henry  himself. 
With  him  perished  the  last  king  of  the  male  stock  of  the 
Ludolfing  dukes  of  Saxony.  His  dull  and  featureless  reign 
was  but  a  tame  conclusion  to  the  brilliant  period  of  the 
Ottos 

The  ecclesiastical  differences  that  had  troubled  Germany 

during  Henry  ii.'s  lifetime  lay  at  the  root  of  the  party  struggles 

The  two       that  now  raged   round  the  appointment  of  his 

Conrads,       succcssor.      As   in    Henry's  case,  there   was  no 

*°^"  specific   candidate   marked    out    by    birth    and 

special  fitness  for  the  choice  of  the  German  nation.      The 

bishops,  led  by  Aribo  of  Mainz  and    Burkhard   of  Worms. 


The  Later  Saxon  and  Early  Saltan  Emperors      5 1 

resolved  to  take  full  advantage  of  this  freedom  of  election 
to  prevent  the  accession  of  any  prince  inclined,  like  the 
late  Emperor,  to  favour  the  spread  of  Cluniac  ideas.  They 
therefore  urged  the  claims  of  Conrad  of  Swabia.  Conrad 
was  the  great-grandson  of  Conrad  the  Red  and  his  wife  Liut- 
garde.  Otto  the  Great's  daughter,  and  consequently  nephew 
of  Pope  Gregory  v.,  and  descended  from  the  Ludolfings  on 
the  female  side.  Though  only  the  possessor  of  part  of  his 
rich  family  estates  in  the  Rhin eland,  Conrad  had  made  a 
lucky  marriage  with  the  widowed  Gisela,  Duchess  of  Swabia, 
the  granddaughter  of  Conrad,  king  of  Aries,  and  a  descen- 
dant of  the  Carolingians.  This  gave  him  the  guardianship 
of  the  young  Duke  Ernest  of  Swabia,  Gisela's  son  by  her 
former  husband,  and  secured  for  him  a  leading  position 
among  the  German  magnates.  Conrad  was  a  valiant  and 
experienced  warrior,  and  an  intelligent  statesman,  possess- 
ing a  clear  head  and  a  strong  will,  resolutely  bent  on 
securing  practical  objects  immediately  within  reach.  He 
had  persistently  held  aloof  from  the  ecclesiastical  policy  of 
his  predecessor,  with  whom  he  had  been  more  than  once 
in  open  feud.  He  was  still  more  hostile  to  his  cousin,  Conrad, 
Duke  of  Carinthia,  the  son  of  another  Conrad,  a  younger 
brother  of  his  father  Henry,  who,  through  the  caprice  of  their 
grandfather,  had  inherited  the  mass  of  the  Rhenish  estates 
of  Conrad  the  Red,  usurping  the  position  of  the  elder  line. 
This  second  Conrad  was  now  the  candidate  of  the  Cluniac 
party  against  Conrad  of  Swabia.  But  the  great  prelates 
were  still  all-powerful ;  despite  the  opposition  of  the 
Lorrainers,  among  whom  Cluniac  ideas  had  gained  a  firm 
hold,  Conrad  of  Swabia  was  elected  king.  His  path  to  the 
throne  was  made  smooth  by  the  generosity  of  his  rival, 
who,  at  the  last  moment,  abandoned  his  candidature, 
and  voted  for  his  cousin.  Aribo  of  Mainz  conrad  11. 
crowned  Conrad  in  his  own  cathedral,  regard-  1084-1039. 
less  of  the  claims  of  the  rival  Archbishop  of  Cologne,  the 
diocesan    of  Aachen,  the  proper  place  for  the   coronation 


52  European  History,  918-1273 

But  Aribo  refused  to  confer  the  crown  on  Gisela,  since  the 
Church  regarded  her  marriage  with  Conrad  as  irregular  by 
reason  of  their  affinity.  Pilgrim  of  Cologne  now  saw  his 
opportunity  for  making  terms  with  the  victor.  He  gave 
Gisela  the  crown  which  Aribo  had  denied  her.  Thus  Conrad 
entered  upon  his  reign  with  the  support  of  all  the  leaders 
of  the  German  nation.  The  younger  Conrad  remained 
faithful  to  his  old  rival;  while  his  younger  brother  Bruno, 
who  became  Bishop  of  Toul,  soon  became  one  of  the 
greatest  supports  of  the  new  dynasty. 

When  Conrad  11.  became  king,  he  found  everything  in 
confusion :  but  within  two  years  of  his  accession  he  had  in- 
itaiian  fuscd  a  ncw  Spirit  and  energy  into  every  part  of 
policy.  hjs  dominions.  His  first  difficulty  was  with 
Lorraine,  whose  two  dukes  had  opposed  his  election,  and  now 
refused  to  acknowledge  its  validity.  They  sought  the  help 
of  King  Robert  of  France,  whose  weak  support  availed  them 
but  little.  Conrad  soon  put  down  their  rebellion,  and  with 
almost  equal  ease  quelled  the  revolt  of  his  ambitious  and 
unruly  step-son,  Ernest  of  Swabia.  Germany  was  thus 
appeased,  but  Italy,  where  the  imperial  power  had  become 
very  feeble  in  the  later  part  of  the  reign  of  Henry  11.,  was 
still  practically  outside  Conrad's  influence.  His  authority 
was  only  saved  from  complete  ruin  by  the  policy  of  the 
Lombard  bishops,  who  saw  in  the  Emperor  their  best  pro- 
tection against  the  proud  and  powerful  lay  aristocracy,  and 
especially  against  the  warlike  margraves,  who  now  aspired  to 
renew  the  part  played  by  Ardoin  of  Ivrea.  But  conscious 
that  they  did  not  possess  sufficient  strength  to  continue 
successfully  a  policy  in  which  even  Ardoin  had  failed,  the 
leaders  of  the  north  Italian  nobility  looked  elsewhere  abroad 
for  help  to  counterbalance  the  German  soldiery  of  the 
Emperor.  When  King  Robert  of  France  rejected  their 
advances,  they  found  what  they  sought  in  William  v.,  the 
Duke  of  Aquitaine  and  Count  of  Poitou,  an  aged  and  ex- 
perienced warrior,  and  a  strong  friend  of  the  CInniacs,  who 


The  Later  Saxon  and  Early  Saltan  Emperors       53 

hoped  to  find  in  Italy  a  suitable  endowment  for  his  young 
son  William.  This  was  the  first  occasion  in  which  the  policy 
of  calling  in  the  French  to  drive  out  the  Germans  was  adopted 
by  the  Italians.  But  the  times  were  not  yet  ripe  for  the  inter- 
vention of  a  French  prince  in  Italy.  William  crossed  the 
Alps,  but  found  that  he  could  make  but  little  progress  against 
the  vigorous  opposition  of  the  Lombard  bishops,  headed  by 
Aribert  of  Milan,  and  tried  to  make  up  for  his  weakness 
in  Italy  by  uniting  himself  with  the  Lorraine  rebels,  and 
by  stirring  up  an  anti-German  party  in  the  kingdom  of  Aries. 
But  nothing  came  of  his  elaborate  schemes,  and  in  1025  he 
went  home  in  disgust. 

Early  in  1026  Conrad  crossed  the  Brenner,  and  in  March 
received  the  Lombard  crown  from  Aribert  in  the  cathedral 
of  Milan.  Pavia,  the  old  Lombard  capital,  shut 
its  gates  on  the  Emperor,  who  was  thus  unable  to  imperial 
be  hallowed  in  the  usual  place.  For  a  whole  year  coronation, 
Conrad  remained  in  northern  Italy,  and  gradually  '°^' 
forced  his  enemies  to  make  their  submission.  In  the  spring 
of  1027  the  way  to  Rome  at  last  lay  open,  and  on  Easter 
Sunday  Conrad  was  crowned  Emperor  by  Pope  John  xix. 
The  function  was  one  of  the  most  striking  and  memorable 
ceremonies  in  the  whole  history  of  the  mediaeval  Empire.  It 
was  witnessed  by  two  kings — Rudolf  in.,  the  last  of  the  kings 
of  Aries,  and  Canute  of  Denmark,  the  conqueror  of  Eng- 
land and  Norway,  then  at  Rome  on  a  pilgrimage.  But  the 
clear  head  of  Conrad  was  not  in  the  least  turned  by  the 
mystic  rite.  Content  that  his  twofold  coronation  gave  him 
a  firm  hold  over  Italy,  he  quickly  recrossed  the  Alps  and 
resumed  his  proper  work  as  a  German  king,  taking  good 
care  that  there  should  be  no  clashing  between  his  German 
and  Italian  interests.  Before  his  return  he  visited  southern 
Italy,  and  ensured  the  obedience  of  the  Lombard  dukes, 
who  still  guarded  the  frontier  against  the  Greeks  of  Calabria. 

On  his  return  to  Germany,  Conrad  felt  that  his  power  was 
sufficiently  secure  to  take  steps  towards  retaining  the  Empire 


54  Europenn  History,  91 8- 1 27  3 

in  his  own  family.  In  1028,  he  persuaded  the  magnates  to 
elect,  and  Pilgrim  of  Cologne  to  crown,  as  his  successor  his 
Fall  of  Ernest  ^l^cst  son,  Henry,  who  was  but  ten  years  of 
of  swabia,  age.  This  act  roused  the  jealousy  of  the  greater 
"^°'  nobles,  who  found  in  Conrad's  son-in-law,  Ernest 

of  Swabia,  an  eager  champion  of  their  views.  Ernest  again 
plunged  into  revolt;  and  when  pardoned,  at  the  instance 
of  his  mother  the  Empress,  still  kept  up  his  close  friendship 
with  tlie  open  rebel,  Werner  of  Kyburg,  Count  of  the  Thurgau, 
a  district  including  the  north-eastern  parts  of  the  modern 
Switzerland.  In  1030  Conrad  ordered  Ernest  to  break  off 
from  all  dealings  with  his  friend,  and,  as  a  sign  of  his 
repentance,  to  carry  out  in  person  the  sentence  of  outlawry 
and  deprivation  pronounced  against  him.  Ernest  refused  to 
give  up  Werner,  whereupon  Conrad  deprived  him  of  his 
duchy.  Bitterly  incensed  with  his  father-in-law,  the  young 
duke  left  the  palace,  and  wandered  from  court  to  court,  seeking 
help  to  excite  a  new  rebellion.  But  Conrad  was  so  strong 
that  neither  foreign  prince  nor  discontented  German  noble 
would  make  common  cause  with  Ernest.  In  despair  he  took 
to  a  wild  robber  life  of  adventure,  lurking  with  a  few  faithful 
vassals  amidst  the  ravines  and  woods  of  the  Black  Forest. 
Before  the  summer  was  out  Ernest  was  overpowered  and 
slain.  His  commonplace  treason  and  brigandage  were  in 
after  ages  glorified  in  popular  tales,  that  make  his  friend 
Werner  a  model  of  romantic  fidelity,  and  he  himself  a  gallant 
and  chivalrous  warrior.  After  his  fall,  Conrad  reigned  in 
peace  over  Germany. 

The  inroads  of  the  Hungarians  and  Poles  now  forced  fresh 

wars  on  Conrad.     In  1030  he  waged  a  doubtful  contest  against 

Stephen  of  Hungary.     In  the  succeeding  years  he 

Hungary  ,.        ,  -.ut.!-- 

and  Poland,  obtained  great  successes  against  the  Poles,  winning 
1030-1033.  back  in  1031  Lausitz  and  the  other  mark  districts 
that  Henry  11.  had  been  forced  to  surrender  to  their  king 
Boleslav,  and  compelling  his  successor  Miecislav,  in  1032,  to 
do  homage  to  him  for  the  whole  of  his  kingdom.    But  great 


The  Later  Saxon  and  Early  Saltan  Emperors      55 

as  were  Conrad's  successes  in  the  east,  they  were  surpassed  by 
his  brilliant  acquisition  of  a  new  kingdom  in  the  west,  where 
in  1032  he  obtained  the  possession  of  the  kingdom  of  Aries. 

The  kingdom  of  Aries  or  Burgundy  had  fallen  into  evil 
days.  During  the  long  reigns  of  Conrad  the  Pacific  (937-993) 
and  Rudolf  in.  (993-1032)  all  power  had  fallen 

,  .        .  Union  of  the 

mto  the  hands  of  the  territorial  magnates,  and  Areiatewith 
now  the  threatened  extinction  of  the  royal  house  *^^  Empire, 

1032. 

seemed  likely  to  plunge  the  Arelate  mto  worse 
confusion.  Rudolf  in.  was  old  and  childless,  and  had  long 
sought  to  make  arrangements  to  prevent  the  dissolution  of  his 
kingdom  with  his  death.  In  1007  he  had  concluded  with 
Henry  11.,  his  nephew,  an  agreement  by  which  Burgundy  was 
to  fall  on  his  death  to  the  German  monarch,  but  the  Bur- 
gundian  nobles  had  more  than  once  forced  him  to  renounce 
his  treaty.  An  increasing  sense  of  his  powerlessness  drew 
Rudolf,  who  was  Gisela's  uncle,  more  closely  to  Conrad  11. 
He  hurried  to  Rome  to  be  present  at  his  coronation,  and  he 
trusted  entirely  to  him  for  protection  against  his  turbulent 
nobility.  The  contract  of  succession  was  renewed,  and  on 
Rudolf's  death,  in  1032,  Conrad  entered  into  possession  of 
the  Arelate.  Count  Odo  of  Champagne  set  himself  up  as 
a  rival  and  national  king,  but  the  German  portions  of  the 
Arelate  favoured  Conrad  from  the  beginning.  In  1033  he 
was  chosen  king,  and  crowned  at  Ueberlingen,  near  Con- 
stance; and  in  1034  Odo  was  forced  into  submission,  while 
Conrad  triumphantly  wore  his  crown  at  Geneva  and  received 
the  homage  of  the  lords  of  Burgundy.  Henceforward  the 
kingdom  of  Aries  was  indissolubly  united  with  the  Empire. 
Despite  the  small  amount  of  power  which  even  the  strongest 
Emperors  could  exercise  in  the  Arelate,  the  acquisition  was 
one  of  no  small  importance.  The  Arelate  was  for  the  most 
part  a  Romance  land,  and  its  union  with  the  Empire  made  the 
Empire  less  German,  and,  for  some  generations  at  least,  pre- 
vented the  natural  tendency  to  union  between  France  and  the 
Burgundian  lands  from  being  carried  out.      Moreover,  the 


$6  European  History^  918-1273 

acquisition  of  the  Arelate,  by  virtue  of  a  contract  of  succession, 
increased  the  already  strong  tendency  towards  hereditary 
monarchy  in  Germany  and  Italy.  Again,  Burgundy  was  .the 
chief  home  of  the  Cluniacs,  and  one  very  important  con- 
sequence of  its  absorption  by  Conrad  was  a  gradual  increase 
of  Cluniac  influence  all  over  the  Empire.  And  most  of  all,  the 
new-won  kingdom  was  useful  to  the  Emperors  as  acting  as  a 
sort  of  buffer-state  to  protect  Italy  from  French  interference. 
The  attempt  of  William  of  Poitou  had  taught  Conrad  the 
necessity  of  thus  guarding  the  Italian  frontier.  For  the  next 
few  generations  the  acquisition  of  the  Arelate  made  such 
projects  more  difficult.  Supplementing  the  final  adhesion  of 
Lotharingia  to  the  Eastern  Kingdom,  the  lapse  of  the  Arelate 
completed  the  absorption  of  the  *  Middle  Kingdom '  in  the 
German  Empire.  Of  the  threefold  partition  of  Europe  by 
the  Treaty  of  Verdun  in  843,  only  the  ancient  dominions 
of  Charles  the  Bald — France,  in  the  narrower  sense — were 
outside  the  powers  of  the  Emperor.  Henceforth  Conrad 
ruled  not  only  all  the  lands  that  had  gone  in  843  to  Louis 
the  German,  but  also  over  the  districts  that  had  then  fallen  to 
the  share  of  the  Emperor  Lothair.  Two-thirds  of  the  Caro- 
lingian  Empire  were  thus  concentrated  under  Conrad. 

Ten  years  of  Conrad's  rule  had  now  brought  the  Holy 
Empire  to   a    point  of   solid   prosperity   that    was    seldom 
surpassed.      But  Conrad  saw  that  there  were  still 
benefice*      great  dangers  inherent  in  his  position,  and  fore- 
decUred       most  among  these  was  the  smallness  of  the  num- 
ber of  the  feudal  dignitaries  with  whom  he  had 
direct  legal  dealings.     There  were  no  longer  indeed  the  five 
national  dukedoms  in  their  old  united  strength  and  dignity. 
There  were   no   longer   dukes   of  Franconia ;  Lorraine  was 
already   divided   into   two   distinct   duchies,  of  Upper  and 
Lower   Lorraine.     Swabia   was   showing   signs  of  a  similar 
tendency  to  bifurcation ;  Bavaria,  after  the  rearrangement  of 
976,  was  in  a  much  less  imposing  position  than  under  the 
Saxon    Emperors,    and    even     in     Saxony    the    margraves 


The  Later  Saxon  and  Early  Saltan  Emperors       57 

were  a  strong  counterpoise  to  the  more  imposing  but 
not  more  powerful  dukes.  In  the  last  generations  the 
more  vigorous  of  the  counts  and  margraves  had  shaken 
off  their  dependence  on  the  dukes,  and  aspired  to  stand 
in  immediate  relations  with  the  Emperor.  Yet  the  whole 
drift  of  the  time  was  towards  feudalism,  and  towards 
making  a  limited  number  of  tenants-in-chief,  whether  dukes, 
margraves  or  counts,  the  sole  persons  with  whom  the  Emperor 
had  any  direct  relations.  Secure  in  their  own  hereditary 
tenure  of  their  fiefs  and  allodial  properties,  the  great  lords  of 
Germany  claimed  an  absolute  control  over  all  their  vassals. 
The  old  tie  of  national  allegiance  that  bound  every  subject  to 
his  sovereign  had  fallen  into  neglect  as  compared  with  the 
new  link  of  feudal  dependence  of  vassal  on  lord.  The  leading 
tenants-in-chief  considered  that  their  powers  over  their  vassals 
were  so  absolute  that  it  was  the  bounden  duty  of  a  tenant  to 
follow  his  lord  to  the  field,  even  against  his  overlord.  With 
the  same  object  of  strengthening  their  own  position,  the 
great  lords  strove  to  prevent  the  fiefs  of  their  vassals  from 
assuming  that  hereditary  character  which  they  had  already 
acquired  in  practice,  if  not  in  theory,  for  their  own  vast 
estates. 

Conrad  showed  a  shrewd  sense  of  self-interest  in  posing  as 
the  friend  of  the  lesser  tenants  against  the  great  vassals  of 
the  crown.  Whether  he  also  secured  the  best  interests  of 
Germany  is  not  quite  so  clear.  The  great  vassals  were  strong 
enough  to  maintain  order;  the  lesser  feudalists  had  neither 
their  resources  nor  their  traditions  of  statecraft.  It  was  too 
late  to  revive  with  any  real  effect  the  national  tie  of  allegiance, 
and  the  scanty  means  of  an  early  mediaeval  king  had  always 
made  somewhat  illusory  great  schemes  of  national  unity. 
Conrad  did  his  best  for  the  protection  of  the  under-tenants  by 
establishing  for  them  also  that  hereditary  possession  of  their 
benefices  which  gave  them  some  sort  of  permanent  position 
over  against  their  overlords.  This  was  secured  in  Germany 
by  a  mere  recognition  of  the  growing  custom  of  heredity, 


58  European  History,  918-1273 

though  in  Italy  a  formal  law  was  necessary  to  attain  the  same 
end.  Another  advantage  won  by  Conrad  by  this  action  was 
that  in  securing  the  recognition  of  the  principle  of  heredity  in 
every  fief,  he  made  a  long  step  towards  securing  the  heredity 
of  the  crown.  For  Conrad,  much  more  distinctly  than  his 
Saxon  predecessors,  sought  definitely  to  make  both  the  royal 
and  imperial  crown  hereditary  in  his  house.  As  a  further 
step  towards  breaking  down  the  greater  nobility,  he  strove 
to  get  rid  of  the  national  duchies  altogether.  He  persuaded 
the  Bavarians  to  elect  the  young  King  Henry  as  their  duke, 
and,  on  the  death  of  his  last  stepson,  gave  Swabia  also  to 
his  destined  successor.  On  the  death  of  his  old  rival,  Conrad 
of  Carinthia,  the  great  Carinthian  mark  was  also  handed  over 
to  Henry.  At  the  end  of  Conrad's  reign.  Saxony  and  Lorraine 
were  the  only  duchies  still  held  by  independent  princes. 
Like  his  predecessors,  Conrad  used  the  bishops  as  the  means 
of  carrying  on  the  government  and  checking  the  growth  of 
the  lay  aristocracy.  Following  the  example  of  the  chief 
ecclesiastics,  he  encouraged  the  development  of  a  new  class 
of  hereditary  ministeriales^  who  devoted  their  lives  to  the 
service  of  the  crown,  and  soon  built  up  a  new  official  body 
that  enabled  his  successors  to  largely  dispense  with  the 
interested  help  of  the  episcopate  in  carrying  on  the  daily  task 
of  the  administration  of  the  kingdom. 

Conrad  was  so  successful  with  this  policy  in  Germany  and 
Burgundy  that  he  desired  to  extend  it  to  Italy.  But  the  spirit 
of  independence  was  already  deeply  rooted  south  of  the  Alps, 
and  the  very  prelates  who  had  called  Conrad  to  help  them 
against  their  lay  rivals,  now  looked  with  suspicion  on  a  policy 
that  deprived  churchman  and  lay  noble  alike  of  their  cherished 
immunities.  Aribert  of  Milan  had  long  aspired 
8trife*wi"th  '^  a  position  of  almost  complete  independence. 
Aribert,  His  dream  was  to  make  the  see  of  St.  Ambrose 

1036 1039.        ^  ^^^^  ^j.  j^Q^^j^  Italian  patriarchate,  and  at  the 

same  time  he  wished  to  combine  with  ecclesiastical  ascen- 
dency an  organised  temporal  power.      His  twofold  ambition 


The  Later  Saxon  and  Early  Saltan  Emperors       59 

was  exactly  that  of  the  Papacy  at  a  later  period,  and  for 
the  moment  Milan  seemed  stronger  than  Rome.  The  citizens 
of  Milan,  more  obedient  to  their  bishops  than  the  turbulent 
Romans,  were  zealous  partisans  of  Aribert ;  but  the  smaller 
nobles,  who  saw  in  the  fulfilment  of  his  plans  the  destruction 
of  their  own  independence,  rose  as  one  man  against  him. 
Civil  war  broke  out  in  Lombardy  between  the  friends  and 
foes  of  Aribert.  So  dangerous  was  the  outlook  that  in  1036 
Conrad  again  crossed  the  Alps  in  the  hope  of  restoring  peace 
in  North  Italy. 

Aribert  was  summoned  to  a  Diet  at  Pavia ;  but  he  loftily 
declared  that  he  would  surrender  no  single  right  of  the  church 
of  St.  Ambrose,  and  was  soon  in  open  war  against  the 
Emperor.  Conrad  saw  his  only  chance  of  overcoming  the 
archbishop  in  winning  over  the  smaller  nobility  to  his  side. 
In  1037  he  issued  the  famous  edict  which  made  iiefs  heredi- 
tary in  Italy,  thus  doing  for  the  south  by  a  single  stroke  what 
gradual  custom  and  policy  had  slowly  procured  for  the  north. 
He  also  promised  to  exact  from  his  vassals  no  greater  burdens 
than  those  already  usually  paid  to  him.  But  these  measures, 
though  increasing  the  party  of  Conrad  in  Italy,  were  not 
enough  at  once  to  overcome  Aribert,  who,  secure  in  the 
hearty  support  of  the  Milanese  citizens,  defied  not  only  the 
threats  of  Conrad  but  also  the  condemnation  of  Rome, 
which  the  Count  of  Tusculum,  who  then  occupied  the  papal 
throne,  willingly  put  at  the  service  of  the  Emperor.  In 
1038  Conrad  was  forced  by  urgent  business  to  recross  the 
Alps,  leaving  Aribert  unsubdued.  Next  year  he  died  suddenly 
at  Utrecht.  *  No  man,'  says  a  Saxon  annalist,  '  regretted  his 
death.'  Yet  if  Conrad  was  unpopular,  he  was  singularly  suc- 
cessful. Though  he  had  failed  to  get  the  better  of  Aribert, 
he  had  obtained  his  object  in  everything  else  that  he  under- 
took. He  left  the  royal  authority  established  on  such  a 
solid  basis  that  his  son.  King  Henry,  already  crowned  King 
of  Germany  and  Burgundy,  and  already  Duke  of  Bavaria 
and  Swabia,  now  stepped  into  the  complete  possession  of  his 


6o  European  History,  918-1273 

father's  power,  as  if  he  were  already  the  heir  of  an  hereditary 
state.  Henry  in.  was  the  first  German  king  to  succeed 
witliout  opposition  or  rebellion. 

Henry  in.  was  now  two-and-twenty  years  of  age,  and  had 
been  carefully  educated  for  his  great  position.  Gisela  had 
Henry  III.  procurcd  for  him  the  best  of  literary  teachers, 
1039-1056.  while  Conrad  himself  had  taken  care  that  he 
should  excel  in  all  knightly  exercises,  and  go  through  a 
sound  drilling  in  war,  law,  and  statecraft.  He  had  already 
won  martial  glory  against  the  Poles  and  Hungarians,  while 
he  had  acquired  political  experience  as  virtual,  if  not 
formal,  co-regent  with  his  father.  He  was  now  able  to  take 
up  his  father's  work,  and  while  carrying  it  on  essentially  in 
the  old  lines,  to  infuse  it  with  a  new  spirit.  For  the  gifted 
young  king,  though  inheriting  to  the  full  the  practical  wisdom 
of  his  father,  soared  far  above  the  cold  self-seeking  and 
hard  selfishness  of  the  least  attractive  of  the  great  German 
Emperors.  Under  his  strong  and  genial  rule,  the  Holy 
Empire  again  became  a  great  ideal,  though  it  was  now  an 
ideal  that  had  little  that  was  visionary  or  fantastic  about  it. 
The  seventeen  years  of  his  reign  witnessed  the  culminating 
point  of  the  power  of  the  mediaeval  Empire.  Under  him 
Germany  effectively  ruled  the  destinies  of  the  world.  The 
early  troubles  that  had  attended  the  building  up  of  the 
kingdom  were  over.  The  later  troubles  that  sprang  from  the 
struggle  of  the  ecclesiastical  and  temporal  power  had  not  yet 
begun. 

A  series  of  signal  triumphs  in  the  east  first  proclaimed  to 
the  world  the  greatness  of  the  new  king.  Poland,  Bohemia, 
and  Hungary  were  all  alike  matters  of  concern  to  Henry. 
Poland,  But  Poland,  so  mighty  a  few  years  before,  was 

Bohemia,  and  (Jistracted   by   civil  strife,   and   attacked   by   the 

Hungary  .   ,  <-     ■w^    t  •  i 

made  fiefs  of  rismg  power  of  Bohemia,  now  the  strongest 
the  Empire.  Slavonic  State.  It  was  a  light  matter  for  Henry  to 
retain  Poland  as  a  feudatory  of  the  Empire.  But  it  involved 
a   long   struggle   before   Bohemia,   under   its   warlike    Duke 


The  Later  Saxon  and  Early  Saltan  Emperors      6i 

Bretislav,  could  be  forced  to  accept  the  same  position.  It 
was  Bretislav's  ambition  to  make  himself  a  king,  and  to  secure 
for  the  Bohemian  bishopric  at  Prague  the  position  of  an  arch- 
bishopric, so  that  a  great  Slavonic  kingdom,  independent 
both  in  Church  and  State,  might  centre  round  the  Bohemian 
table-land.  But  Henry  forced  his  way  through  the  moun- 
tains of  the  border  and  threatened  Prague  itself.  In  despair 
Bretislav  did  homage  to  him  for  Bohemia  and  Moravia,  and 
even  for  the  outlying  district  of  Silesia,  which  he  had  con- 
quered from  the  weak  Polish  monarchy  and  made  an  integral 
part  of  the  Bohemian  kingdom.  Even  greater  difficulties 
beset  Henry  in  Hungary,  where  a  heathen  reaction  had  set 
Aba,  a  member  of  the  hero  race  of  Arpad,  on  the  throne.  In 
1042  Henry  invaded  Hungary  and  dethroned  Aba,  but  the 
Hungarian  king  was  soon  restored,  and  it  was  not  until  a 
third  expedition  in  1044  that  Henry  finally  succeeded  in 
destroying  his  power.  Aba's  defeat  secured  the  complete 
triumph  of  the  German  king.  Peter,  the  new  king  of 
Hungary,  performed  homage  to  Henry,  thus  making  Hun- 
gary, like  Poland  and  Bohemia,  a  fief  of  the  Empire.  In 
1045  Henry  visited  Hungary,  and  received  the  submission  of 
the  Magyar  magnates.  In  pious  gratitude  for  his  victory 
Henry  sent  the  gilded  lance,  which  Peter  had  given  to  him  as 
an  emblem  of  his  dependence,  as  a  votive  offering  to  the 
Papacy.  A  few  years  later  another  Arpad,  Andrew,  dethroned 
the  weak  Peter,  and  gave  a  more  national  direction  to 
the  fierce  Magyar  nation,  though  he  was  too  conscious  of 
Henry's  power  to  break  openly  with  him.  With  a  row  of 
vassal  kingdoms  extending  to  the  extremes!  eastward  limits 
of  Roman  civilisation,  the  Holy  Empire  was  fast  becoming  in 
a  very  real  sense  the  mistress  of  the  world. 

With  all  his  power,  Henry  could  not  hope  to  obtain  from 
the  princes  of  the  west  the  same  formal  acknowledgment  of 
his  supremacy  that  he  had  wrested  from  the  lords   Henry  iii. 
of  the  east.     The  France  of  Henry  i.  was  indeed  and  France, 
feeble  and  helpless,  but  the  early  Capetian   monarchy  was 


62  European  History,  918-1273 

still  the  centre  of  a  great  system,  and  its  feudatories,  though 
constantly  at  war  with  their  king  and  with  each  other,  would 
be  likely  to  make  common  cause  against  a  German  pretender 
to  universal  rule.  Henry  iii.  was  content  to  keep  on  friendly 
terms  with  his  neighbours  beyond  the  Rhine,  and,  as  a  good 
means  of  securing  French  friendship,  he  chose  a  wife  from 
among  the  greater  vassals  of  the  Capetian  throne.  In  1043 
he  married  Agnes  of  Poitou,  the  youngest  daughter  of  that 
Count  William  of  Poitou  who,  in  his  youth,  had  competed 
with  Conrad  the  Salic  for  the  crown  of  Italy.  Agnes  exer- 
cised henceforth  strong  influence  over  her  husband,  and  in 
particular  upon  his  ecclesiastical  policy. 

With  the  eastern  kings  paying  him  tribute  and  the  monarch 
of  the  west  seeking  his  friendship,  Henry  had  now  leisure  to 
improve  the  internal  condition  of  his  dominions.  Despite  all 
that  his  predecessors  had  done,  Germany  and  Italy  were  still 
in  the  utmost  disorder.  Conrad  ii.'s  policy  of  encouraging 
Henry  HI.  ^^  Smaller  nobility  had  tended  to  increase  the 
and  Germany,  private  wars  and  local  feuds  that  made  existence 
so  difficult  and  dreary  for  the  simple  freeman,  and  so  dangerous 
even  to  the  great  lord.  Henry  now  made  strenuous  efforts 
to  restore  peace  to  Germany.  At  a  diet  at  Constance  Henry 
solemnly  forgave  all  his  enemies,  and  craved  their  forgive- 
ness in  turn,  calling  upon  the  magnates  to  follow  his  example 
and  lay  aside  their  feuds  with  each  other.  Some  degree  of 
success  followed  this  appeal,  especially  as  Henry  had  partly 
abandoned  his  father's  policy  of  concentrating  the  national 
duchies  in  his  own  hands.  Germany  was  so  vast  that  it 
could  hardly  be  effectively  ruled  from  a  single  centre,  and 
Henry  hoped  that  henceforth  the  dukes  whom  he  set  up 
would  be  faithful  ministers,  and  not  champions  of  local  inde- 
pendence. 

Italy  demanded  Henry's  utmost  care,  and  the  critical 
position  of  the  Papacy  closely  connected  his  policy  with 
his  attitude  towards  the  Church.  Since  his  marriage 
with    Acne*?.    Henry   had    become    more    attentive    to    the 


The  Later  Saxon  and  Early  Saltan  Emperors      63 

teachings  of  Cluny,  and  was  keenly  alive  to  the  scandals 
which  still  disgraced  the  Roman  Church.  No  ecclesiastical 
reformation  could  be  complete  which  did  not  begin  with 
the  head  of  the  Church,  and  it  was  only  by  a  great 
manifestation  of  his  power  that  Henry  could  purify  Henry  iii. 
the  Papacy.  The  Counts  of  Tusculum  still  kept  and  Italy, 
their  tight  hold  over  the  Roman  Church,  which  had  almost 
become  their  hereditary  possession.  After  two  brothers — the 
reforming  Benedict  viii.  (i 01 2- 1024)  and  the  reactionary 
John  XIX.  (1024-1033) — had  held  in  turn  St.  Peter's  chair, 
a  third  member  of  the  Tusculan  house,  their  nephew,  Bene- 
dict IX.,  succeeded,  despite  his  extreme  youth,  to  the  papal 
throne  (1033).  His  excesses  soon  gave  occasion  to  universal 
scandal,  and  in  1044  the  Romans  set  up  an  Antipope  in 
Sylvester  III.  Family  influence  still  upheld  Benedict,  but  next 
year  new  troubles  arising,  he  sold  the  Papacy  in  a  panic  to 
a  new  pretender,  who  called  himself  Gregory  vi.,  and  who, 
despite  his  simoniacal  election,  soon  attracted  the  reformers 
around  him  by  his  zeal  in  putting  an  end  to  abuses.  But 
Benedict  soon  repented  of  his  bargain,  and  sought  to  regain 
his  position  as  Pope.  The  result  was  that  three  rival  claimants 
to  the  Papacy  distracted  Rome  with  their  brawls,  and  none 
of  them  had  sufficient  power  to  get  rid  of  the  others. 

A  synod  assembled  at  Rome,  and  called  on  Henry  in. 
to  put  an  end  to  the  crisis.  In  1046  he  crossed  the  Alps, 
and  held  a  Church  Council  at  Pavia,  in  which  he  issued  an 
edict  condemning  simony.  In  December  1046  he  held 
another  synod  at  Sutri,  near  Rome,  where  two  synodof 
of  the  three  claimants  to  the  Papacy  were  de-  ^"*"'  *°^^- 
posed.  The  third  claimant  was  deposed  in  a  third  synod 
held  in  Rome  itself.  Suidgar,  Bishop  of  Bamberg,  was  chosen 
Pope  through  Henry's  influence,  and  enthroned  on  Christmas 
Day  as  Clement  11.,  conferring  on  the  same  day  the  imperial 
crown  on  Henry  and  Agnes.  Accompanied  by  Clement, 
the  Emperor  made  a  progress  through  southern  Italy, 
which  he   reduced   to  submission.      Grave  troubles  on   the 


64  European  History y  918-1273 

Lower  Rhine  now  brought  Henry  back  to  Germany ;  yet 
even  in  his  absence  his  influence  remained  supreme  in  Italy, 
Clement  11.  died  in  1048;  but  a  whole  succession  of  German 
Popes,  the  nominees  of  the  Emperor,  were  now  accepted  by 
the  Romans  with  hardly  a  murmur.  The  first  of  these — 
Damasus  11.,  formerly  Poppo,  Bishop  of  Brixen,  died  after  a 
few  weeks'  reign.  His  successor,  the  Emperor's  kinsman, 
Bruno  of  Toul,  took  the  name  of  Leo  ix.  (1048-1054).  Short 
as  was  his  pontificate,  the  result  of  his  work  was  epoch- 
making  in  several  directions.  During  the  reign  of  his  suc- 
cessor, Victor  II.  (1054- 1 05 7),  Henry  in.  paid  his  second  and 
last  visit  to  Italy,  the  results  of  which  we  will  speak  of  later. 
No  sooner  was  he  over  the  Alps  than  a  rebellion  broke  out 
in  Bavaria  that  necessitated  his  immediate  return.  The  pre- 
sence of  the  Emperor  soon  extinguished  the  revolt,  but  the 
rising  taught  Henry  the  insecurity  of  his  position,  and  he 
now  sought  to  conciliate  his  foes. 

In  the  summer  of  1056  Henry  held  his  court  at  Goslar, 

where  he  was  visited  by  Victor  11. ;  but  in  September  he  fell 

^     ^  ,       sick,  and  had  only  time  to  take  further  measures 

Death  of  '  •' 

Henry  III.,  to  sccurc  his  son's  succession,  when  death  over- 
***56-  took   him,  on   5th   October,  in   the  thirty-ninth 

year  of  his  age.  Under  him  the  mediaeval  Empire  attained 
its  apogee.  Germany  was  now  almost  a  nation ;  Italy  a 
submissive  dependency ;  the  Papacy  had  been  reformed,  and 
the  Church  purified.  A  child  of  six  years  old  was  now 
called  to  the  throne,  whose  burden  had  been  almost  too 
heavy  for  his  father.  With  the  accession  of  Henry  iv.  the 
decline  of  the  Empire  begins. 


The  Later  Saxon  and  Early  Saltan  Emperors      65 


GENEALOGY  OF  THE  SAXON  AND  SALIAN  EMPERORS 

HENRY  I.,  THE  Fowler,  Duke  of  the  Saxons, 

German  King  (919-936) 

tn.  Matilda 


Thankmar 

(illegitimate) 

rf.  938 


(0 


OTTO  I. 

(936-973) 
n.  I.  Edith  of 

England 
2.  Adelaide, 
vsridow  of 
Lothair, 
King  of 
Italy 

(2)1 


I 
Henry, 
Duke  of 
Bavaria, 
m.  Judith, 
daughter  of 
Amulf, 
Duke  of 
Bavaria 


I  I  I 

Bruno,  Gerberga,         Hedwig, 

Archbishop  of    m.  i.  Giselbert,  tn.  Hugh  the 

Cologne      Duke  of  Lorraine       Great 

2.  Louis  IV., 

King  of  West 

Franks 


LuDOLF, 

Duke  of 
Swabia 

I 
Otto, 
Duke  of 
Swabia 


OTTO  IL 

(973-983) 

m.  Theophano, 

daughter  of 

Romanus  11., 

Eastern 

Emperor 


OTTO  III. 
(983-1002) 


Liutgarde, 

m.  Conrad  the 

Red,  Duke  of 

Lorraine 


Otto 


William 

(illegitimate). 

Archbishop  of 

Mainz 


Henry  II.,         Hedwig, 
Duke  of       fit.  Burkhard. 
Bavaria,  the         Duke  of 
Quarrelsome        Swabia 


HENRY  II., 

THE  Saint 

(1002-1024) 

m.  Cunigunde 


^      I 

GiSELA, 

;«.  St. 

Stephen 

of  Hungary 


I  I  I 

Henry  Bruno  Conrad 

Pope  Gregory  v.  I 

(996-999) 


GiSELA,     tn.  CONRAD  IL,        Conrad  of 


Duchess  of  THE  Salic 

Swabia  (1024-1039) 

Ernest, 
Duke  of 
Swabia 

HENRY  IIL 

(1039-1056) 

m.  Agnes,  daughter  of  William, 

Count  of  Poitou 

I 

HENRY  IV. 

(1056-1106) 
in.  I.  Bertha 

2.  Praxedis  of  Russia 


Carinthia, 

rival  to 
Coiu-ad  II. 


Bruno, 

Bishop  of  To'il, 

Pope  Leo  ix. 

(1048-1054^ 


Conrad, 

Anti-Caesar, 

d.  iioi 


HENRY  V. 

(1106-1125) 

iH.  Matilda  of  England 


AgneSj 

tn.  Frederick, 

Duke  of  Swabia, 

ancestor  of  the 

Hohenstaufen 


PERIOD  II. 


CHAPTER    IV 

FRANCE  AND  ITS  VASSAL  STATES 
UNDER  THE  LAST  CAROLINGIANS 
AND  THE  EARLY  CAPETIANS,  929-I  Io8  ^ 

The  last  Carolingians — Hugh  the  Great — Election  of  Hugh  Capet,  and  its 
results — The  first  four  Capetians,  Hugh,  Robert  li.,  Henry  i.,  Philip  i. — 
The  great  Fiefs  under  the  early  Capetians — Normandy — Brittany — 
Flanders  —  Vermandois  —  Champagne  and  Blois  —  Anjou  —  Burgundy— 
Aquitaine  and  Poitou  —  Toulouse  —  Beginnings  of  French  influence. 

While  the  first  great  Saxon  kings  were  reviving  the  power 
of  their   eastern  kingdom,  the   expiring   Carolingian  house 
The  last       Still   Carried   on   an  unavailing  struggle  for    the 
Carolingian  possession  of  the  old  realm  of  the  West  Franks. 
the"w«t      Charles    the    Simple    was    the    last    Carolingian 
Franks.        to   exercise   any   real   authority  in  France.     He 
had   obtained   a   powerful   ally  by  his   concession    of  Nor- 
mandy to  Rolf  and  his  vikings.     He  had  witnessed  the  revolt 
of  the   Lotharingians  from   Germany   to   France,   and   had 
attained   many  successes  through  their  support. 
Simple,        Yet    the   concluding    years    of    his    reign   were 
^"^1*^         troubled  in  the  extreme,  until  he  succumbed  be- 
fore the  formidable  coalition  of  Robert,  Count  of  Paris,  the 
brother  of  the  dead  King  Odo,  and  the  chief  representative 

*  Luchaire's  Instilulions  Monarchiqius  de  la  France  sous  Us  Premiers 
CapJtiens  (987-1180)  includes,  besides  its  detailed  studies  of  institutions, 
an  admirable  summary  of  the  political  history.  Special  works  include 
Lot's  Lzs  Demiers  Carolingiens,  Monod's  Atudes  sur  F Histoire  de 
JIugues  Cafet,  and  Pfister's  £tude  sur  le  Rigne  de  Robert  le  Pieux. 
■    06 


France  under  the  Early  Capetians  6y 

of  the  new  order,  with  his  two  mighty  sons-in-law,  Herbert, 
Count  of  Vermandois,   and    Rudolf,   Duke    of    Burgundy. 
Robert  got  himself  crowned  king  in  922,  but  was   Robert, 
slain  in  battle  in  923,  leaving  his  famous  son,  saa-gaa- 
Hugh  the  Great,  too  young  to  succeed  to  his  disputed  king- 
dom.    This  left  Rudolf  of  Burgundy  as  king  of  the  Franks, 
or,  rather,  of  those  who  still  resisted  Charles  the  Rudolf, 
Simple  [see  Period  i.,  pp.  503-5].    When  Charles  9^-936- 
died  in  prison  in  929,  Rudolf  had  no  longer  a  nominal  rival. 
He  reigned  until  his  death  in  936. /But  his  power  was  miser- 
ably weak,  and  real  authority  still  resided  with   the   great 
feudatories,  whose  possessions  had  now  become  hereditary 
for  so  long  a  time  that  they  were  now  associated  by  close 
ties  to  the  districts  which  they  ruled.  /^ 

Hugh  the  Great  was  a  man  of  v«-y  different  calibre  from 
his  fierce  ancestors.  Robert  the  Strong,  the  founder  of 
the  house,  had  been  a  warrior  pure  and  simple.  His 
sons,  Odo  and  Robert,  the  two  dukes  who  had  in  turn 
grasped  the  sceptre,  had  faithfully  followed  in  his  footsteps. 
Wanting  in  policy  and  statecraft,  they  had  been  less  powerful 
as  kings  than  as  dukes. /^  Hugh  the  Great,  the  first  statesman 
of  the  Robertian  house,  was  a  shrewd  tactician,   „  ,. 

'     Policy  of 

who  saw  that  his  fortunes  could  best  be  estab-  Hugh  the 
lished  by  playing  a  waiting  game.  1  He  heaped  ^'■^**- 
up  treasure,  and  accumulated  fresh  fiefs,  but  on  the  death  of 
his  Burgundian  brother-in-law  he  declined  the  royal  dignity, 
preferring  to  exercise  an  unseen  influence  over  a  king  of  his 
own  choice  to  exposing  himself  to  the  certainty  of  exciting 
the  Jealousy  of  every  great  lord  in  France,  by  raising  himself 
abovelthem  as  their  king. 

There  was  only  one  sacred  family  which  every  lord  admitted 
to  be  above  himself.     Even  in  its  humiliation  the  C^rolingian 
name  was  still  one  to  conjure  with.      As  Hugh  Louis  iv., 
would  not  be  king  himself,  he  wisely  fell  back  on  936-954. 
the  legitimate  stock  of  the  West  Frank ish  royal  house.      He 
turned  his  eyes  over  the  Channel,  where  Louis,  son  of  Charles 


68  European  History,  918-1273 

the  Simple,  and  his  West  Saxon  queen,  Eadgifu,  daughter  of 
Edward  the  Elder,  was  living  quietly  at  the  court  of  his  uncle 
Athelstan.  Louis  was  only  fifteen  years  old,  and  was  likely 
to  be  grateful  to  his  powerful  protector.  He  was  elected 
king  by  the  Frankish  lords,  and  duly  crowned  at  Reims. 
In  memory  of  his  exile  he  was  called  '  Louis  from  beyond 
sea '  ( UltramarinuSy  Outremer).  In  the  list  of  French  kings 
he  is  reckoned  a§  Louisiy. 

Hugh  the  Great  was  rewarded  by  the  renewal  in  his  favour 
of  the  title  '  Duke  of  the  French,'  which  had  already  been 
borne  by  his  father  Robert  in  the  days  of  Charles  the  Simple. 
This  title  suggested  a  power,  half  military  and  half  national, 
The  Duke  of  atialogous  to  that  held  by  the  dukes  of  the  nations 
the  French.  \^  Germany.  But  if  this  were  the  case,  Hugh's 
power  as  duke  would  have  probably  been  restricted  to 
'Francia,'  a  region  which,  in  common  speech,  was  now 
limited  to  the  Gaulish  regions  north  of  the  Seine.  It  is  not 
clear,  however,  that  the  power  of  the  Duke  of  the  French  had 
any  territorial  limitation  other  than  that  of  the  limits  of  the 

y.  West  Frankish  kingdom  as  prescribed  by  the  treaty  of  Verdun. 

1\  WherevQf  Louis  ruled  as  '  king,'  Hugh  wielded  authority  as 
'duke.'  /He  was  a  permanent  prime  minister,  a  mayor  of  the 
palace,  a  justiciar  of  the  Anglo-Norman  type,  rather  than  a 
territorial  duke.  Indeed,  Hugh's  chief  domains  were  not  in 
•Francia'  at  all.  Despite  his  possession  of  Paris,  his  chief 
fiefs  were  still  in  the  cradle  of  his  house,  the  district  between 
the  Seine  and  Loire,  to  which  the  term  Neustria  was  now 
commonly  applied.  Here  his  authority  stretched  as  far  west- 
wards as  the  county  of  Maine,  which  he  had  obtained  in  his 
youth  from  the  weakness  of  Rudolf  of  Burgundy.  Moreover, 
in  the  lack  of  all  central  royal  authority,  half  the  chief  vassals 
of  the  north  had  thought  it  prudent  to  commend  themselves  to 
the  mighty  lord  of  Neustria,  and,  with  the  Duke  of  Normandy 
at  their  head,  had  become  his  feudal  dependants.  Hugh  was 
no  longer  simply  a  great  feudatory.  Even  in  name,  he  was 
the  second  man  in  Gaul.    In  fact,  he  was  a  long  way  the  first 


France  under  the  Early  Capetians  69 

/The  last  Carolingians  were  in  no  wise  puppets  and  do- 
nothings  like  the  last  Merovingians.  Ti  Louis  iv.  proved  a 
strenuous  warrior,  with  a  full  sense  of  his  royal  dignity.  He 
ruled  directly  over  little  more  than  the  hill-town  of  Laon  and 
its  neighbourhood,  but  he  did  wonders  with  his  scanty  re- 
sources. He  married  a  sister  of  Otto  the  Great,  and  with 
German  help  was  able  to  press  severely  his  former  patron. 
But  Otto  soon  withdrew  beyond  the  Rhine,  and  Louis, 
deprived  of  his  help,  and  ever  planning  schemes  too  vast 
for  his  resources,  was  soon  altogether  at  Hugh's  mercy. 
In  946  he  was  driven  out  of  Laon :  '  the  only  town,' 
as  he  complained,  'where  I  could  shut  myself  up  with  my 
wife  and  children,  the  town  that  I  prefer  to  my  life.'  In  his 
despair  he  laid  his  wrongs  before  King  Otto  and  a  council  of 
bishops  at  Ingelheim.  Hugh  prudently  yielded  before  the 
threatened  thunders  of  the  Church.  He  renewed  his  homage 
to  King  Louis,  and  restored  Laon  to  him.  'Henceforth,' 
says  the  chronicler,  'their  friendship  was  as  firm  as  their 
struggles  had  formerly  been  violent.'  When  Louis  died 
suddenly  in  954,  hjs^  thirfppn-year-rtl^l  son.  Lothair.  was 
chosen  king  through  Hugh's  influence.  Two  years  later  the 
great  duke  died. 

Hugh  the  Great's  son  and  successor  was  also  named  Hugh. 
He  is  famous  in  history  by  the  surname  of  *  Capet,'  which  he 
obtained  from  bearing  the  cope  of  the  abbot  of  St.  Martin's 
at  Tours,  but  which,  like   most   famous  surnames,  has   no 
contemporary  authority.     Brought  up  in  his  father's  school, 
he   was   clear-headed,  cunning,  resourceful,  and 
cold-blooded.     He  soon  extended  the  power  of  and  King 
his   house,  establishing  one   of  his   brothers   in   Lothair, 
Burgundy,  and  marrying  Adelaide,  the  heiress  of 
Poitou,  so   as   to   be  ablfe   to   push   forward  claims   in  the 
lands  beyond  the  Loire.  I  Both  in  policy  and  resources  he 
overmatched  the  young  king  Lothair,  who  tried  as  he  grew 
up  to  play  his  father's  part;  but  his  means  were  too  small, 
and  he  embarked  on  contradictory  policies  which  destroyed 


70  European  History,  918-1273 

each  other.  His  father  had  relied  upon  the  support  of  Otto  i., 
but  Lothair,  tempted  by  the  long  tradition  of  loyalty  which 
bound  Lotharingia  to  the  Carolingian  house,  sought  to  find 
a  substitute  for  his  dwindling  patrimony  in  northern  France 
by  winning  domains  for  himself  in  that  region.  The 
strong  Saxon  kings  would  not  'olerate  the  falling  away  of 
Lorraine  from  their  Enjpire.  Otto  ii.  invaded  France  [see 
page  38]  and  vigorously  punished  the  presumptuous  Caro- 
lingian. Henceforth  Lothair  had  no  support  against  the  subtle 
policy  of  the  new  Duke  of  the  French.  He  even  alienated 
Adalbero,  the  famous  Archbishop  of  Reims,  and  the  last 
prominent  ecclesiastical  upholder  of  the  tottering  dynasty, 
so  that  he  repudiated  the  traditional  policy  of  his  see,  and 
allied  himself  with  the  duke  and  the  Emperor.  Gerbert,  the 
'scholasticus '  of  Adalbero's  cathedral  school,  and  the  author 
of  his  policy,  established  an  alliance  between  Hugh  Capet 
and  Otto  iii.,  and  was  soon  able  to  boast  that  Lothair  was  but 
king  in  name,  and  that  the  real  king  was  Duke  Hugh.  After 
losing  the  support  of  the  Germans  and  of  the  Church,  the 
Carolingians^  had  absolutely  nothing  left  but  their  own  paltry 
resources.  A^et  Lothair  gallantly  struggled  on  till  his  death,  u 
Louis  v.,  i"^  986,  after  a  nominal  reign  of  thirty-two  years,  tf 
986-987-  His  son,  Louis  v.,  who  had  reigned  jointly  with^ 

him  since  979,  succeeded  to  his  phantom  kingship,  and  con- 
trived to  win  over  Duke  Hugh,  at  whose  instigation  he  led 
an  expedition  into  Poitou.  But  Louis  also  quarrelled  with 
Archbishop  Adalbero,  and  alienated  the  Church.  Adalbero 
intrigued  against  him,  and  the  prelate's  triumph  was  hasWSned 
by  Louis'  premature  death  in  the  hunting-field  (987)./  He 
was  the  last  of  the  Carolingian  kings,  jf 

For  a  century  the  Robertian  house  had  struggled  with 
the  house  of  Charles  the  Great.  Its  premature  triumph 
Election  of  Under  Odo  and  Robert  had  put  off  the  final  day 
Hugh  Capet,  of  success.  But  the  patient  and  shrewd  policy 
^'  of  Hugh  the  Great  and  Hugh  Capet  was  at  last 

rewarded  with  victory.      Louis  v.  left  no  son.     His  uncle 


France  under  the  Early  Capetians  7 1 

Charles,  Duke  of  Lower  Lorraine,  was  his  nearest  heir, 
but  was  in  no  position  to  push  forward  his  pretensions. 
The  pear  was  at  last  ripe,  and  Hugh  Capet  had  no  longer 
any  motive  for  avoiding  the  semblance  of  the  power,  of 
which  he  had  long  enjoyed  the  reality.  Adalbero  and 
Gerbert  now  showed  great  activity.  Adalbero  harangued  the 
barons  and  bishops  on  the  duty  that  lay  before  them.  *  We 
know,'  he  said,  '  that  Charles  of  Lorraine  has  his  partisans 
who  pretend  that  the  throne  belongs  to  him  by  hereditary 
right.  But  we  believe  that  kingship  is  not  acquired  by 
hereditary  right,  but  that  we  ought  only  to  raise  to  that 
dignity  the  man  who  is  marked  out,  not  only  by  noblepess 
of  birth,  but  by  wisdom,  loyalty,  and  magnanimity.'^ The 
magnates  took  the  cue^  and  elected  Hugh  king  of  the 
French.  The  Church  ratified  the  choice  of  the  nobles  by 
the  solemn  coronation  of  the  new  king  at  Noyon.  The  Duke 
of  the  Normans  and  the  Count  of  Anjou  lent  him  the  support 
of  their  arms.  The  Emperor  recognised  Hu^,  on  condition 
that  he  waived  all  claims  over  Lotharingia.    S 

The  revolution  of  987  was  easily  accomplisned,  because  the 
old  order  was  so  nearly  dead.  It  involved  no  striking  change 
in  form.  iThe  Capetian  kings  posed  as  the  lawful  successors 
of  the  Carolingians  :  they  had  the  same  conceptions  of  sove- 
reignty, and  followed  the  same  principles  of  its 
government.  Yet  those  are  not  far  wrong  who  results, 
regard  the  accession  of  Hugh  as  the  starting-point  of  all 
later  French  history.  It  is  easy  to  exaggerate  the  nature  of 
the  change.  It  is  unsafe  to  make  the  change  of  dynasty  a 
triumph  of  one  race  over  another.  It  has  been  the  fashion  to 
say  that,  with  the  last  of  the  Carolingians,  disappear  the  last 
of  the  Teutonic  conquerors  of  Gaul,  and  that  their  power  had 
passed  on  to  the  Romanised  Celts  whom  they  had  ruled  so 
long.  But  there  is  no  scrap  of  evidence  to  prove  that  the 
later  Carolings  were  different  in  tongue,  ideas,  or  policy  from 
the  Robertian  house,  j  There  was  no  real  national  feeling  in 
the  tenth  century,  and,  if  there  were,  no  proof  that  the  one 


7  2  European  History,  918-1273 

house  was  more  national  than  the  other.  Nevertheless,  the 
passing  away  of  the  line  of  Charles  the  Great  does  complete 
the  process  which  the  Treaty  of  Verdun  had  begun.  /The 
Capetian  king  had  a  limited  localised  power,  a  power  that  in 
due  course  could  become  national;  and  if  he  looked  back,  like 
the  Carolings,  to  the  traditions  of  imperial  monarchy  and 
order,  he  had  no  temptation  to  look  back,  as  the  Carolings 
were  bound  to  look  back,  to  the  imperial  ideas  of  uni- 
versal dominion.  He  had  no  claim  to  rule  beyond  the 
limits  ascribed  to  the  West  Frankish  kingdom  in  the  Treaty 
of  Verdun.  He  was  king  of  the  French,  the  new  Romance 
people  that  had  grown  up  as  the  result  of  the  amalgamation 
of  conquering  Frank  and  conquered  Roman.  He  spoke  the 
infant  French  tongue ;  his  ambitions  were  limited  to  French 
soil ;  he  represented  the  new  nationality  that  soon  began  to 
take  a  foremost  place  amidst  all  the  nations  of  Europe.  But 
the  triumph  of  the  Capetian  was  not  even  in  anticipation  a 
simple  national  triumph.  It  was  only  in  after  ages,  when  France 
had  become  great,  that  she  could  look  back  and  see  in  his 
accession  the  beginnings  of  her  separate  national  monarchy. 
Personally,  Hugh  Capet  was  doubtless,  like  Harold  of  Eng- 
land some  two  generations  later,  an  embodiment  of  the 
new  national  character  and  energy.  But,  less  fortunate  than 
Harold,  he  had  time  enough  to  live  to  show  how  power- 
less was  a  national  hero,  amidst  an  order  of  society  in  which 
the  national  ideal  could  have  no  place.yf  He  was  rather  the 
mighty  feudatory,  raised  by  his  own  order  to  a  position  of 
pre-eminence  to  represent  the  predominance  of  feudal  ideas. 
The  Carolings  had  fallen,  not  because  of  their  own  weakness, 
and  still  less  by  reason  of  any  want  of  sympathy  between 
them  and  the  French  nation.  They  were  pushed  out  of  power 
because  France  had  become  so  fully  feudalised  that  there  was 
no  room  for  an  authority  that  had  no  solid  basis  of  feudal 
support.  France  had  become  divided  among  a  series  of  great 
fiefs.  None  of  these  fiefs  fell  to  the  ruling  family,  which 
was  thus,  as  the  result  of  the  preponderance  of  the  feudal 


France  under  the  Early  Capetians  73 

principle,  deprived  of  revenue,  army,  lands,  and  reputation. 
Hugh  Capet  inherited  all  that  had  kept  the  Carolingian  power 
alive  so  long ;  but  in  addition  to  that  he  could  supplement 
the  theoretical  claims  of  monarchy  by  right  divine,  by  the 
practical  argumerfs  drawn  from  the  possession  of  one  of  the 
strongest  fiefs.y^''^Thus  the  new  dynasty  saved  the  monarchy 
by  strengthening  it  with  a  great  fief.  No  doubt  the  feudatories 
acted  unwisely  in  having  a  king  at  all.  /But  a  nominal 
monarchy  was  part  of  the  feudal  system,  and  the  barons  could 
Qonsole  themselves  by  believing  that  in  becoming  kijpg  of 
the  French,  Hugh  still  remained  one  of  themselves.^  He 
was  not  surrounded  with  the  mystic  reverence  due  to  the 
descendants  of  Charlemagne.  As  Harold,  in  becoming  king 
of  the  English,  did  not  cease  to  be  earl  of  the  West  Saxons, 
so  Hugh,  in  ascending  the  French  throne,  was  still  in  all 
essentials  the  count  of  Paris.  Harold  and  Hugh  alike 
found  but  a  questionin^pbe(Hence.J[ii^-t^  great  earls  and 
counts^  who  looked  upon  the  upstart  kings  as  their  equals. 
The 'T^fhiah  Conquest  destroyed  Harold  before  it  could 
be  early  demonstrated  what  a  long  step  in  the  direction  of 
feudalism  was  made  by  his  accession.  /  Hugh  Capet  and  his 
successors  had  time  to  bear  the  full  brunt  of  the  feudal 
shock. /The  most  powerful  of  dukes  proved  the  weakest  of 
kings.  It  was  only  gradually  that  the  ceremonial  centre, 
round  which  the  cumbrous  fabric  of  French  feudalism 
revolved,  became  the  real  heart  of  French  national  life. 
Yet,  even  in  the  feeble  reigns  of  the  first  four  Cagptian 
kings,  it  is  plain  that  France  had  begun  a  new  existence./  The 
history  of__thP  ^arolingianfi-  if  -b  history  of  decline.  The 
history  of  the  Capetians  is  a  story  of  progressr  While  beyond 
the  Rhine  and  Alps  the  continuance  of  the  imperial  theory 
choked  the  growth  of  German  and  Italian  national  life, 
the  disappearance  of  these  remnants  of  the  past  proved 
a  blessing  to  Gaul.  The  history  of  modern  Europe  is  the 
history  of  the  development  of  nationalities.  That  history 
may  be  said  in  a  sense  to  begin  with  the  establishment  of 


74  European  History,  918-1273 

the  first  of  an  unbroken  dynasty  of  national  kings  over  what 
was  destiaed  to  become  one  of  the  greatest  of  modem 
nations./ 

It  is  only  with  these  limitations  that  the  election  of  Hugh 
can  be  regarded  as  a  triumph  either  of  feudalism  or  of 
nationality.  But  it  is  entirely  true  that  Hugh's  accession  was 
the  triumph  of  the  Church.  Adalbero,  and  Gerbert  working 
through  Adalbero,  really  gave  Hugh  the  throne.  Gerbert  could 
truly  boast  that  the  Church  had  revived  the  royal  name  after 
it  had  long  been  almost  dead  among  the  French.  Amidst 
the  horrors  of  feudal  anarchy,  the  sounder  part  of  the  Church 
still  upheld  in  monarchy  the  Roman  tradition  of  orderly  rule, 
and  taught  that  the  king  governed  by  God's  grace,  because 
without  a  strong  king  the  thousand  petty  tyrants  of  feudalism 
would  have  no  restraint  upon  their  lust  and  greed.  But  even 
this  was  an  ideal  far  beyond  the  vision  of  the  tenth  century ; 
though  in  later  generations  it  was  to  bear  fruit.  The  im- 
mediate results  of  Hugh  Capet's  election  were  far  different 
from  its  ultimate  results,  frhe  conditions  upon  which  his 
brother  magnates  had  elected  him  king  meant  in  practice 
that  they  should  enjoy  in  their  territories  the  same  power 
that  he  enjoyed  on  his  own  domain.  Save  his  theoretical 
pre-eminence,  Hugh  got  very  little  from  his  roval  title. 
The  only  resources  orT  Which  he  coulj^depend  implicitly 
were  those  which  he  derived  from  his  own  lands  and  vassals. 
There  was  no  national  organisation,  no  royal  revenue,  and 

prnrfiralijTjTnjpyfil   army^  g<!   \\\c  tprm    orfcudal   SCrvice   WaS 

too  short  to  carry  on  a  real  campaign,  even  if  the  king 
could  have  trusted  his  vassals'  levies.  The  royal  title 
involved  responsibilities,  but  brought  with  it  littk  correspond- 
ing  power. 


Struck  By  the  contrast  between  their  weakness  and  the  com- 
manding position  of  later  French  kings,  historians  have  dwelt 
with  almost  exaggerated  emphasis  on  the  powerlessness  of 
Hugh  Capet  and  his  first  three  successors.  Yet  the  early 
Capetians  were  not  so  feeble  as  they  are  sometimes  described. 


France  under  the  Early  Capet ian$  75 

The  French  king  was  still  the  centre  round  which  the  feudal 
system  revolved.  He  had  a  store  of  legal  claims  and  traditions 
of  authority,  which  at  any  favourable  moment  he  could  put 
into  force.  He  was  the  only  ruler  whose  authority  extended 
even  in  name  all  over  France.  He  inherited  the  traditions  of 
the  Carolingians  and  Merovingians,,  and,  rightly  or  wrongly, 
was  regarded  as  their  successor.  (  Moreover,  the  lay  fiefs 
were,  luckily  for  the  monarchy,  ^  cut  up  by  the  great 
ecclesiastical  territories,  over  which  the  king  stood  in 
a  better  position.  Though  feudal  in  a  certain  sense,  the 
great  Church  dignitary  was  never  a  mere  feudalist.  His 
power  was  not  hereditary.  On  his  death  the  custody  of 
the  temporalities  of  his  see  passed  into  the  royal  hands, 
and  it  was  the  settled  royal  policy  to  keep  churches 
vacant  as  long  as  possible.  ^  Only  in  a  few  favoured  fiefs, 
"like'^ormandy,  Brittany,  and  Aquitaine,  did  the  regale  slip 
altogether  into  the  hands  of  the  local  dukes.  Moreover,  the 
disputes  and  the  weakness  of  the  chapters  gave  the  king  the 
preponderating  voice  in  elections.  Even  stronger  was  the 
royal  position  in  relation  to  the  monasteries.  The  greatest 
abbeys  throughout  France  were  'royal  abbeys,'  over  which 
the  king  possessed  the  same  right  as  over  bishoprics. 
Weaker  than  the  bishops,  the  abbots  looked  up  even  more 
than  the  secular  prelates  to  the  rov^l  support  against  the 
grasping  and  simoniacal  lay-lords.  ^The  king  favoured  the 
Cluniac  reformers,  knowing  that  the  more  earnest  the  Church- 
men, the  more  they  would  be  opposed  to  feudal  influence. 
Thus  it  was  that  every  great  Church  fief  was  a  centre  of  royal 
influence.  Over  the  Church  lands  of  central  France — the 
provinces  of  Sens,  Reim^,  Tours,  and  Bourges — the  early 
Capetian  was  a  real  king.)  Even  from  the  point  of  view  of 
material  resources,  the  king  was  in  every  whit  as  favourable 
a  position  as  any  one  of  his  chief  vassals.  His  own  domains 
were  large,  rich,  and  centrally  situated.  Though  lavish 
grants  to  the  chief  monasteries,  and  the  need  of  paying  for 
each    step    of    their    upward   progress   by   conciliating   the 


76  European  History,  918-1273 

feudal  magnates,  had  eaten  away  much  of  the  old  Robertian 
domain ;  though  the  great  Counts  of  Anjou  and  Blois  had 
established  themselves  in  virtual  independence  within  the 
limits  of  the  domain  of  Hugh  the  Great,  Hugh  Capet  still 
held  the  country  between  the  Seine  and  the  Loire,  including 
the  county  of  Paris,  Orleans  and  its  district,  Senlis,  Etampes, 
and  Melun,  with  scattered  possessions  in  more  distant  places, 
Picardy,  Champagne,  Bern,  Touraine,  and  Auvergne.  Paris 
was  not  as  yet  so  important  a  place  as  it  afterwards  became, 
and  it  is  an  exaggeration  to  make  it  the  centre  of  his 
power.  Hugh  could  only  conciliate  his  chief  adviser  and 
supporter,  Bouchard  the  Venerable,  the  greatest  lord  of  the 
royal  domain,  and  count  already  of  Vendome,  Corbeil, 
and  Melun,  by  granting  him  his  own  county  of  Paris. 
The  title  of  '  royal  count '  of  Paris  suggested  that  Bouchard 
was  a  royal  officer  rather  than  a  simple  feudatory,  and 
after  Bouchard  had  retired  into  a  monastery,  the  county 
of  Paris  was  henceforth  kept  strictly  in  the  king's  hands. 
The  second  Capetian  acquired  with  Montreuil-sur-Mer  a 
seaport  near  the  English  Channel.  For  a  time  the 
Capetians  held  the  duchy  of  Burgundy.  Moreover,  they 
were  men  of  energy  and  vigour  who  made  the  best  of 
their  limited  resources.  But  their  lot  was  a  hard  one.  Even 
in  their  own  domains,  between  the  Seine  and  Loire,  the  lead- 
ing mesne  lords,  lay  and  secular,  exercised  such  extensive 
jurisdiction  that  there-  was  little  room  left  for  the  autho- 
rity of  the  suzerain.  \  Besides  the  task — as  yet  hopeless — 
of  reducing  the  great  vassals  of  the  crown  to  order,  the 
Capetian  kings  had  the  preliminary  task  of  establishing 
their  authority  within  their  own  domains.  I  Even  this  smaller 
work  was  not  accomplished  for  more  than  a  century.  But^ 
luckily  for  the  kings,  each  one  of  .tlie_gteat  feudatories 
was  simTTar^  occupied.  TheTarons  of  Normandy  and  Aqui- 
taine  gave  more  trouble  to  their  respective  dukes  than  the 
barons  of  the  Isle  of  France  gave  to  the  lord  of  Paris. 
Power  Mas  in  reality  distributed  amnnghundrgda  of  feudal 


France  under  the  Early  Capetians  yy 

£hieftains.  It  was  so  divided  that  no  one  was  strong  enough 
to  really  rule  at  all.  France  suffered  all  the  miseries  of 
feudal  anarchy,  when  every  petty  lord  of  a  castle  ruled 
like  a  little  king  over  his  own  domain.  Yet  it  was  something 
that  her  contests  were  now  between  Frenchmen  and  French- 
men. Something  was  gained  in  the  passing  away  of  the 
barbarian  invasions  of  the  tenth  century. 

The  details  of  the  political  history  of  the  first  four  Cape- 
tian  reigns  are  insignificant,  and  need  not  be  told  at  length. 
Hugh  Capet  reigned  from  987  to  996.     He  had  The  first 
little  difficulty  in  obtaining  general  recognition,   fourCape- 
even  from  the  lords  of  the  distant  south.     But   Hugh, 
he  had   some    trouble  in   upholding  his   claims  987-996. 
against  the  Carolingian  claimant,  Charles,  Duke   of  Lower 
Lorraine,  who  received  the  powerful  support  of  the  church 
of  Reims,  after  Adalbero's  death,  and   continued  for  some 
time   to   maintain   himself  in  the  old    Carolingian    fortress 
of  Laon.      Hugh  continued  with   wise  policy  to   maintain 
his  hold  over  the  church  of  Reims,  and  so  to  destroy   the 
last  possible   stronghold  of  the   Carolingians.      He  did  not 
even   scruple   to   sacrifice   the   trusty   Gerbert   to  serve   his 
dynastic  ambitions.     Within  modest  limits,  the  reign  of  the 
founder  of  the  new  dynasty  was  a  successful  one. 

In  the  very  year  of  his  accession,  Hugh  provided  for  the 
hereditary  transmission  of  his  power  by  associating  his  son 
Robert    in    the    kingship.       On    Hugh's    death   Robert  11 
Robert,  already  with  nine  years'  experience  as  a  the  Pious, 
crowned  king,  became  sole  monarch.      He  had  ^^e-'oai. 
been  a  pupil  of  Gerbert's,  and  was  sufficiently  learned  to  be 
able  to  compose  hymns  and  argue  on  points  of  theology  with 
bishops.     His  character  was  amiable,  his  charity  abundant ; 
he  was  of  soft  and  ready  speech,  and  amiable  manners.     He 
showed  such  fervent  devotion  that  he  was  surnamed  Robert 
the  Pious,  and  contributed  more  than  any  other  Capetian 
king  to  identify  the  Church  and  the  dynasty.     He  was  not  the 
weak  uxorious  prince  that  his  enemies  describe  him,  but  a 


yS  European  History,  918-1273 

miglity  hunter,  a  vigorous  warrior,  and  an  active  statesman. 
He  made  constant  efforts,  both  to  enlarge  his  domain  and 
establish  his  authority  over  the  great  vassals.  He  kept  up 
friendly  relations  with  Normandy.  He  married  Bertha,  widow 
of  Odo  I.,  Count  of  Chartres,  Tours,  and  Blois,  his  father's 
worst  enemy,  in  the  hope  of  regaining  the  three  rich  counties 
that  had  slipped  away  from  the  heritage  of  Hugh  the  Great. 
But  Bertha  was  within  the  prohibited  degrees ;  and  the  Pope 
insisting  upon  the  unlawfulness  of  the  union,  Robert  was 
excommunicated,  and  after  a  long  struggle  gave  her  up.  But 
in  1019,  the  establishment  of  Odo  11.  of  Blois,  the  son  of 
Bertha  by  her  former  marriage,  in  the  county  of  Troyes,  did 
something  to  avenge  the  lady's  memory.  Robert's  third 
marriage  with  Constance  of  Aries,  the  daughter  of  a  Proven9al 
lord,  led  to  several  royal  visits  to  his  wife's  native  regions 
which  was  a  step  towards  establishing  Capetian  influence  in 
the  south.  But  the  men  of  Robert's  own  territories  disliked 
the  hard,  greedy  queen,  and  the  clergy  in  particular  resented 
her  introduction,  into  the  court  of  Paris,  of  the  refined 
but  lax  southern  manners.  Robert's  most  important  exploit 
was  the  conquest  of  Burgundy.  His  uncle,  Duke  Henry,  had 
died  without  an  heir,  and  after  a  struggle  of  fourteen  years' 
duration,  Robert  got  possession  of  the  great  fief;  but  he  soon 
granted  it  to  his  eldest  surviving  son  Henry,  whom,  faithful 
to  his  father's  policy,  he  had  crowned  king  in  1027.  He 
twice  went  on  pilgrimage  to  Rome,  and  was  offered  the  throne 
of  Italy  by  the  Lombard  lords,  who  were  opposed  to  Conrad 
the  Salic;  yet  he  found  much  difficulty  in  chastising  any 
petty  lord  of  the  Orl^anais  or  the  Beauce,  who  chose  to  defy 
him. 

During  the  declining  years  of  Robert  11.,  Queen  Constance 

exercised  an  increasing  influence.     She  wished  to  set  aside 

Henry  I.,      the  young  king,  Henry  of  Burgundy,  the  natural 

X031-X060.      heir,  in  favour  of  his  younger   brother   Robert. 

But  the  old  king  insisted  on  the  rights  of  the  first-born,  and 

civil  war  broke  out  between  the  brothers,  though  before  long 


France  under  the  Early  Capetians  79 

they  united  their  arms  against  their  father.  When  King 
Robert  died,  the  contest  was  renewed ;  but  finally  Henry 
secured  the  throne  for  himself,  and  pacified  his  younger 
brother  by  the  grant  of  Burgundy,  which  thus  went  per- 
manently back  to  a  separate  line  of  rulers.  Henry  i.'s 
inauspicious  beginning  lost  some  ground  to  the  monarchy, 
which  under  him  perhaps  attained  its  lowest  point  of  power. 
But  Henry,  if  not  very  wise,  was  brave  and  active.  Though 
his  resources  prevented  any  great  expeditions,  he  strove  by  a 
series  of  petty  fights  and  sieges  to  protect  his  frontiers  against 
two  of  the  strongest  and  most  disloyal  of  his  vassals — the 
Count  of  Blois,  and  the  Duke  of  Normandy.  In  neither  case 
was  he  successful.  Odo  11.,  after  a  long  struggle,  was  able 
to  establish  his  power  on  a  firm  basis,  both  in  Champagne 
and  Blois.  But  after  Odo's  death  in  1037,  Henry  managed 
to  absorb  some  of  his  fiefs  in  the  royal  domain,  and  scored  a 
considerable  triumph  by  transferring  Touraine  from  the  over- 
powerful  house  of  Blois  to  Geoffrey  Martel,  Count  of  Anjou. 
The  young  duke,  William  of  Normandy,  who  owed  his  throne 
to  the  support  of  Henry,  which  had  secured  the  defeat  of  the 
rebel  barons  at  Val-es-Dunes,  soon  grew  so  powerful  as  to 
excite  the  apprehensions  of  his  overlord.  In  an  unlucky 
hour,  Henry  broke  the  tradition  of  friendship  that  had  so 
long  united  Rouen  and  Paris.  He  twice  invaded  Normandy, 
but  on  both  occasions  the  future  conqueror  of  England  proved 
more  than  a  match  for  him.  In  1054  Henry  was  defeated 
at  Mortemer,  and  again,  in  1058,  at  Varaville.  Another 
difficulty  in  the  way  of  the  monarchy  was  the  fact  that  Henry 
married  late,  and  his  health  was  already  breaking  up  when  the 
eldest  son,  borne  to  him  by  his  wife  Anne  of  Russia,  was  still 
a  child.  Nevertheless,  in  1059,  Henry  procured  the  coro- 
nation of  his  seven-year-old  son  Philip  at  Reims,  and  the 
great  gathering  of  magnates  from  all  parts  of  France  that 
attended  the  ceremony  showed  that  the  succession  to  the 
throne  was  still  an  event  of  national  interest.  Yet  with  all 
his  weakness,  Henry  i.  held  firm  to  the  ancient  traditions  of  the 


8o  European  History^  918-1273 

Prankish  monarchy.  When  the  reforming  Pope  Leo  ix.  held 
his  synod  of  Reims  to  denounce  simony,  Henry  was  so  jealous 
of  the  Pope  that  he  prevented  the  French  prelates  from  attend- 
ing it  He  watched  with  alarm  the  results  of  the  absorption 
of  Lorraine  and  the  kingdom  of  Aries  in  the  Empire,  and 
boldly  wrote  to  Henry  iii.,  claiming  by  hereditary  right  the 
palace  at  Aachen,  possessed  by  his  ancestors,  and  all  the 
Lotharingian  kingdom  kept  from  its  rightful  owners  by  the 
tyranny  of  the  German  king.  It  is  significant  that  the  weakest 
of  the  early  Capetians  should  thus  pose  against  the  strongest 
of  the  Emperors  as  the  inheritor  of  the  Carolingian  tradition. 
In  1060  Henry  died,  and  the  little  Philip  i.  was  ac- 
knowledged as  his  successor  without  a  murmur.  During  his 
Philip  I.,  minority,  Count  Baldwin  v.  of  Flanders  held  the 
1060-1108.  regency,  paying  perhaps  more  regard  to  his 
interests  as  a  great  feudatory,  than  to  his  duty  to  his  ward. 
It  was  possibly  owing  to  this  attitude  that  Baldwin  allowed 
his  son-in-law,  William  the  Bastard,  to  fit  out  the  famous 
expedition  which  led  to  the  conquest  of  England,  and  thus 
gave  one  of  the  chief  vassals  of  France  a  stronger  posi- 
tion than  his  overlord.  The  year  after  the  battle  of  Hastings 
Baldwin  of  Flanders  died,  and  henceforward  Philip  ruled 
in  his  own  name.  As  he  grew  up,  he  gained  a  bad  reputa- 
tion for  greed,  debauchery,  idleness,  and  sloth.  Before 
he  attained  old  age  he  had  become  extraordinarily  fat 
and  unwieldy,  while  ill-health  still  further  diminished  his 
activity.  Yet  Philip  was  a  shrewd  man,  of  sharp  and 
biting  speech,  and  clear  political  vision.  His  quarrel  with 
the  Church  was  the  result  of  his  private  vices  rather  than 
his  public  policy.  As  early  as  1073  he  was  bitterly 
denounced  by  Gregory  vii.  as  the  most  simoniac,  adulterous, 
and  sacrilegious  of  kings.  But  he  gave  most  offence  to 
the  Church  when,  in  1092,  he  repudiated  his  wife.  Bertha 
of  Holland  (wiih  whom  he  had  lived  for  more  than  twenty 
years),  in  favour  of  Bertrada  of  Montfort,  the  wife  of  Fulk 
R^chin,  Count  of  Anjou,  whom  he  married  after  a  complaisant 


France  under  the  Early  Capetians  81 

bishop  had  declared  her  former  union  null.  This  bold  step 
brought  on  Philip's  head  not  only  the  arms  of  the  injured 
Fulk,  and  of  Bertha's  kinsfolk,  but  a  sentence  of  excommunica- 
tion from  Urban  11.  (1094).  Though  a  way  to  reconciliation 
was  soon  opened  up  by  the  death  of  Bertha,  the  Pope  never- 
theless persisted  in  requiring  Philip  to  repudiate  his  adulterous 
consort  Philip  never  gave  up  Bertrada,  and  never  received 
the  full  absolution  of  the  Church.  Nevertheless,  the  war 
which  he  carried  on  against  the  Papacy  did  not  cost  him  the 
allegiance  of  his  subjects,  though  to  it  was  added  a  long 
conflict  with  Gregory  vii.'s  ally,  William  the  Conqueror.  So 
weak  was  he  that  he  dared  not  prevent  the  holding  of 
councils  on  French  soil  at  which  he  was  excommunicated, 
and  the  great  crusading  movement  proclaimed.  But  Philip 
was  more  active  and  more  shrewd  than  his  ecclesiastical 
enemies  thought.  He  turned  his  attention  with  single-minded 
energy  towards  the  increase  of  the  royal  domain,  preferring 
the  inglorious  gain  of  a  castle  or  a  petty  lordship  to  indulging 
in  those  vague  and  futile  claims  by  which  his  three  pre- 
decessors had  sought  in  vain  to  hide  their  powerlessness. 
He  took  possession  of  the  lapsed  fief  of  Vermandois,  and, 
not  being  strong  enough  to  hold  the  district  in  his  own 
hands,  established  there  his  brother  Hugh  the  Great,  the 
famous  crusading  hero  and  the  father  of  a  long  line  of 
Capetian  counts  of  Vermandois,  who  were  all  through  the  next 
century  among  the  surest  supports  of  the  Capetian  throne. 
Philip  also  absorbed  the  Vexin  and  the  Valois,  thus  securing 
important  outworks  to  protect  his  city  of  Paris  from  Normandy 
and  Champagne.  By  his  politic  purchase  of  Bourges,  Philip 
for  the  first  time  established  the  royal  power  on  a  solid  basis 
south  of  the  Loire.  But  the  weak  point  of  Philip's  acquisi- 
tions was  that  he  had  not  force  sufficient  to  hold  them  firmly 
against  opposition.  Hampered  by  the  constant  unfriendliness 
of  the  Church,  broken  in  health  and  troubled  in  conscience, 
he  ended  his  life  miserably  enough.  Formally  reconciled  to 
the  Pope  before  the  end  of  his  days,  he  died  in  the  habit 

PERIOD  II.  F 


82  European  History^  9 1 8- 1 273 

of  a  monk,  declaring  that  his  sins  made  him  unworthy  to 
be  laid  beside  his  ancestors  and  St.  Denis,  and  humbly 
consigning  himself  to  the  protection  of  St  Benedict.  When 
the  vault  at  Fleury  closed  over  his  remains,  French  history 
began  a  new  starting-point.  Philip  i.  was  the  last  of  the  early 
Capetianswho  were  content  to  go  on  reigning  without  governing, 
after  the  fashion  of  the  later  Carolingians.  It  was  reserved 
for  his  successors  to  convert  formal  claims  into  actual  posses- 
sions. Nevertheless,  the  work  of  Philip  set  them  on  the  right 
track.  In  his  shrewd  limitation  of  policy  to  matters  of  practical 
moment,  and  his  keen  insight  into  the  drift  of  affairs,  the  gross, 
profligate,  mocking  Philip  prepared  the  way  for  the  truer 
expansion  of  France  under  his  son  and  grandson.  His  reign 
is  the  bridge  between  the  period  of  the  early  Capetians  and 
the  more  fruitful  and  progressive  period  that  begins  with 
Louis  VI. 

The  history  of  the  struggles  of  the  Capetians  and  Caro- 
lingians, and  of  the  first  faint  efforts  of  the  former  house  to 
realise  some  of  the  high  pretensions  of  the  old 
Befs  under    Frankish  monarchy,  is  only  one  side  of  the  history 
the  early      q{  France  during  the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries. 

Capetians. 

Divided  as  was  all  the  western  world,  there  was 
no  part  of  it  more  utterly  divided  in  feeling  and  interest  than 
the  kingdom  of  the  West  Franks.  When  the  early  Capetians 
were  carrying  on  their  petty  warfare  in  the  regions  between 
Seine  and  Loire,  or  making  their  vain  progresses  and  empha- 
sising their  barren  claims  over  more  distant  regions,  half  a 
score  of  feudal  potentates  as  able,  as  wealthy,  and  as  vigorous 
as  themselves  were  building  up  a  series  of  local  states  with 
foundations  as  strong,  and  patriotism  as  intense,  as  those  of 
the  lords  of  Paris.  The  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries  saw 
the  consolidation  of  the  provincial  nationalities  of  France,  the 
growing  up  of  those  strong  local  states  which  play  so  con- 
spicuous a  part  in  later  mediaeval  French  history,  and  which, 
centuries  after  their  absorption  into  the  royal  domain,  con- 
tinued  to   be   centres   of   keen   local    feeling,  and   are   not 


Franu  under  the  Early  Capetians  83 

crushed  out  of  existence  even  by  modem  patriotism  and  the 
levelling-up  of  the  Revolution.  Equally  important  with  their 
political  influence  was  their  influence  on  arts,  language,  and 
literature.  Into  the  details  of  this  history  it  is  impossible  to 
go ;  but  without  a  general  survey  of  the  process,  we  should 
lose  the  key  to  the  subsequent  history  of  France. 

The  first  among  the  great  fiefs  of  France  to  acquire  a 
distinct  character  of  its  own  was  Normandy,  which  since  the 
treaty  of  Clair-on-Epte  in  on  had  been  handed   „ 

Normandy. 

over  by  Charles  the  Simple  to  Rolf  the  Ganger 
and  his  Viking  followers.  The  pirates  gave  up  their  wandering 
life  of  plunder,  became  Christians,  and  tillers  of  the  soil. 
RoUo  divided  the  lands  of  his  duchy  among  his  kinsfolk  and 
followers.  In  one  or  two  generations,  the  descendants  of  the 
pirate  chieftains  became  the  turbulent  feudal  aristocracy  that 
held  even  their  fierce  dukes  in  check,  and  found  the  little 
duchy  too  small  a  field  for  their  ambition  and  enterprise. 
For  a  time  they  retained  their  Norse  character.  In  some 
districts,  especially  in  the  Bessin  and  the  Cotentin,  the  great 
mass  of  the  population  had  become  Scandinavian  in  tongue 
and  manners.  Constant  relations  with  Norwegian  and 
Danish  kings  kept  alive  the  memory  of  their  old  home. 
Harold  Blue  Tooth  protected  Duke  Richard  against 
Louis  IV.  Swegen  sought  the  help  of  the  lord  of  Rouen 
in  avenging  the  massacre  of  St.  Brice  on  the  English.  But 
the  ready  wit  and  quick  adaptability  of  the  Scandinavian 
races  could  not  long  withstand  the  French  influences  sur- 
rounding them.  The  constant  friendly  relations  between  the 
Norman  dukes  and  both  the  Carolingian  and  Capetian  kings 
precipitated  the  change.  The  dukes  and  barons  of  Normandy 
became  French  in  tongue  and  manners.  But  they  became 
French  with  a  difference.  The  French  of  Caen  and  Rouen 
were  more  restless,  more  enterprising,  more  ambitious,  and 
more  daring  than  the  French  of  Paris  and  Orleans.  The  con- 
temporary chroniclers  saw  the  importance  of  the  distinction. 
'  O  France,'  says  Dudo  of  Saint-Quentin,  '  thou  wert  crushed 


84  European  History,  918-1273 

to  the  earth.  Behold,  there  comes  to  thee  a  new  race  from 
Denmark.  Peace  is  made  between  her  and  thee.  That  race 
will  raise  thy  name  and  thy  power  to  the  heavens.'  Nor  was 
this  prophecy  a  false  one.  Despite  its  constant  turbulence, 
Normandy  became  filled  with  a  vigorous  local  life  that  soon 
flowed  over  its  own  borders.  What  the  Normans  could  not 
teach  themselves,  they  learnt  from  wandering  Italians  or 
Burgundians.  The  Normans  stood  in  the  forefront  of  all  the 
great  movements  of  the  time.  They  upheld  the  Capetians 
against  the  Carolingians.  They  became  the  disciples  of  Cluny, 
and  from  the  Norman  abbey  of  Le  Bee  soon  flowed  a  stream 
of  culture  and  civilisation  that  bade  fair  to  rival  Cluny  itself. 
They  covered  their  land  with  great  minsters,  and  wrote  stirring 
chansons  de  gestt  in  their  Norman  dialect  of  the  French 
tongue.  Yet  they  kept  themselves  so  free  of  their  suzerain's 
influence,  that  not  even  through  the  Church  could  the  Capetian 
kings  exercise  any  authority  in  Normandy.  Throughout  the 
whole  province  of  Rouen,  the  Church  depended  either  upon 
the  local  seigneur  or  upon  the  Norman  duke.  They  were  the 
champions  of  the  Hildebrandine  Papacy.  They  were  foremost 
in  the  Crusades.  Their  duke,  William  the  Bastard,  conquered 
England,  and  in  the  next  generation  his  Norman  followers 
swarmed  over  Scotland,  Wales,  and  Ireland.  Private  Norman 
adventurers  attempted  to  found  a  kingdom  in  Spain,  and 
set  up  a  monarchy  in  southern  Italy  strong  enough  to  wrest 
Sicily  from  Islam  [see  pages  1 04-1 18].  Throughout  the  length 
and  breadth  of  Europe,  Norman  warriors,  priests,  and  poets 
made  the  French  name  famous.  With  the  activity  of  the 
Normans  first  begins  the  preponderance  of  French  ideas, 
customs,  and  language  throughout  the  western  world. 

The  old  Celtic  tribal  state  of  Brittany  had  been  almost 

overwhelmed  by  the  Norman  invasions,  and  had  lost  all  its 

former  prosperity.     The  most  sacred  shrines  of 

Bnuany.  ^^  ^^^^  crowd  of  the  Breton  saints  were  pillaged 
and  destroyed.  At  the  best,  the  holy  relics  were  transferred 
to  Paris,  to  Orleans,  or  some  other  safe  spot,  far  away  from 


France  under  the  Early  Capetians  85 

the  marauding  pagan.  When  Rolf  got  from  Charles  the 
Simple  the  duchy  of  Normandy,  it  is  said  that  he  asked  for 
fresh  land  to  plunder,  while  his  followers  learnt  the  arts  of 
peace  in  their  new  home.  In  some  vague  way  Charles 
granted  him  rights  of  suzerainty  over  Brittany.  The  Normans 
harried  the  land  for  another  generation,  and,  as  later  in 
Wales  and  Ireland,  many  Norman  chieftains  settled  down  in 
the  more  fertile  eastern  districts  of  Upper  Brittany.  But  a 
Celtic  reaction  followed.  Led  by  Alan  of  the  Tw^isted  Beard 
{barbe  torte),  the  native  Bretons  rose  against  their  oppressors 
and  made  common  cause  with  the  Gallo-Roman  peasantry 
against  them.  Alan  became  the  founder  of  the  county 
(afterwards  duchy)  of  Brittany,  a  state  half  French  and 
half  Celtic,  including  besides  *la  Bretagne  bretonnante' 
of  the  western  peninsula  of  Lower  Brittany,  the  French- 
speaking  lands  of  the  Lower  Loire  and  the  Vilaine,  with  the 
purely  French  town  of  Rennes  for  its  capital,  and  the  equally 
French  Nantes  for  its  chief  seaport.  But  despite  the  differ- 
ences of  tongue  and  custom,  there  was  an  essential  unity 
of  feeling  in  the  new  duchy,  based  on  the  disappearance 
both  of  the  Celtic  tribal  system  and  the  Gallo-Roman  pro- 
vincial system  in  favour  of  a  feudalism  that  was  common  to 
Celt  and  Frenchman  alike.  Brittany,  despite  its  composite 
origin,  retained  and  still  retains  a  marked  type  of  local  nation- 
ality, less  active  and  energetic  than  the  Norman,  but  more 
dogged,  persevering,  and  enduring.  When  Alan  Barbe-torte 
died  in  952,  Brittany  had  become  an  organised  feudal  state. 

The  county  of  Flanders  grew  up  in  the  flat  country 
between  the  Scheldt  and  the  sea.  Like  Brittany,  it  had 
suffered  terribly  from  Norman  invasions.  Like 
Brittany,  it  was  not  homogeneous  in  language  and 
custom.  In  all  the  northern  and  eastern  districts  the  Low 
Dutch  tongue  prevailed,  but  in  the  south-east,  round  Lille  and 
Douai,  French  was  spoken.  Baldwin  of  the  Iron  Arm,  a 
Carolingian  official  who  became  the  son-in-law  of  Charles 
the  Bald,  distinguished  himself  by  leading  the  Flemings  to 


86  European  History,  9 1 8-  t  2  7  3 

victory  against  the  Normans,  and  obtained  from  his  father  in- 
law an  hereditary  supremacy  over  the  whole  district  bounded 
by  the  Scheldt,  the  North  Sea,  and  the  Canche,  and  therefore 
including  the  modern  Artois  with  the  homage  of  great  barons 
like  the  counts  of  Boulogne  and  Saint-Pol.  Four  other 
Counts  Baldwin  continued  their  ancestor's  exploits.  Of  these 
the  most  famous  was  Baldwin  v.,  the  uncle  and  guardian  of 
Philip  I.,  and  the  father-in-law  of  William  the  Conqueror.  It 
was  under  Baldwin  v.  that  the  Flemish  towns,  whose  strong 
walls  had  served  to  shelter  previous  generations  from  the 
Viking  marauders,  first  enter  upon  their  long  career  of  poli- 
tical liberty  and  industrial  prosperity.  When  Baldwin  v.  died 
in  1067,  the  year  after  his  son-in-law's  establishment  in 
England,  mediaeval  Flanders  had  well  begun  its  glorious 
but  tumultuous  and  blood-stained  career.  To  the  south  of 
Flanders  lay  the  Vermandois,  round  its  chief  town 

Vermandois.       --„.^.  j-i,- 

of  Samt  Quentm,  and  mcludmg  the  northern  parts 
of  the  restricted  'Francia'  of  the  tenth  century.  We  have 
seen  the  importance  of  its  counts  in  the  days  of  the  struggle 
of  Carolingians  and  Capetians,  and  the  establishment  of  a 
Capetian  line  of  counts  of  Vermandois  in  the  person  of  Hugh 
the  Great,  the  brother  of  Philip  i. 

Champagne  became  the  chief  fief  of  north-eastern  France. 
A  special  feature  in  this  district  was  the  power  of  the  bishops, 
Champagne  ^"^  in  conscquence  the  influence  of  the  crown, 
and  Biois.  The  metropolitans  of  Reims  played  a  great  local 
as  well  as  a  great  national  part.  The  bishops  of  Chalons 
became  counts  of  their  cathedral  city;  the  bishops  of 
Troyes,  the  local  capital,  only  just  failed  in  attaining  the 
same  end.  '  Everywhere,'  we  are  told,  'the  mighty  oppressed 
the  feeble,  and  men,  like  fishes,  swallowed  each  other  up.' 
In  the  course  of  the  tenth  century  a  strong  lay  power  arose  in 
this  district  under  the  counts  of  Troyes.  During  the  tenth 
century  the  country  was  held  by  a  branch  of  the  house  of 
Vermandois.  In  1019  it  passed,  as  we  have  seen,  to  the 
house  of  Blois.     However,  the  power  of  the  family  was  soon 


France  under  the  Early  Capetians  Zy 

endangered  by  the  separation  of  Champagne  and  Blois  under 
the  two  elder  sons  of  Odo  ii.,  after  his  death  in  1037. 

The  county  of  Blois,  itself  the  original  seat  of  the  Capetians 
but  carved  out  of  their  dwindling  domain  in  favour  of  a 
hostile  house,  had  already  been  united  with  that  of  Chartres. 
The  establishment  of  the  same  house  in  Troyes  created 
a  state  which  pressed  upon  Paris  both  from  the  west, 
south,  and  east,  and  was  frequently  hostile  to  it.  Before 
long,  this  powerful  line  began  to  absorb  the  lesser  feudatories 
of  the  eastern  marchland,  and  to  make  its  influence  felt 
even  over  the  great  ecclesiastical  dignitaries.  After  the 
county  of  Vitry  was  transferred  from  the  obedience  of 
the  Archbishop  of  Reims  to  the  authority  of  the  counts  of 
Troyes,  the  lords  of  the  amalgamated  fiefs  assumed  the 
wider  title  of  counts  of  Champagne,  and  became  one  of  the 
greatest  powers  in  France,  Against  these  gains  the  loss  of 
Touraine  was  but  a  small  one.  Odo's  grandson,  Stephen, 
Count  of  Blois  and  Chartres  (1089-1102),  was  one  of  the 
heroes  of  the  First  Crusade,  and  the  father,  by  his  wife  Adela, 
daughter  of  William  the  Conqueror,  of  a  numerous  family  in 
whose  time  the  house  of  Blois  attained  its  highest  prosperity. 
His  second  son,  Theobald  (11.  of  Champagne  and  iv.  of 
Blois,  called  Theobald  the  Great,  died  1 152)  reigned  over  both 
Blois  and  Champagne.  His  third  son,  Stephen,  acquired  not 
only  the  counties  of  Mortain  and  Boulogne  but  the  throne  of 
England.  His  fourth  son,  Henry,  was  the  famous  Bishop  of 
Winchester.  Though  Blois  and  Champagne  again  separated 
under  different  lines  of  the  house  of  Blois  after  Theobald's 
death,  their  policy  remained  united,  and  their  influence  was 
still  formidable. 

Like  Blois,  Anjou  grew  up  out  of  the  original  domains  of 
Robert  the  Strong.      Fulk  the  Red,  who  died  in  941,  and 
was    rewarded    with    Anjou   for  his   prowess   in      ^nou 
resisting  the  Normans,  was   the  first  hereditary 
Count  of  Anjou  of  whom  history  has  any  knowledge,  though 
legends  tell  of  earlier  mythical  heroes  and  a  witch  ancestress, 


8S  European  History,  9 1 8- 1 273 

whose  taint  twisted  into  evil  the  strong  passions  and  high 
courage  of  the  later  representatives  of  the  race.  Though  their 
exploits  are  told  in  a  somewhat  romantic  form,  there  remains 
enough  to  enable  us  to  form  more  individual  impressions  of 
the  fierce,  wayward  Angevin  lords  than  of  most  of  the  shadowy 
heroes  of  early  feudalism.  With  Geoffrey  Martel,  great- 
grandson  of  Fulk  the  Red,  who  died  in  1060,  the  first  line 
of  the  Counts  of  Anjou  became  extinct ;  but  his  sister's  son 
Geoffrey  the  Bearded  got  possession  of  the  county,  and  became 
the  ancestor  of  the  famous  line  that  later  ages  than  their  own 
celebrated  as  the  house  of  Plantagenet.  His  descendants 
grew  in  dominions  and  influence.  Touraine  they  had  pos- 
sessed since  Henry  i.  had  transferred  that  county  from  the 
house  of  Blois  to  Geoffrey  Martel.  They  now  turned  their 
eyes  on  Maine,  the  border  district  that  separated  them 
from  the  Normans.  This  brought  about  a  long  struggle 
between  the  Norman  dukes  and  the  Angevin  counts,  which 
was  not  finally  ended  until  Henry  i.  of  Normandy  and 
England  married  his  daughter,  the  widowed  Empress  Matilda, 
to  Geoffrey  the  Fair,  from  which  marriage  sprang  the  greatest 
of  the  Angevins,  Henry  11.  of  England,  Normandy  and  Anjou. 
The  duchy  of  Burgundy  was  the  last  remaining  great  fief  of 
the  Capetians  in  northern  and  central  France.  While  various 
kingdoms,  duchies,  and  counties  of  Burgundy  grew 
"^  ^'  up,  as  we  have  seen,  in  the  imperial  lands  beyond 
the  Saone  and  the  Rhone,  one  Richard  the  Justiciar,  famous 
like  all  the  founders  of  fiefs  as  a  successful  foe  of  the  Nor- 
man marauders,  became,  in  877,  the  first  duke  or  marquis 
of  that  Burgundy  which  became  a  French  vassal  state.  His 
brother  was  Boso,  founder  of  the  kingdom  of  Provence,  his 
brother-in-law  was  Rudolf,  king  of  Transjurane  Burgundy,  and 
his  son  was  Rudolf,  king  of  the  French.  His  sons  succeedea 
him  in  his  rule,  though  for  more  than  a  century  each  suc- 
cessive duke  received  a  fresh  formal  appointment ;  and  it 
was  not  until  a  junior  branch  of  the  Capetian  house  began 
>vilh  Robert   the  Old  (1032-1073),  the  younger  brother  of 


France  under  the  Early  Capetians  89 

King  Henry  i.,  that  the  hereditary  duchy  of  Burgundy  can  be 
said  to  have  been  definitively  established. 

South  of  the  Loire  the  development  of  feudal  states  took 
even  a  more  decided  form  than  in  the  north.  In  these  regions 
feudal  separation  had  the  freest  field  to  run  riot. 

Aquitaine. 

There  was  still  a  nominal  duke  of  Aquitaine,  who 
might  be  regarded  as  having  some  sort  of  vague  authority 
over  the  old  Aquitania  that  was  substantially  synonymous 
with  south-western  France;  but  neither  in  Gascony,  nor 
Auvergne,  nor  in  La  Marche,  nor  in  the  Limousin  was  any 
recognition  paid  to  this  shadowy  potentate.  The  duchy  of 
Aquitaine  seemed  on  the  verge  of  sharing  the  fate  of  the 
kingdom  of  France  and  disappearing  altogether  because  it 
stood  outside  the  newly  grown  feudal  system,  when,  like  the 
kingdom  of  France,  it  procured  a  new  lease  of  life  by  being 
granted  to  a  house  that,  like  the  Robertians  of  Paris,  pos- 
sessed with  great  fiefs  a  firm  position  in  the  new  system. 
In  028  Ebles,  Count  of  Poitou,  received  a  grant 

r     ,         J       ,  r    »        .      •  1     •  T.TM,-  Poitou. 

of  the  duchy  of  Aquitame,  and  m  951  Wilham 
Tow-head,  his  son  by  a  daughter  of  Edward  the  Elder  of 
Wessex,  was  confirmed  in  his  father's  possession  by  Louis 
d'Outremer.  The  county  that  took  its  name  from  Poitiers 
was  a  substantial  inheritance.  It  was  the  marchland  that 
divided  north  and  south,  but  its  main  characteristics  were  those 
of  the  north.  Its  uplands  seldom  permit  the  cultivation  of  the 
vine,  and  its  manners,  like  its  cHmate  and  tongue,  were  northern. 
As  the  dialects  of  Romance  became  differentiated,  Poitou 
spoke,  as  it  still  speaks,  a  dialect  of  the  north  French  tongue, 
the  langue  (ToiL  Aquitaine  proper  spoke  the  southern  langue 
(ToCf  and  differed  in  a  thousand  ways  from  the  colder,  fiercer, 
ruder,  more  martial  lands  of  the  north.  But  the  infusion  of 
fresh  blood  from  Poitou  saved  the  Aquitaine  duchy  from 
extinction.  Eight  dukes  of  Aquitaine  and  counts  of  Poitou 
reigned  in  succession  to  William  Tow-head,  seven  of  whom 
were  named  William.  Under  this  line  county  after  county  was 
gradually  added  to  the  original  fief  of  Poitou.     At  last  all  the 


90  European  History,  918-1273 

Limousin,  Auvergne,  and  parts  of  Berri  owned  them  as  at 

least   nominal   lords.      Gascony,    in   the   lands   beyond   the 

Garonne,  had  since  872  been  ruled  by  a  hereditary  line  of 

dukes,  whose  favourite  name  was  Sancho.    On  the 

Gftscony. 

extmction  of  this  family,  Gascony,  with  its  depen- 
dencies, passed  in  1062  to  William  viii.  of  Poitiers,  whose 
grandson  William  x.,  the  last  of  the  male  stock  of  the  house 
of  the  Guilhems,  died  in  1137,  leaving  the  nominal  over- 
lordship  over  the  swarm  of  seigneurs  that  ruled  the  district 
between  the  Loire,  the  Pyrenees,  and  the  Cevennes  to  his 
daughter  Eleanor,  whose  vast  inheritance  made  Louis  vii.  of 
France  and  Henry  11.  of  England  in  succession  successful 
suitors  for  her  hand.  Under  the  fostering  care  of  the 
Williams,  Aquitaine  had  prospered  in  civilisation  and  the 
arts ;  and  their  court  at  Poitiers,  whose  magnificent  series  of 
Romanesque  basilicas  still  attests  the  splendour  of  their 
capital,  became  the  centre  of  the  earliest  literary  efforts  of 
the  troubadours,  the  poets  and  minstrels  of  the  langue  (foe, 
though  the  southern  tongue  of  the  court  was  not  the  Poitevins' 
native  speech. 

To  the  east  of  Aquitaine  the  county  of  Toulouse  became  the 
nucleus  of  a  sort  of  monarchical  centralisation  that,  by  the 

beginning  of  the  twelfth  century,  had  brought  the 

Toulouse.  00  J I  o 

French  lands  beyond  the  Aquitanian  border,  the 
imperial  lands  between  the  Alps  and  the  Rhone,  and  the  old 
Spanish  march  between  the  Pyrenees  and  the  Ebro,  to  look  to 
Toulouse  as  the  source  of  its  intellectual  and  almost  of  its 
political  life.  The  lands  dependent  on  the  counts  of  Toulouse 
became  emphatically  the  Languedoc,  the  region  where  the 
Romance  vernacular  of  southern  Gaul  was  spoken  with  the 
greatest  purity  and  force.  While  the  subjects  of  the  dukes  of 
Aquitaine  had  the  purity  of  their  Gascon  contaminated  by  the 
Basque  of  the  Pyrenean  valleys,  and  the  northern  idiom  of  the 
lands  beyond  the  Gironde  and  Dordogne,  the  followers  of  the 
counts  of  Toulouse  spoke  the  same  tongue  as  the  Burgundian 
vassals   of  the  count   of  Provence    or  the   fierce   marchers 


France  under  the  Early  Capetians  91 

ruled  by  the  counts  of  Barcelona.  The  tongue  of  Oc  has 
as  much  claim  to  be  regarded  as  a  language  distinct  from 
northern  French,  as  northern  French  has  to  be  considered 
separate  from  Italian  or  Spanish.  It  was  the  first  Romance 
tongue  that  boasted  of  a  strong  vernacular  literature,  and  those 
who  spoke  it  were  the  first  Romance  people  to  attain  either  the 
luxuries  or  corruptions  of  an  advanced  civilisation.  Its  spread 
over  southern  Gaul  drew  a  deep  dividing  line  between  northern 
and  southern  France  that  has  not  yet  been  blotted  out.  It 
gave  the  subjects  of  the  southern  feudalists,  like  the  counts 
of  Toulouse  and  the  dukes  of  Aquitaine,  a  solidarity  that 
made  them  almost  separate  nations,  like  the  Flemings  or  the 
Bretons.  Its  vast  expansion  between  the  Alps  and  the  Ebro 
bade  fair  to  overleap  the  boundaries  set  by  the  Treaty  of 
Verdun,  and  set  up  in  those  regions  a  well-defined  nationality 
strong  and  compact  enough  to  be  a  make-weight  against  the 
growing  concentration  of  the  northern  French  under  the 
Capetian  kings.  But  the  civilisation  of  Languedoc  flowered 
too  early  to  produce  mature  fruit.  We  shall  see  how  in  the 
thirteenth  century  it  succumbed  to  the  ruder  spirit  of  the  north. 
Raymond  i.,  the  first  hereditary  count  of  Toulouse,  died 
in  864.  His  successors,  with  whom  Raymond  was  ever  the 
favourite  name,  continued  to  grow  in  power  until  they  had 
united  all  Languedoc  early  in  the  twelfth  century.  Their 
hereditary  hostility  to  the  dukes  of  Aquitaine,  no  less  than 
the  centrifugal  tendencies  of  southern  feudalism,  which  they 
could  at  best  but  partially  counteract,  prevented  their  authority 
from  attaining  wider  limits. 

Such  was  the  France  of  the  tenth  and  eleventh  centuries — 
divided,  chaotic,  anarchic,  and  turbulent,  yet  full  of  vigorous 
life  and  many-sided  activity.  Its  growth  was  slower,  its 
exploits  less  dazzling  than  those  of  contemporary  Germany, 
though  perhaps  it  was  developing  on  more  solid  and  per- 
manent lines.  Even  when  Germany  was  still  the  chief  political 
centre  of  the  west,  the  fame  of  the  French  warrior  had  ex- 
tended over  all  Europe.    The  alliance  with  the  Church  did 


92  European  History^  918-1273 

much,  the  prevalence  of  the  Cluniac  idea  did  more  to  bring  this 
about  The  wanderings  of  the  Normans  first  spread  abroad 
the  terror  of  the  Prankish  name.  The  Crusades  became 
an  essentially  Prankish  movement,  and  made  the  Prankish 
knight  the  type  of  the  feudal  warrior.  But  the  concentration 
of  France  into  a  great  state  followed  very  slowly  on  the 
growth  of  the  reputation  of  the  individual  Frenchman. 


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CHAPTER   V 

THE   CLUNIAC    REFORMATION    (910-IO73) 
AND   ITALY   IN   THE   ELEVENTH    CENTURY  ^ 

End  of  the  Dark  Ages — Beginnings  of  the  Cluniac  Refornnation — The  Con- 
gregation of  Cluny— Cluniac  ideals  —  Camaldoli  and  Vallombrosa  — 
Henry  iii.  joins  the  Reformers — The  German  reforming  Popes — Leo  ix. — 
South  Italy  and  Sicily  in  the  Eleventh  Century — The  first  coming  of  the 
Normans — Aversa — The  sons  of  Tancred  and  the  Conquest  of  Apulia — 
Robert  Guiscard— Leo  ix.  and  the  Normans— Battle  of  Civitate— Early 
Career  of  Hildebrand — Nicholas  11. — The  Reform  of  Papal  Electioas — 
The  Normans  become  Papal  Vassals — Milan  submits  to  Rome — Roger's 
Conquest  of  Sicily — Feudalism  in  Southern  Italy, 

The  Dark  Ages  were  well  over  by  the  middle  of  the  eleventh 
century,  and  after  a  century  of  anarchy,  even  feudalism  had 
End  of  the  bccome  a  comparatively  tolerable  form  of  govern- 
DarkAges.  mcnt.  The  Stronger  military  States  had  absorbed 
their  weaker  neighbours,  and,  beyond  the  Alps  at  least,  the 
disintegrating  tendency  of  feudal  doctrine  had  received  a 
decided  check,  not  only  in  the  strong  monarchy  of  the 
Germans,  but  even  in  the  growth  of  vigorous  feudal  poten- 
tates such  as  the  margraves  of  the  eastern  frontier  of  the 
Empire,  the  dukes  of  the  Normans,  and  the  counts  of 
Flanders  or  of  Toulouse.     There  werfi-AjjaiiL  forces^making 

1  Moeller's  Church  History  (translated  from  the  German),  gives  a  bald 
but  full  and  learned  summary  of  the  ecclesiastical  history  of  the  whole 
period.  Gieseler's  Church  History  (also  translated),  is  valuable  for  its 
numerous  citations  of  original  texts.  Besides  Gibbon's  famous  fifty-sixth 
chapter  on  the  Normans  in  Italy,  Delarc's  Lts  Normands  en  Italic 
(1016-107S)  gives  an  elaborate  and  careful  account  of  the  Norman  history 
in  Italy  up  to  the  accession  of  Gregory  vii. 
90 


The  Cluniac  Reformation  97 

towards  order,  law,  and  peace.  The  state  had  been  saved 
from  absolute  annihilation. 

The_X)hurch,wasjiotj^etJn_S0-S5imd.Aposi^^  She  had 

outlived  the  worst  brutalities  of  the  tenth  century,  but  the 
fierce,  lawless,  grasping  baron,  who  feared  neither  God  nor 
man,  was  still  an  element  to  be  reckoned  with.  The  revived 
lay-power  tended  of  itself  to  correct  the  worst  abuses.  The. 
Empire^hadj_as  we  have  seen,  reformed  the  Papacy^  But  if 
the  Church  was  to  live,  it  could  not  owe  its  life  to  the 
patronage  or  goodwill  of  outside  reformers.  The  Church 
must  reform  itself. 

5igns  of  such  a  purification  of  the  Church  from  within  had 

long  been  manifest,  but  the  little  band  of  innovators  found  it 
no  easy  task  to  preach  to  a  world  that  knew  no  law  but  the 
law  of  the  stronger.  As  ever  in  the  Middle  Ages,  a  r;£w 
monastic  movement  heralded  in  the  work  of  reformation,  f  As 
the  Carolingian  reformation  is  associated  with  Benedict  of 
Aniane,  so  is  the  reformation  of  the  eleventh  century 
associated  with  the  monks  of  Cluny.  i 

In  om  Duke  William  the  Pious  of  Aquitaine  founded  a 

_new  monastery  at  Cluny,  in  French  Burgundy,  a  few  miles 
from  the  bishop's  town  of  Macon,  rte  appomted  ^he  early 
Berno,  a  noble  Burgundian,  as  its  head,  and  pro-  history  of 
cured  for  it  absolute  immunity  from  all  external  "y* 
ecclesiastical  jurisdiction  save  that  of  the  Roman  See.  (Berno 
strove  to  establish  a  complete  and  loyal  observance  of  the 
rule  of  St.  Benedict,  and  the  piety  and  earnestnegg  ^[  tl'"  "^'^"^^ 
soon  attracted  attention,  wealth,  followers.  Corrupt  old  com- 
munities or  new  foundations  sought  the  guidance  of  the  pfO- 
tection  of  the  abbots  of  Cluny.  But  the  Benedictine  system 
was  limited  to  a  single  house,  and  afforded  no  room  for  the 
crowd  of  disciples  who  wished  to  attach  themselves  to  the 
model  monastery.  Odo,  the  second  abbot  (927-941),  started 
the  memorable  monastic  reformation  which,  in  a  few. 
years,  was  emtjodied  in  tKe^*  Consuetudines  Cluniacenses,' 
and  the  *  Con^^ation  of  Cluny.'    By  it  a  plan  was  found  for 

PERIOD  II.  G 


98  European    History,  918-1273 

combining  formal  adherence  to  the  strict  rule  of  St.  Benedict 
with  the  practical  necessity  of  maintaining  the  rule  of  Cluny 
over  its  dependent  communities.  If  under  the  old  system 
a  new  house  were  formed  under  the  direction  of  a  famous 
monastery,  the  new  establishment,  when  it  had  received 
its  constitution,  parted  company  from  its  parent  stock, 
and,  like  a  Greek  colony,  became  independent  and  self- 
governing.  The  Cluniac&_pr£Yented  this  by  regardiDfi-4he 
daughter  communities  as  parts  of  themselves.  In_whatSQ: 
ever  part  of  ChristendoHi^  a  monastery  on  Cluniac  Imes 
The  Con-  ^^^  established,  it  was  still  in  law  a  part  of 
gregation  the  great  Burgundian  convent.  Its  head  was 
of  Cluny.  jj^g  arch-abbot,  the  abbot  of  Cluny.  What  local 
self-government  was  necessary  was  delegated  to  a  prior,  who 
was  appointed  by  the  abbot  of  Cluny,  to  whom  he  was 
responsible.  From  time  tp  time  the  dependent  rnmmnnities 
sent  representatives  to  the  periodical  chapters  that  met  at - 
Cluny,  under  the  presidency  of  the  abbot.  By^this  means  a 
unity  of  organisation,  a  military  discipline,  a  control  over 
weak  brethren,  and  a  security  was  procured,  which  was  im- 
possible under  the  Benedictine  rule.  When  each  monastery 
was  as  independent  for  all  practical  purposes  as  a  modem 
Congregational  chapel,  it  was  impossible,  in  an  age  when 
public  opinion  hardly  existed,  to  reform  a  lax  community,  and 
it  was  difficult  for  an  isolated  flock  of  unwarlike  men  to 
protect  tliemselves  from  feudal  violence  or  the  equally  fierce 
hostility  of  the  secular  clergy.  Besides  unity  of  organisation, 
the  control  exercised  over  the  whole  order  of  Ouny  gave 
the  brethren  unity  of  purpose,  doctrine,  and  jiolky. 

Brought  under  the  immediate  jurisdiction  of  Rome,  at 
a  time  when  monastic  immunities  from  episcopal  autho- 
rity had  not  become  common,  the  Cluniacs  taught  from 
the  beginning  a  high  doctrine  as  to  the  power  of  the 
apostolic  see.  They  saw  that  the^reat  danger  to  religion 
was  in  the  feudalisation  of  the  Church.  Bishops  were  in 
danger  of  becoming  barons  in  mitres.      Kings  looked  upon 


The  Cluniac  Reformation  99 

prelates  as  officials  bound  to  do  them  service,  and  patrons 
sold  benefices  to  the  highest  bidder.  Monasteries  were 
often  in  danger  of  absolute  secularisation.  So  corrupt  and 
lax  were  even  the  better  sort  of  regulars  that  the  Saxon  monk 
Widukind,  the  historian  of  his  people,  naively  complains 
of  the  '  grave  persecution '  which  beset  the  poor  religious  of 
his  time,  and  laments  the  erroneous  doctrines  of  some  bishops 
who  maintained  that  it  was  better  that  there  should  be  a  few 
ascetic  regulars  than  houses  filled  with  negligent  monks, 
forgetting,  as  he  innocently  adds,  that  the  tares  and  the 
wheat  were  ordered  to  grow  up  together  until  the  harvest 
time.  The  chief  dangers  of  the  Church  were  simony  and  the 
marriage  of  clerks.  To  keep  the  Church  apart  from  thg 
world  seemed  to  the  Cluniac  leaders  the  only  possible  way 
oFsecuring  a  better  state  of  things.  Their  ideal  was  the 
separation  of  the  Church  from  the  State,  and  the  reorganisa- 
tion of  the  Church  under  discipline  such  as  could  only  be 
exercised  by  the  Pope,  who  was  to  stand  to  the  whole  Chuich 
as  the  abbot  of  Cluny  stood  to  each  scattered  Cluniac 
priory — the  one  ultimate  source  of  jurisdiction,  the  universal 
bishop,  appointing  and  degrading  the  diocesan  bishops  as 
the  abbot  made  and  unmade  the  Cluniac  priors.  The  bishop, 
the  secular  priest,  even  the  monk,  had  no  rights  of  his 
own   that  were   not    ultimately   derivative    from   „. 

.  -,..,,.  Hierarchical 

the    unique   source    of    ecclesiastical    authority,  and  Papal 
the  chair   of  St.   Peter.     The  Forged  Decretals  ideals  of 

,.     .  ,  ,  Cluny. 

supplied  convenient  arguments  for  such  a  system. 
The  necessities  of  the  times  supplied  a  sort  of  justification 
for  it.  Feudal  anarchy  made  it  natural  for  good  men 
to  identify  the  secular  power  with  the  works  of  darkness, 
and  regard  the  ecclesiastical  power  as  alone  emanating 
from  God.  ,  After-ages  were  to  show  that  the  remedy  was 
almost  as  bad  as  the  disease,  and  that  there  was  as  much 
danger  of  secular  motives,  greed  for  domination,  for  wealth 
and  influence  in  the  uncontrolled  exercise  of  ecclesiastical 
authority,  as  in  the  lay  power  that  they  dreaded.      But  the 


100  European  History^  918-1273 

early  Cluniacs  had  faith  in  their  principles,  and  sought  in_ 
reah'sfng  them  to  promote  the  kingdom  of  God  on  earth. 
They  Hved  holy  and  self-denj^ing  lives  in  an_ag£.,of^]}rutal 
violence  and  lust.  A  moral  and  an  intellectual  reformation 
preceded  and  prepared  the  way  for  the  ecclesiastical  reform- 
ation that  was  preached  from  Cluny  with  the  fervour  of 
a  new  gospel j 

,''  Under  the  influence  of  the  reformed  clergy,  study  and 
Wrning  again  became  possible  to  a  large  class.  1  The  mon: 
astic  and  cathedral  schools  beyond  the- Alps  became  the 
centres  of  ardent  study  of  philosophy,  theology,  and  science. 
In  Italy  grammarians  expounded  the  classics,  and  civilians 
commented  upon  the  Roman  law.  The  career  of  Gerbert  is 
but  typical  of  that  of  a  large  number  of  others.  The  Lombard 
Lanfranc,  and  the  Burgundian  Anselm,  took  the  new  culture 
over  the  Alps  to  the  Norman  monastery  of  Le  Bee,  and, 
prepared  the  way  for  the  new  birth  of  learning .  in  4he 
twelfth  century.  Nor  did  the  monastic  reformation  stop  with 
New  order*  the  Congregation  of  Cluny.  In  Italy  in  particular. 
In  Italy.  where  a  swarm  of  new  orders  arose,  extreme  ascetic- 
ism and  utter  self-renunciation  stood  in  strange  contrast  to 
the  violence,  greed,  and  profligacy  that  marked  Italian  life  as 
a  whole.  Romuald  of  Ravenna,  the  spiritual  director  of 
Otto  III.,  lived  the  life  of  a  hermit,  and  gathered  round  himself 
great  bands  of  solitaries  from  whom  sprang  the 
ama  o  order  of  Camaldoli,  so  called  from  an  inaccessible 
spot  in  the  Apennines,  near  Arezzo,  where  one  of  Romuald's 
troops  of  followers  had  settled.  A  monk  of  this  order,  Peter 
Damiani,  soon  took  a  very  foremost  part  in  the  religious 
reformation  of  Italy,  and  first  made  the  enthusiastic  anchorites 
minister  to  the  spread  of  the  new  hierarchical  ideal.  Not  far 
from  the  hermits  of  Camaldoli,  John  Gualbert,  a  Tuscan 
lord,  established  the  strict  ccenobitic  order  of 
■  Vallombrosa.  The  same  influence  spread  all  over 
Europe,  and  penetrated  into  even  the  most  conservative 
cloisters  of  the  followers  of  St.  Benedict.    The  faith,  zeal,  and 


The  Cluniac  Reformation  loi 

enthusiasm  oj^hechajn^ii^  of  the  new  order  carried  every- 
thingjbefore  it.^    Under  Henry  iii.  the   reformers,  had- won 
over  the  Emperor  himself  to  their  cause.     The   Henry  iii. 
strong  arm  of  the  king  had  purified  the  Papacy  won  over 
and    handed     over    its    direction     to    men    of  reforming 
the  new   school.      But    though   willing    to    use  party, 
the   help   of   the    secular   arm    to   carry   out  their  forward 
policy,  the  Cluniac  reformers  never  swerved  from  their  con- 
viction that  lay  interference  with  the  spiritual  power  lay  at  the 
very  root  of  the  worst  disorders  of  the  time.  /Even  when 
accepting  the  favours  of  the  great  Emperor,  they  never  lost 
sight  of  the  need  of  emphasising  the  independence  ot  ttie 
_S£iriiuality.j    However  needful  was  the  imperial  sword  to  free 
the  Papacy  from  the  Tusculan  tradition,  and  to  put  down 
the  lazy  monk  and  the  feudalist  bishop,  they  saw  clearly  that 
it  stood  in  the  way  of  the  full  realisation  of  their  dreams. 

After  the  synod  of  Sutri,  a  whole  series  of  German  Popes 
was  nominated  by  the  Emperor,  and  received  by  the  Church 
with  hardly  a  murmur,  though  the  young  deacon  ^j^^  oermai 
Hildebrand,  soon  to  become  the  soul  of  the  new  reforming 
movement,  attached  himself  to  the  deposed  ^°p*'* 
Gregory  vi.  and  accompanied  him  on  his  exile.  But  to  most 
of  the  reformers  the  rude  justice  of  Sutri  seemed  a  just  if 
irregular  solution  of  an  intolerable  situation.  The  puritan 
zeal  of  the_jGeiman_Eopes- seemed  the  best  result  oniTe 
alTTahce  of  the  Emperor  and  the  reforming  party.  The  first 
two  reigned  too  short  a  time  to  be  able  to  effect  much,  leaving 
it  to  Leo  IX.,  the  third  German  Pope,  to  permanently  identify 
the  papal  throne  with  the  spirit  of  Cluny. 

On  the  death  of  Damasus,  the  Romans  called  upon 
Henry  iii.,  who  was  then  at  Worms,  to  give  them  another  Pope 
The  ^Eigperor  chose  for  this_j)ost  his  cousin  Leoix., 
Bruno,  the  brother  of  Conrad  of  Carinthia,  the  »o48-io54- 
sometime  rival  of  Conrad  the  Salic,  and  the  son  of  the  elder 
Conrad,  uncle  of  the  first  of  the  Salian  emperors.  Despite 
his  high  birth,  Bruno  had  long,  turned  from  politics  to  the 


102  European  History,  giZ-\27i 

service  of  the  Church,  and  had  become  tlie  ardent  disciple 
of  Ihe  school  of  Cluny.  As  bishop  of  Toul,  he  had  governed 
his  diocese  with  admirable  care  and  prudence,  and  his  great 
influence  had  enabled  him  to  confer  many  weighty  services, 
both  on  Henry  and  his  father  in  Lorraine.  When  offered  the 
Papacy  by  his  kinsman,  Bruno  accepted  the  post  only  on  the 
condition  that  he  should  be  canonically  elected  by  the  clergy 
and  people  of  Rome.  Early  in  1049  he  travelled  over  the 
Alps  in  the  humble  guise  of  a  pilgrim.  He  visited  Cluny  on 
his  way  to  receive  spiritual  encouragement  from  his  old 
teachers  for  the  great  task  that  lay  before  blm.  He  there 
added  to  his  scanty  following  the  young  monk  Hildebrand, 
whose  return  to  the  city  in  the  new  Pope's  train  proclaimed 
that  strict  hierarchical  ideas  would  now  have  the  ascendency 

at    the    Curia.       Joyfully    ;l^^ppti'r^     by    th/^    "Rnnria^tLgj.    Bninn 

assumed  the  title  of  Leo  ix.  For  the  short  five  years  of 
his  pontificate,  he  threw  himself  with  all  his  heart  into  a 
policy  of  reformation.  In  an  Easter  Synod  in  Rome  (1049), 
stern  decrees  were  fulminated  against  simony  and  clerical 
marriage.  But  the  times  were  not  yet  ripe  for  radical  cure, 
and  Leo  was  compelled  to  depart  somewhat  from  his  original 
severity.  He  soon  saw  that  the  cause  he  had  at  heart  would 
not  be  best  furthered  by  his  remaining  at  Rome,  and  the  special 
characteristic  of  his  pontificate  was  his  constant  journeying 
through  all  Italy,  France,  and  Germany.  During  these 
travels  Leo  was  indefatigable  in  holding  synods,  attending 
ecclesiastical  ceremonies,  the  consecration  of  churches,  the 
translation  of  the  relics  of  martyrs.  His  ubiquitous  energy 
made  the  chief  countries  in  Europe  realise  that  the  Papacy 
was  no  mere  abstraction,  and  largely  furthered  the  centrali.sa- 
tion  of  the  whole  Church  system  under  the  direction  of  the 
Pope,  /wherever  he  went,  decrees  against  simony  and  the 
marriage  of  priests  were  drawn  up.  In  Germany,  Henry  iii. 
gave  him  active  support.)  In  France  he  excited  the  jealousy 
of  King  Henry  i.  Invited  to  Reims  by  the  archbishop  for 
the  consecration    of   a    church,   he   summoned   a    French 


The  Cluniac  Reformation  103 

Synod  to  that  city.  Alarmed  at  this  exercise  of  jurisdic- 
tion within  French  dominions,  Henry  i.  strove  to  prevent 
his  bishops'  attendance  by  summoning  them  to  follow  him 
to  the  field.  Only  a  few  bishops  ventured  to  disobey  their 
king,  but  a  swarm  of  abbots,  penetrated  by  the  ideals  of 
Cluny,  gave  number  and  dignity  to  the  Synod  of  Reims, 
and  did  not  hesitate  to  join  the  Pope  in  excommunicating 
the  absent  bishops.  The  restless  Leo  sought  to  revive  the 
feeble  remnants  of  North  African  Christianity,  and  began  the 
renewed  troubles  with  the  Eastern  Church,  which  soon  led 
to  the  final  breach  with  the  Patriarch  Caerularius  [see  page 
167].  The  all-embracing  activity  of  Leo  led  to  his  active 
interference  in  southern  Italy,  where  the  advent  of  a  swarm 
of  Norman  adventurers  had  already  changed  the  whole  com- 
plexion of  affairs. 

Early  in  the  eleventh  century,  southern  Italy  and  Sicily 
were  still  cut  off  from  the  rest  of  Europe,  and,  as  in 
the  days  of  Charlemagne,  were  still  outposts  both  of  the 
Orthodox  and  Mohammedan  East.  Sicily  had  southern 
been  entirely  Saracen  since  the  capture  of  Syra-  Italy  and 
cuse  in  877  [see  Period  i.  pp.  460-461].  Though  Eleventh 
the  predatory  hordes,  which  landed  from  time  to  Century. 
time  on  the  mainland  of  Italy,  had  failed  to  establish  per- 
manent settlements,  the  various  attempts  ot  the  Eastern  Em- 
perors to  win  back  their  former  island  possession  had  proved 
disastrous  failures.  In  southern  Italy  the  Catapan  or  governor 
of  the  Greek  Emperors  still  ruled  over  the  'theme  of  Lom- 
bardy'  from  his  capital  of  Bari,  but  in  the  tenth  century,  the 
Lombard  Dukes  of  Benevento,  Salerno,  and  Capua  won  back 
much  of  the  ground  that  had  been  lost  by  their  ancestors. 
The  transient  successes  of  Otto  11.  (981-2),  had  done  some- 
thing to  discourage  Greeks  and  Saracens  alike,  despite  the  igno- 
minious failure  that  ultimately  led  to  his  flight  [see  pages  38-39J. 
In  the  early  years  of  the  eleventh  century,  southern  Italy  was 
still  divided  between  Greeks  and  Lombards,  and  the  growing 
spirit  of  Catholic  enthusiasm  made  the  Orthodox  yoke  harder 


104 


European  History,  918-1273 


to  bear  by  those  subjects  of  the  theme  of  Lombardy  who 
were  Italian  rather  than  Greek  in  their  sympathy.  Between 
loii  and  1013  Meles,  a  citizen  of  Bari,  a  Catholic  of 
Lombard  origin,  took  advantage  of  a  Saracen  inroad  to 
revolt  against  the  Eastern  Emperor.  Driven  into  exile  by 
the  failure  of  his  attempt,  he  sought  all  over  southern  Italy 


bRome 


(lat-ni 


X     r-jY^-*?-!**'---'     ^""  '      1        ^-^-^  I'rirlia.- 

.>'■''  (sA-LERNo;  c/    !«r-\   X,,„,„„ 


JJit  dcue»  mark  Ihe  pri>yrt*t 
of  (he  yorman  ConquetU  except  I 
Otom.  of  battle*  Q'^. 


SOUTH  ITALY 

BEFORE   THE 

NORMAX  CONQUEST 


Sattem  Umpire   marked     L- 
Lombard  llnrJiie*         •■  L 


Saracen  land* 

i:ccie«iaMtcat  po/i*e**iont  underiinil 


for  allies  to  recommence   the   struggle.     The   fame   of  the 

The  first       Normans  as  soldiers  was  already  known  in  the 

coming        south  of  Italy,  and  chance  now  threw  Meles  in 
of  the  ,  /•  ».T  .         .,     . 

Normans,     the  way  of  somc  Norman  warrior-pilgrmis,  whom 

»o»7-  devotion   to    the   Archangel    had    taken   to   the 

sanctuary  of  St.  Michael,  in  Monte  Gargano,  in  imitation  of 

which  a  Neustrian  bishop  had  some  generations  before  set  up 

the  famous  monastery  of  St.  Michael  in  Peril  of  the  Sea 


Italy  in  the  Eleventh  Century  105 

Meles  proposed  to  the  pilgrim  leader,  Ralph  de  Toeny, 
that  he  should  join  with  him  against  the  Greeks.  Pope 
Benedict  viii.  encouraged  the  enterprise,  and  the  adventurous 
Normans  greedily  welcomed  the  opportunity.  In  10 17,  Meles 
and  his  northern  allies  won  a  victory  over  the— Greeks  at- 
Civitate  in  the  Capitanata.  '^This'vict'ory,' sang  the  Norman 
'fhyming  chronicler,  William  of  Apulia,  'mightily  increased  the 
courage  of  the  Normans.  They  saw  that  the  Greeks  were 
cowards,  and  that,  instead  of  meeting  the  enemy  face  to  face, 
they  only  knew  how  to  take  refuge  in  flight.'  .  . 
Other  Normans  flocked  from  their  distant  home  Ralph  of 
on  the  report  of  rich  booty  and  fair  lands  to  be  '^"^"y- 
won  on  easy  terms  in  Apulia.  But  they  despised  their  enemy 
too  much,  and  in  10 19  a  battle  fought  on  the  historic  field 
of  Cannae  annihilated_jhe_HttleJS[Qiiaaa--feaiid.  Meles  and 
Ralph  hastened  over  the  Alps,  in  the  hopes  of  interesting 
Henry  11.  in  their  cause.  Even  the  death  of  Meles  was 
not  fatal  to  the  fortune  of  his  allies.  Some  survivors 
from  Cannae  took  service  with  the  princes  of  Capua  and 
Salerno,  and  the  abbot  of  Monte  Casino.  They  were  mere 
mercenaries,  and  wiUingly  sold  their  swords  to  the  highest 
bidder.  When  Henry  11.  made  his  transient  appearance  in 
southern  Italy  in  1022  [see  page  50],  he  found  his  chief 
obstacle  in  the  new  Greek  fortress  of  Troja,  obstinately  de- 
fended by  some  valiant  Normans  in  the  pay  of  their  old  foe 
the  Catapan. 

^^th^'rNrrrnrvnfi  nnw flnrkfid-tii  itiP liiifl  nf prnmisf     Among 
these  was   a  chieftain   named   Ranulf,  who  joined  Sergius, 
Prince  of  Naples,  a  vassal  of  the  Greeks,  in  his  war  against 
the  Lombard  prince  Pandulf  of  Capua.     In  reward  for  his 
services  Ranulf  received  one  of  the  richest  districts  of  the 
Terra  di  Lavoro,  where  he  built  in    1030   a   town   named 
^yersa,   the   first    Norman    settlement   in    Italy,    pounjatjon 
This  foundation  makes  a  new  departure  in  Nor-  of  Aversa, 
man  policy.     The  Normans  no  longer  came  to   ^°^°" 
Italy  as  isolated  adventurers  willing  to  sell  their  swords  to  the 


1 06  European  History ^  918-1273 

highest  bidder.  By  much  the  same  arts  as  those  by  which 
their  brethren  later  got  hold  of  the  fairest  parts  of  Wales 
and  Ireland,  the  adventurers  strove  to  carve  feudal  states 
for  themselves  out  of  the  chaos  of  southern  Italy.  Whilst 
cleverly  utilising  the  feuds  that  raged  around  them,  they 
pursued  their  interests  with  such  dexterity,  courage,  and 
clear-headed  selfishness,  that  brilliant  success  soon  crowned 
their  efforts.  Conrad  11.  sojourned  at  Capua  in  1038,  de- 
posed Pandulf  and  confirmed  Ranulf  in  the  possession  of 
Aversa,  which  he  erected  into  a  county  owing  homage  to  the 
Western  Emperor.  Three  of  the  twelve  sons  of  the  Norman 
lord,  Tancred  of  Hauteville,  now  left  their  scanty  patrimony  in 
the  Cotentin  and  joined  the  Normans  in  Italy.  Their  names 
_.  ,     were  William  of  the  Iron  Arm,  Drogo,  and  Hum- 

The  sons  of  >  B    ' 

Tancred  of  phrcy.  In  1038  they  joined  the  Greeks  under 
Hauteville.  Gcorgc  Manlaccs  in  an  attempt  to  expel  the 
Mohammedans  from  Sicily.  Messina  and  Syracuse  were 
captured,  but  an  affront  to  their  companion-in-arms  Ardouin 
drove  the  Normans  back  to  the  mainland  in  the  moment  of 
victory,  and  led  them  to  wreak  their  vengeance  on  the  Greeks 
by  a  strange  compound  of  violence  and  treachery.  Ardouin 
their  friend  took  the  Greek  pay  and  became  governor  of 
Melfi,  the  key  of  Apulia.  He  proposed  to  the  Normans  that 
he  should  deliver  Melfi  to  them,  and  make  that  a  starting- 
point  for  the  conquest  of  Apulia,  which  he  proposed  to 
divide  between  them  and  himself.  The  northerners  accepted 
Conquest  of  ^is  proposals.  In  1041  Melfi  was  delivered  into 
Apulia,  1041-2.  their  hands,  and  a  long  war  broke  out  between 
them  and  their  former  allies.  By  shrewdly  putting  Adenulfus, 
the  Lombard  Duke  of  Benevento  at  the  head  of  their  armies, 
the  Normans  got  allies  that  were  probably  necessary  in  the 
early  years  of  the  struggle.  But  they  were  soon  strong 
enough  to  repudiate  their  associate.  The  divisions  of  the 
Greeks  further  facilitated  their  task.  In  1042  William  of  the 
Iron  Arm  was  proclaimed  lord  of  the  Normans  of  Apulia, 
with  Melfi  as  the  centre  of  his  power. 


Italy  in  the  Eleventh  Century  107 

In  1046  William  of  Apulia  died,  and  Drogo,  his  brother, 
succeeded  him.  ^enry  in.,  then  in  Italy,  recognised  Drogo 
as  Count  of  Apulia,  while  renewing  the  grant  of  Aversa 
to  another  Ranulf.  He  also  urged  the  Normans  to  drive  out 
of  Benevento  the  Lombards,  who  after  the  spread  of  the 
Norman  power  were  making  common  cause  with  the  Greeks. 
About  this  time  a  fourth  son  of  Tancred  of  Haute-  Robert 
ville  came  to  Italy,  where  he  soon  made  himself  the  Cuiscard. 
hero  of  the  Norman  conquerors.  Anna  Comnena,  the  literary 
daughter  of  the  Emperor  Alexius,  describes  Robert  Guiscard 
as  he  appeared  to  his  enemies.  '  His  high  stature  excelled 
that  of  the  most  mighty  warriors.  His  complexion  was  ruddy, 
his  hair  fair,  his  shoulders  broad,  his  eyes  flashed  fire.  It  is 
said  that  his  voice  was  like  the  voice  of  a  whole  multitude,  and 
could  put  to  flight  an  army  of  sixty  thousand  men.'  A  poor 
gentleman's  son,  Robert  was  consumed  by  ambition  to  do 
great  deeds,  and  joined  to  great  bravery  and  strength  an 
extraordinary  subtlety  of  spirit.  His  surname  of  Guiscard  is 
thought  to  testify  to  his  ability  and  craft.  Badly  received  by 
his  brothers  in  Apulia,  he  was  reduced  to  taking  service  with 
the  Prince  of  Capua  against  his  rival  of  Salerno.  Events 
soon  gave  him  an  opportunity  of  striking  a  blow  for  himself. 
/  Meanwhile,  a  formidable  combination  was  forming  against 
the  Normans.  Argyrus,  son  of  Meles,  had  deserted  his  father's 
policy  and  came  from  Constantinople,  as  Patrician  and  Cata- 
pan  (Governor),  with  special  commissions  from  the  ^^^  y^  ^^^^^ 
Emperor.  Unable  to  persuadejhe  Norgaans  to  against  the 
take  service  with  the  Emperor  against  the^ersians,  Normans, 
he  soon  waged  war"openly  against  them,  and  procured  the 
murder  of  Count  DrogO'ih  105 1,  but  was  soon  driven  to  take 
refuge  in  Bari.  Meanwhile  Leo  ix.  had  become  Pope,  and 
his  all-absorbing  curiosity  had  led  him  to  two  journeys  into 
southern  Italy,  where  he  persuaded  tlie  inhabitants  of  Bene- 
vento  to  accept  the  protection  of  the  Holy  See  against  the 
dreaded  Northmen.  It  looked  as  if  the  Eastern  and  Western 
Empires  v/ere   likely  to   combine  with  the   Papacy  and  the 


lo8  European  History,  918-1273 

Lombards  to  get  rid  of  the  restless  adventurers.  In  105  a 
Henry  ni.  granted  the  duchy  of  Benevento  to  the-  Roman 
Church,  and  Leo  hurried  from  Hungary  to  oouthoFn  -Italy  to 
enforce  his  claims  on  his.  new  possession.  . 

In  May  1053  Leo  ix.  reached  Monte  Casino.    (There  soon 
flocked  round  him  a  motley  army,  drawn  together  from  every 
district  of  central  and  southern  Italy  and  eager 
Civitate,         to  uphold  the  Holy  Father  against  _the  Ng^man 
'°53-  usurpers  ;\  but  the  Tew  hundred  Germans,  who  had 

followed  the  Pope  over  the  Alps,  were  probably  more  service- 
able in  the  field  than  the  mixed  multitude  of  Italians.  The 
Normans,  abandoned  by  their  allies,  united  all  their  scanty 
forces  for  a  decisive  struggle.  The  armies  met  on  18th 
June  near  Civitate  (Civitella)  on  the  banks  of  the  Fortore, 
the  place  of  the  first  Norman  victory  in  Italy.  The  long- 
haired and  gigantic  Germans  affected  to  despise  their 
diminutive  Norman  foes,  and  the  fiercest  fight  was  fought 
between  the  Pope's  fellow  -  countrymen  and  Humphrey 
of  Hauteville,  the  new  Count  of  Apulia,  who  commanded 
the  Norman  right.  There  the  Norman  horse  long  sought 
in  vain  to  break  up  the  serried  phalanx  of  the  German 
infantry.  But  the  left  and  centre  of  the  Normans,  led  respec- 
tively by  Richard,  the  new  Count  of  Aversa,  and  Robert 
Guiscard,  easily  scattered  the  enemies  before  them,  and, 
returning  in  good  time  from  the  pursuit,  enabled  Humphrey 
to  win  a  final  victory  over  the  Germans.  L^o  ix.  barely 
escapea  with  his  ilbertylrom  the  fatal  field.  Peter  Damiani 
and  the  zealots  denounced  him  for  his  unseemly  participation 
in  acts  of  violence,  and  the  object  which  had  induced  him  to 
depart  fronrhis  sacred  calling  had  been  altogether  unfulfilled. 
Peace  I  ^^  retired  to  Benevento,  where  he  soon  came  to  an 
between  the  understanding  with  the  Normans,  giving  them  h^is 
and  the"*  apOstotTC^IessiDgand  ab^o^yJlgthenLjrom  their 
Pope.  blood-guiltiness.  ]  Even  in  the  moment  of  victory 

the  Normans  had  shown  every  _respect--ta;Jhe_head_of_tiie-^ 
Church,  and  self-interesT  now  combined  with  enthusiasm  to 


Italy  in  the  Eleventh  Century  109 

make  them  his  friends.  But  Leo  entered  into  no  formal 
treaty  with  them.  He  remained  at  Benevento,  carefully 
watching  their  movements  and  corresponding  with  Constan- 
tine  Monomachus  in  the  hope  of  renewing  the  league  against 
them.  But  his  dealings  with  the  Greek  Empire  soon  broke 
down  owing  to  the  theological  differences  which  the  acute 
hostility  of  Leo  and  Michael  Caerularius  now  brought  to 
a  head.  Leo  gave  up  all  hope  of  western  help  when  he 
fulminated  the  excommunication  against  Caerularius,  which 
led  at  once  to  the  final  split  of  Catholic  and  Orthodox.  In 
the  spring  of  1054  he  returned  to  Rome  and  died.  His 
exploits  and  holy  life  had  given  him  a  great  reputation 
for  holiness,  and  he  was  canonised  as  a  saint.  Even  the 
disaster  of  Civitate  and  the  eastern  schism  did  little  to 
diminish  his  glory. 

Leo  ix.'s  successor  as  Pope  was  another  German,  Gebhard, 
bishop  of  Eichstadt,  who  took  the  name  of  Victor  11.  (1054- 
1057).  He  continued  to  work  on  the  Unes  of  victor  11., 
Pope  Leo,  though  more  in  the  spirit  of  a  politi-  ^°54-io57- 
cian.  During  Victor's  pontificate,  Henry  in.  made  his 
second  and  last  visit  to  Italy  (1055).  His  presence  was  highly 
necessary.  His  strongest  Italian  enemy,  the  Henry  iii  -s 
powerful  Marquis  Boniface- of-Tuseanyj-was-^ad,  last  visit  to 
leaving_an  only  daughter  Matilda  heiress  of  his  ^**'^'  ^"^ 
great  inherT^pEE  BOnil'ace's  widow  Beatrice  soon  found  a 
second  husband  in  Godfrey  the  Bearded,  Duke  of  Lower 
Lorraine,  the  chief  enemy  of  Henry  in  Germany.  In  this 
'union  jhere  was  a  '^^'^z^'^  ^^  ^^'^  Cfrm-xrv  ^rvA  Ttn^j^n  QppQ;^j. 
tion  to  the  Enrpire^ijeiftg^-CGmbifted.  But  the  formidable 
league  dissolved  at  once  on  Henry's  appearance.  Gpdfrey  fled 
from  Italy,  and_B£atrire  nnd  her  daughta  weie  led  iiilu  litmour- 
abte'  captivity  in  Germany.  Godfrey's  brother  Frederick, 
hithfirtoa  scnemmg  ecclesiastic,  renounced  the  world,  and  be- 
came one  of  the  most  zealous  of  the  monks  of  Monte  Casino. 
But  the  death  of  the  Emperor  and  the  long  minority  that 
followed,  soon  restored  the  power  of  the  heiress  of  Boniface. 


c 


no  European  History,  giZ- 1 27 1 


The  Countess  Matilda,  powerful  alike  in  Tuscany  and  north  of 
the  Apennines,  became  the  most  zealous  of  the  allies  of  the_ 
Position  of  ^^Sl'^  ^^^  support  gave  that  material  assist- 
the  Countess  ance  without  which  the  purely  spiritual  aims  of 
Mauida.  ^^^  Papacy  could  hardly  prevail.  At  the  moment 
when  the  Papacy  had  permanently  absorbed  the  teachings  of 
Cluny,  it  was  a  matter  of  no  small  moment  that  the  greatest 
temporal  power  of  middle  Italy  was  on  its  side.  It  was  a 
solid  compensation  for  Leo's  failure  against  the  Normans. 

We  have  now  come  to  one  of  the  real  crises  of  history. 
The  new  spirit  had  gained  ascendency  at  Rome,  and  the 
Hiidebrand's  great  man  had  arisen  who  was  to  present  the 
early  career  papal  ideal  with  all  the  authority  of  genius. 
Hildebrand  of  Soana  ^  was  the  son  of  a  well-to- 
do  Tuscan  peasant ;  he  had  been  brought  up  by  his  uncle, 
abbot  of  the  strict  convent  of  St.  Mary's  on  the  Aventine, 
which  was  the  centre  of  the  Cluniac  ideas  in  Rome,  and 
where  he  made  his  profession  as  monk.  He  became  the 
chaplain  of  Gregory  vi.  who,  though  he  bought  the  Papacy 
with  gold,  had  striven  his  best  to  carry  out  the  work 
of  reformation.  When  deprived  of  his  office  at  Sutri, 
Gregory  vi.  had  been  compelled  to  retire  to  Germany  with 
the  Emperor.  Hildebrand,  now  about  twenty-five  years  old, 
accompanied  his  master  in  his  exile.  In  1048  the  deposed 
Pope  died,  and  his  chaplain  betook  himself  to  Cluny,  where 
he  remained  for  a  full  year,  and  where,  he  tells  us,  he  would 
have  gladly  spent  the  rest  of  his  life.  But  in  1049  Leo  ix. 
passed  through  Cluny  on  his  way  to  Rome,  and  Hildebrand 
was  commanded  to  accompany  him.  With  his  return  to 
Rome  his  active  career  began.  As  papal  sub-deacon  he 
reorganised    the   crippled   finances   of  the    Holy    See,   and 

*  Stephen's  Hildebrand  and  his  Times  ('  Epochs  of  Church  History  '), 
gives  a  useful  summary  of  the  life  and  work  of  the  future  Gregory  vii.  ; 
see  also  Stephen's  essay  on  Hildebrand  in  his  Essays  on  Ecclesiastical 
Biography.  Bowden's  Life  and Pontifii  ate  of  Gregory  VII. ,  and  Villemain's 
Histoire  de  Gregoire  VII.  give  fuller  accounts. 


Italy  in  the  Eleventh  Century 


III 


strengthened  the  hold  of  the  Pope  over  the  unruly  citizens. 
As  papal  legate  he  was  sent  to  France  in  1054  to  put  down 


j^ 


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l')<'nmi;i 


MIDDLE  ITALY 
IN  THE 

ELEVENTH  CENTURY. 


O 
'■**   °^  "^w    V  "Vv  S  P  0  L  E  T  O, 

Sutrio/>  >-s        \  V  ,' 

/^Tivon     \ 


t'uymier  papcUlanda  uajmped  l/y  secular  jx)(KeK»_.iiii^Sd     Lands  ofOie.  Voiinless  JIdlilda.. 
Eomttrpapal  lands  held  by  the  Coiinieee  MatildctJMMjMM    Tapal  terrilor;/ ^ 


the  heresy  of  Berengar   of  Tours,      But  the  death  of  Leo 
recalled  him  to  Italy,  whence  he  went  to  the  Emperor  at  the 


1 1 2  European  History,  918-1273 

head  cf  the  deputation  that  successfully  requested  the  appoint- 
ment of  Victor  II.  With  this  Pope  he  was  as  powerful 
as  with  Leo.  But  Victor  11.  died  in  1057,  and  Frederick  of 
Lorraine  left  his  newly-won  abbot's  chair  at  Monte  Casino  to 
Stephen  IX.,  ascend  the  throne  of  St.  Peter  as  Stephen  ix. 
X057-1058.  Though  a  zealot  for  the  ideas  of  Cluny,  Stephen, 
as  the  head  of  the  house  of  Lorraine,  was  the  natural  leader 
of  the  political  opposition  to  the  imperial  house  both  in 
Germany  and  Italy.  He  made  Peter  Damiani  a  cardinal, 
and  zealously  pushed  forward  the  warfare  against  simony  in 
Germany.  Stephen's  early  death  in  1058,  when  Hildebxaod 
was  away  in  GernT!rrry^~BroQp;tTt~  abirm  trTYew^risis.  The 
Counts  of  Tusculum  thought  the  moment  opportune  to  make 
a  desperate  effort  to  win  back  their  old  influence.  They 
terrorised  Rome  with  their  troops,  and  brought  about  the 
irregular  election  of  one  of  the  Crescentii,  who  called  himself 
Benedict  x.  The  prompt  action  of  Hildebrand  preserved 
the  Papacy  for  the  reforming  party.  He  hurried  back  to 
Florence,  and  formed  a  close  alliance  with  Duke  Godfrey  of 
Lorraine,  Stephen's  brother,  against  the  nominee  of  Tusculum. 
The  stricter  cardinals  met  at  Siena  and  chose  Gerhard,  Bishop 
of  Florence,  a  Burgundian  by  birth,  as  orthodox  Pope.  Gerhard 
Nicholas  II.,  held  another  synod  at  Sutri,  where  the  Antipope 
1058-1061.  ^as  formally  deposed.  Early  in  1059  he  entered 
Rome  in  triumph.  By  assuming  the  name  of  Nicholas  11., 
he  proclaimed  himself  the  successor  of  the  most  successful 
and  aggressive  of  Popes.  As  Archdeacon  of  Rome,  Hildebrand 
acted  as  chief  minister  to  the  Pope  whom  he  had  made. 
Henceforth  till  his  death  he  dominated  ths-Papal  policy. 
While  previous  reformers  had  sought  salvation  by  calling 
the  Emperor  over  the  Alps,  Hildebrand  had  found  in  Duke 
Godfrey  and  his  wife  champjons  as  effective  for  his  purpose 
on  Italian  soil.  With  tKe  estaBTis^ent"brPope  Nicholas, 
through  the  arms  of  Godfrey  and  Matilda,  the  imperial  alliance 
ceases  to  become  a  physical  necessity  to  the  reforming  party 
in  Italy.  Hildebrand  had  won  for  the  Church  her  freedom. 
Before  long  he  began  to  aim  at  domination. 


Italy  in  the  Eleventh  Century  i  1 3 

Nicholas  11.  ruled  as  Pope  from  1058  to  1061.  Within 
those  few  years,  three  events  were  brought  about  which 
enormously  strengthened  the  position  of  the  Papacy,  already 
possessed  of  a  great  moral  force  by  its  permanent  identification 
with  the  reforming  party,  and  the  final  abasement  of  the  un- 
worthy local  factions,  that  had  so  long  aspired  to  wield  its 
resources.  ^These  events  were  the  settlement  of  the  method 
of  papal  elections,  the  establishment  of  a  close  alliance  between 
the  Papacy  and  the  Normans  of  southern  J^taly,  and  the 
subjection  of  Lombardy  to  the  papal  authority.^ 

In   1059   Nicholas  held   a   synod   in   the   Lateran  which 
drew  up  the  famous  decree  that  set  aside  the  vague  ancient 
rights  of  the  Roman  clergy  and  people  to  choose  Lateran 
their  bishop,  in  favour  of  the  close  corporation   Synod  and 

*•  .  *  reform  in 

of  the  College  of  Cardinals.  The  decree  was  Papai  eiec- 
drawn  up  in  studiously  vague  language,  but  put  **°"®'  "59- 
the  prerogative  voice  into  the  very  limited  circle  of  the  seven 
cardinal  bishops  of  the  suburbicarian  dioceses.  These  were 
to  add  to  themselves  the  cardinal  priests  and  deacons, 
whose  assent  was  regarded  as  including  that  of  clergy  and 
people  at  large.  A  Roman  clerk  was  to  be  p^'^ff rrpf^  '^ 
worthy,  and  Rome  waT~to  "Be  the  ordinary  place  of  election; 
but,  if  difficulties  intervened,  any  person  could  be  chosen, 
and  any  place  made  the  seat  of  election.  The  due  rights 
of  King  Henry  and  his  successors  tq_cqnfirm  their  jchoice 
wereTeserved,  "But  ui  terms  that  suggested  a  special  personal 
favour  granted  of  his  own  goodwill  by  the  Pope  to  a  crowned 
Emperor,  rather  than  the  recognition  of  an  immemorial  legal 
right.  The  decree  did  not,  as  was  hoped,  save  the  Church 
from  schisms  like  those  of  Benedict  x.  Neither  was  the 
pre-eminence  of  the  suburbicarian  bishops  permanently  main- 
tained. But  henceforth  th&iegal  right,  ofj.hft  rardinals  t.o-b€ 
the  electors  of  future  Popes  became  substantially  uncontested. 
It  is  not  likely  that  this  involved  any  real  change  of  prac- 
tice. But  in  embodying  custom  in  a  formal  shape  it  gave 
subsequent  efforts   to   set  up  Antipopes  the   condemnation 

P£RIOD  II.  H 


114  European  History,  ()1?>-12J  I 

of  illegality,  and  so  stood  the  Papacy  in  good  stead  in  the 
troubles  that  were  soon  to  ensue.  The  council  also  witnessed 
the  abject  degradation  of  the  Antipope  and  the  recantation  of 
the  heretic  Berengar  of  Tours. 

In  the  years  that  followed  the  battle  of  Civitate,  the  Nor- 
mans had  steadily  extended  their  power  over  Apulia  and 
TheNormana  Calabria.  But  the  south  of  Italy  is  so  rugged  and 
become  the  mountainous  that  even  the  bravest  of  warriors 
the  Pope,  could  Only  win  their  way  slowly.  In  1057  the 
'059-  valiant  Count  Humphrey  died,  leaving  his  sons 

so  young  that  he  had  been  constrained  to  beg  his  brother 
Robert  to  act  as  their  protector.  But  the  barons  of  Apulia 
insisted  that  Robert  should  be  their  count  in  full  succession 
to  Humphrey.  Soon  after  Roger  of  Hauteville,  the  youngest 
of  the  twelve  sons  of  Tancred,  left  the  paternal  roof  to  share 
the  fortune  of  his  brothers.  '  He  was,'  says  Geoffrey  of 
Malaterra,  'a  fine  young  man,  of  lofty  stature  and  elegant 
proportions.  Very  eloquent  in  speech,  wise  in  counsel,  and 
gifted  with  extraordinary  foresight,  he  was  gay  and  affable 
to  all,  and  so  strong  and  valiant  that  he  soon  gained  the  good 
Roger  of  graces  of  every  one.*  Robert  Guiscard  received 
Hauteville.  Roger  in  a  more  brotherly  spirit  than  had  been 
shown  on  his  own  first  arrival  by  Drogo  and  Humphrey. 
He  gave  him  a  sufficient  following  of  troops  and  sent  him 
to  Calabria,  where  he  soon  established  himself  as  lord 
of  half  the  district,  though  under  his  brother's  overlordship. 
Meanwhile,  Richard  of  Aversa  had  driven  out  the  I>ombards 
from  Capua  and  added  it  to  his  dominions.  The  Normans 
were  still,  however,  not  free  from  danger  from  the  Popes. 
Victor  II.  had  disapproved  of  teo  ix.'s  policy,  yet  before  his 
death  he  had  become  their  enemy.  Stephen  ix.  formed 
various  projects  against  them.  But  Hildebrand  now  turned 
Nicholas  11.  Xo  wiser  counsels.  In  1059  Hildebrand  went  in 
person  to  r.apua  anH  rnnr\uf\fA  a  tf^atv  with  Count  Richard, 
who,  as  the  ally  of  the  monks  of  Monte  Casino,  was  the 
most  friendly  of   the    Norman   chieftains   to  the    Church. 


Italy  in  the  Eleventh  Century  1 1 5 

Almost  immediately  the  archdeacon  returned  to  Rome  with 
a  strong  Norlnan  escort,  and  soon  alter  a  Norman  army  spread 
terror  among  the  partisans  of  the  Antipope.  In  the  summer 
of  1059  Nicholas  himself  held  a  synod  in  Melfi,  synod 
the  Apulian  capital,  where  he  passed  canons  con-  ^^  Meie. 
demning  married  priests.  After  the  formal  session  was  over, 
the  Pope  made  Robert  Guiscard  Duke  of  Apulia  and  Calabria, 
and  '  future  Duke '  of  Sicily,  if  he  should  ever  have  Robert,  Duke 
the  good  luck  to  drive  out  the  infidels.  In  return  of  Apulia; 
Robert,  '  Duke  by  the  grace  of  God  and  of  St.  D°uke  of  ^^  ' 
Peter,'  agreed  to  hold  his  lands  as  the  Pope's  Capua. 
vassal,  paying  an  annual  rent  of  twelve  pence  for  each  plough- 
land.  Richard  of  Capua,  either  then  or  earlier,  took  the  same 
oath.  Thus  the  famous  alliance  between  i-hp  Nj^rmaiis  and 
the  Papacy  was  consummated,  which  by  uniting  the  strongest 
military  power  in  Italy  to  the  papal_ policy,  enabTed"'tIie 
Holy  See  to  wield  the  temporal  with  almost  as  much  effect 
as  the  spiritual  sword.  Thus  the  Papacy  assumed  a  feudal 
suzeraii^ty  over^_soutb£in__Itajy  which  outlasted  the  Middle 
AgesZ  /Withinseven  years  of  the  Synodof  Melfi,  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  Norman  duke  William  tHe~~  Bastard  in 
England,  as  the  ally  of  the  Pope,  still  further  bound  the 
most  restless,  active,  and  enterprising  race  in  Europe  to  the 
apostolic  see.  j 

/  The  Pope  now  intervened  decisively  in  the  long  struggle 
between  the  traditional  and  the  strict  parties  in  Lombardy, 
where  the  ancient  independence  of  the  arch-  The  Patarini 
bishops^of-^ilan  had-l^^g  been  assailed  by  the  '"  Lombardy. 
Patarini  or  rag-pickers,  as  the  reforipprg  wfiff;  ront^'^p^"'Y'.'=^y 
called.  Lovers  of  old  ways  in  the  north,  with  the  Archbishop 
Guido  of  Milan  at  their  head,  had  long  upheld  clerical  marriage 
as  the  ancient  custom  of  the  Church  of  St.  Ambrose.  Peter 
Damiani  was  now  sent  as  papaLlegate  to  Milan  to  uphold  the 
'  rag-bags '  in  their  struggle.  At  a  synod  held  in  Milan,  the 
zealous  monk  made  short  work  of  the  married  Clerks  knd  of 
the  immemorial  rights  .oLthe  arclibishop.    Guido  proffered  an 


1 1 6  European  History ^  918-1273 

abject  submission  and  received  a  contemptuous  restitution  of 
his  archbishopric  Tl^continuance  of  the  friendship^ofjjrod- 
Miian  ^"^^^  *"^  Matilda  secured  middle  Italyj  as  the 

Bubmiu  to  alliance  with  Normans  and  PatarmT  had  secured 
Rome.  jj^g  south  and  the  north.    The  strongest  princes  of 

Gaul  and  Burgundy  were  on  the  zealots'  side.  The  imperialist 
prelates  of  Germany,  headed  by  Anno  of  Cologne,  made  a 
faint  effort  to  stem  the  tide,  but  the  decrees  fulminated  by 
German  synods  against  Nicholas  and  his  work  were  un- 
known or  disregarded  in  Italy. 

The  untimely  death  of  Nicholas  in  no  wise  altered  the 
course  of  events.  The  next  Pope,  Alexander  11.,  was 
Alexander  II.  Anselm,  Bishop  of  Lucca,  who  had  shared  with 
1061-1073.  Peter  Damiani  in  the  victory  over  the  simoniacs 
and  married  clerks  in  Lombardy.  His  appointinetU  by  the 
cardinals  without  the  least  reference  to  King  Henry  iv.  gave 
the  greatest  offence  in  Germany,  and  brought  to  a  head_ 
the  growing  tension  between  Empire  and  Papacy.  A  synod 
at  Basel  declared  Pope  Alexander's  election  invalid,  and  set 
up  an  Antipope,  Cadalus,  Bishop  of  Parma,  who  had  been  the 
real  soul  of  the  opposition  to  the  Patarini  in  Lombardy. 
Honorius  11.  (this  was  the  name  he  assumed)  hurried  over  the 
Alps,  and  in  1062  was  strong  enough,  with  the  help  of  the  Counts 
of  Tusculum,  to  fight  an  even  battle  with  AlexandecJs  parti- 
sans, and  for  a  time  to  get  possession  of  St.  Peter's.  (But  the 
factions  that  controlled  the  government  of  the  young  Henry  iv. 
could  not  unite  even  in  upholding  an  Antipope,  while  the 
religious  enthusiasm,  which  the  reforming  movenient  had 
evoked,  was  ardently  on  the  side  of  Alexander^  Con- 
demned by  Anno  of  Cologne  and  his  party  in  Germany, 
Honorius  was  rejected  in  1064  by  a  council  at  Mantua. 
Nevertheless,  he  managed  to  live  unmolested  and  with  some 
supporters  until  his  own  death  in  1072.  HissuccessfuLxixal 
Alexander  only  outlived  him  a  year.  It  was  then  time  for 
the  archdeacon  himself  to  assume  the  responsible  leadership 
of  the  movement  which  he  had  so  long  controlled.  In  io73_ 
Hildebrand  became  Pope  Gregory  vil 


Italy  in  the  Eleventh  Century  1 17 

The  reconciliation  with  the  Papacy  stood  the  Normans  in 
good  stead.     Henceforth  they  posed  as  the  champions  of 
Western  CathoHcism  against  Eastern  Orthodoxy   Later 
and  Islam.     Though  the  Norman  chieftains  still  triumphs 

-  .  °  .  .       of  Robert 

wrangled  hotly  with  each  other,  the  tide  in  ouiscard, 
south  Italy  had  definitely  turned  in  their  favour.  ^068-1085. 
In  107 1  the  capture  of  Bari,  after  a  three  years'  siege,  finally 
expelled  the  Greeks  from  Italy.  The  Lombard  principality 
of  Salerno  was  also  absorbed,  and  the  greater  part  of  the 
territories  of  the  dukes  of  Benevento,  save  the  city  and  its 
neighbourhood,  which  Robert  Guiscard,  much  to  his  own 
disgust,  was  forced  to  yield  to  his  papal  suzerain.  We  shall 
see  in  other  chapters  how  Robert  crossed  the  Straits  of 
Otranto  and  aspired  to  conquer  the  Greek  Empire,  how  he 
came  to  the  help  of  Gregory  vii.  in  his  greatest  need,  and  how 
his  son  Bohemund  took  part  in  the  first  Crusade  and  founded 
the  principality  of  Antioch.  When  Robert  died  in  1085,  all 
southern  Italy  acknowledged  him  as  its  lord,  save  the  rival 
Norman  principality  of  Capua,  the  half-Greek  republics  of 
Amalfi  and  Naples,  and  the  papal  possession  of  Benevento. 

While  Robert  Guiscard  was  thus  consolidating  his  power 
in  the  peninsula,  an  even  harder  task  was  being  accomplished 
by  his  younger  brother  Roger,  sometimes  in  alliance,  and 
sometimes  in  fierce  hostility  with  the  Duke  of  Apulia.  The 
grant  of  Nicholas  11.  had  contemplated  the  extension  of  the 
Norman  rule  to  Sicily.  The  divisions  of  the  Mohammedan 
world  had  cut  off  the  island  from  the  Caliphate  of  the  Fati- 
mites,  and  its  independent  Ameers  were  hardly  equal  to  the 
task  of  ruling  the  island  and  keeping  in  order  a  timid  but 
refractory  population  of  Christian  serfs.  The 
increasing  power  of  Robert  was  fatal  to  the  inde-  conquest  of 

pendence  of  Roger  in  Calabria,  and  he  gladly  siciiy, 

,    ,     .     .     .         ,-  ,      ,•  -1  7^,    .      1060-X10X. 

accepted  the  mvitation  of  the  discontented  Chris- 
tians of  Messina  to  deliver  them  from  the  bondage  of  the 
infidel.  In  1060  Roger  led  his  first  expejitionjo  Sicily^  which 
was  unsuccessful.     But  early  next  year  he  came  again,  and 


1 1 8  European  History ^  9 1 8- 1 27  3 

this  time  the  dissensions  of  the  Mohammedans  in  Sicily 
enabled  him  to  have  friends  among  Saracens  as  well  as 
Christians.  In  the  summer  of  106 1  Robert  came  to  his  help. 
Messina  wiis  Msi]j[^  captured,  and  proved  invaluable  as  the 
starting-point  of  later  expeditions.  The  infidels  were  badly 
beaten  at  the  battle  of  Castrogiovanni,  and  before  the  end  of 
the  year  the  standards  of  Roger  had  waved  as  far  west  as 
Girgenti.  The  first  successes  were  not  quite  followed  up.  In 
1064  the  Normans  were  forced  to  raise  the  siege  of  Palermo. 
The  compact  Mussulman  population  of  Western  Sicily 
opposed  a  very  different  sort  of  resistance  to  the  invaders 
from  that  which  they  had  experienced  in  the  Christian  East. 
But  the  process  of  conquest  was  resumed  after  the  capture  of 
Bari  had  given  Robert  leisure  to  come  to  his  brother's  help. 
In  1072  Palermo  was  taken  by  the  two  brothers  jointly. 
Robert  claimed  the  lion's  share  of  the  spoil.  Roger, 
forced  to  yield  him  the  suzerainty  of  the  whole  island,  and  a 
great  domain  under  his  direct  rule,  including  Palermo  and 
Messina,  threw  himself  with  untiring  zeal  into  the  conquest  of 
the  parts  of  the  island  that  still  adhered  to  Islam.  Thirty 
years  after  his  first  expedition,  the  last  Saracens  were  expelled 
^  ,   _.  „     from  the  rocky  fastnesses  of  the  western  coasts, 

The  feudali-  ^  .  ' 

sation  of  and  the  inaccessible  uplands  of  the  intenor.  The 
Napies  and  Normans  took  with  them  to  Italy  their  language, 
their  manners,  their  art,  and  above  all,  their  polity. 
On  the  ruins  of  the  Greek,  Lombard  and  Saracen  power,  the 
Normans  feudalised  southern  Italy  so  thoroughly  that  the 
feudalism  of  Naples  and  Sicily  long  outlasted  the  more  in- 
digenous feudalism  of  I'uscany  or  Romagna.  Freed  from  his 
grasping  brother's  tutelage  after  1085,  Roger  ruled  over  Sicily 
as  count  till  his  death  in  iioi.  We  sHalTsee  how  his  son 
united  Sicily  with  Apulia  in  a  single  sovereignty,  which  has 
in  various  shapes  endured  as  the  kingdom  of  Naples  or  Sicily, 
until  the  establishment  of  a  united  Italy  in  our  own  days. 


Italy  in  the  Eleventh  Century 


119 


GENEALOGY  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  TANCRED  OF  HAUTEVILLE. 
Tancred  of  Hauteville. 

I 


I 

William  of  the 

Iron  Arm, 

Lord  of  Apulia, 

eL  1046. 


Drogo,  Humphrey, 

Count  of  Apulia,     Count  of  Apulia, 
d.  1051.  d.  1057. 


Roger, 
Duke  of  Apulia, 
d.  mi. 

William, 

Duke  of  Apulia, 

d.  1127. 


I 
Robert 
guiscard, 
Duke  of 
Apulia, 
d.  1085. 


I 

ROGER  \. 

Count  of 

Sicily, 

d.  iioi. 


ROGER  IL, 

King  of  Sicily, 

and  Duke 

of  Apulia, 

d.  XIS4. 


Roger, 
Duke  of  Apulia. 

TANCRED  OF  Lecck 
(illegitimate), 
d.  1 194. 
I 


ROGER  in. 

d.  1194. 


WILLIAM  III 
deposed  by 
Henry  vi.  in 
1194. 


Albina 
nt.  Walter 

of 
Brienne. 


WILLIAM  I., 

the  Bad, 

d.  1 166. 

I 

WILLIAM  II., 

the  Good, 

d.  I 189. 

ttt.  Joanna, 

daughter  of 

Henry  II. 

of  England. 


Constance, 

m.  HENRY  VI. 

d.  1 197. 

FREDERICK  II 
d.  1350. 


CHAPTER    VI 

THE   INVESTITURE   CONTEST  (1056-II25) 

Minority  of  Henry  iv, — Regency  of  Agnes — Rivalry  of  Adalbert  and  Anno — 
The  Saxon  Revolt — Election  of  Gregory  vii. — Beginnings  of  the  Investi- 
ture Contest — Canossa  and  its  results — Rudolf  of  Swabia  and  Guibert  of 
Ravenna — The  Normans  and  Gregory  vn. — Victor  11 1.  and  Urban  11. — 
Last  years  of  Henry  iv. — Henry  v.  and  Pascal  11, — Calixtus  11.  and  the 
Concordat  of  Worms — Death  of  Henry  V. 

While  the  Cluniac  movement  had  at  last  attained  ascend- 
ency over  the  best  minds  of  Europe,  and  a  swarm  of  monastic 
reformers  had  prepared  the  way  for  the  great  revival  of 
spiritual  religion  and  hierarchical  pretensions ;  while  in  Italy 
strong  papalist  powers,  like  the  Countess  Matilda  and  the 
Normans  of  the  south,  had  arisen  to  menace  the  imperial 
•n  rit  ^"thority,  the  long  minority  of  Henry  iv.  sapped 
of  Henry  IV.,  the  personal  influence  of  Caesar  over  Italy  and 
io56-:o73.  brought  about  a  lengthened  period  of  faction  and 
weak  rule  in  Germany.  On  Henry  iii.'s  death,  his  son, 
Henry  iv.,  was  a  boy  of  six.  The  great  Emperor's  power 
secured  the  child's  undisputed  succession,  but  was  too 
personal,  too  military  in  its  character  to  prove  any  safe- 
guard against  the  dangers  of  a  long  minority.  Nor  did 
the  choice  of  ruler  during  Henry  iv.'s  nonage  improve  the 
state  of  affairs.  Henry  iii.'s  widow,  Agnes  of  Poitou,  a 
pious  well-meaning  lady,  acted  as  regent  for  her  son,  but 
her  weakness  of  will  and  inconsistency  of  conduct 
the  Empress  gavc  fuU  scopc  to  discontented  nobles  ready  to 
Agnes,  take   advantage   of  a  woman's   sway.     The   lay 

nobles  availed  themselves  of  her  helplessness  to 
plunder  and  despoil  the  prelates,  while  they  complained  that 
Agnes  neglected  their  counsels  for  those  of  low-born  courtiers 
120 


The  Investiture  Contest  121 

and  personal  favourites.  After  six  years  of  confusion  the 
Empress  was  driven  from  power.  Anno,  Archbishop  of  Cologne, 
a  vigorous,  experienced,  and  zealous  prelate,  full  of  ambition 
and  violence,  joined  himself  with  Otto  of  Nordheim,  the  newly 
appointed  Duke  of  Bavaria,  Count  Egbert  of  Brunswick,  and 
some  of  the  bishops,  in  a  well-contrived  plot  to  get  possession  of 
the  young  king.  In  May  1062  the  three  chief  con-  Abduction  of 
spirators  visited  the  king  at  his  palace  of  Saint  Henry  by 
Suitbert's,  situated  on  an  island  in  the  Rhine,  Cologne, 
some  miles  below  Diisseldorf,  now  called  Kaisers-  ^°^- 
werth.  One  day  after  dinner  Anno  persuaded  the  boy 
king  to  inspect  an  elaborately-fitted-up  barge.  As  soon  as 
Henry  had  entered  the  boat,  the  oarsmen  put  off  and  rowed 
away.  Henry  was  soon  frightened  and  plunged  into  the 
water,  but  Count  Egbert  leapt  in  and  rescued  him.  The 
king  was  pacified  by  flattery  and  taken  to  Cologne.  The 
crowd  cried  shame  on  the  treachery  of  the  bishop,  but 
Henry  remained  in  his  custody,  and  Agnes  made  no  serious 
attempt  to  regain  her  authority,  but  reconciled  herself  with 
Anno  and  retired  into  a  monastery.  Anno  proposed  to  the 
magnates  that  the  regency  should  be  exercised  by  the 
bishop  of  the  diocese  in  which  the  king  happened  to  be 
staying.  By  carefully  selecting  the  king's  places  of  abode,  he 
thus  secured  the  reality  of  power  without  its  odium.  By 
throwing  over  the  Antipope  he  procured  the  support  of  the 
Hildebrandine  party,  and  was  likened  by  Peter  Damiani  to 
another  Jehoiada.  But  his  pride  and  arrogance  soon  raised 
him  up  enemies;  and  young  Henry,  who  never  forgave  his 
abduction,  bitterly  resented  his  tutelage. 

Adalbert,  Archbishop  of  Bremen,  took  the   lead   among 
Anno's  enemies.     He  was  a  man  of  high  birth,   Rivalry  of 
great  experience,  and  unbounded  ambition,  an  old  Adalbert  of 
confidant  of  Henry  in.,  and  filled  with  a  great  AnnTo"***** 
scheme  for  making  his  archbishopric  a  permanent  Cologne, 
patriarchate  over  the  infant  churches  of  Scandi-  ^°^-^^°- 
naVia.     He  made  himself  personally  attractive  to  the  king, 


122  European  History,  91 8- 1 273 

who  contrasted  his  kindness  and  indulgence  with  the 
austerity  of  Anno.  By  Adalbert's  influence  Henry  was 
declared  of  age  to  govern  on  attaining  his  fifteenth  year  in 
1065.  Henceforth  Adalbert  disposed  of  all  the  high  offices 
in  Church  and  State,  and  growing  more  greedy  as  he  became 
more  successful,  excited  much  ill-will  among  the  religious  by 
plundering  the  monasteries  right  and  left.  He  appropriated 
to  himself  the  two  great  abbeys  of  Lorsch  and  Corvey,  and 
sought  in  vain  to  propitiate  his  enemies  by  allowing  other 
magnates,  including  even  his  rival  Anno,  to  similarly  despoil 
other  monasteries.  The  king  was  made  so  poor  that  he 
hardly  had  enough  to  live  on.  But  Adalbert  at  least  sought 
to  continue  the  great  traditions  of  statecraft  of  Henry  in., 
and  showed  more  policy  and  skill  than  the  crowd  of  bishops 
who  had  previously  shared  power  with  Anno.  At  last,  in 
ro66,  the  nobles  combined  against  Adalbert  at  a  Diet  at 
Tribur,  and  Henry  was  roundly  told  that  he  must  either 
dismiss  Adalbert  or  resign  his  throne.  Adalbert  retired  to 
his  diocese,  and  Anno  and  Otto  of  Nordheim  again  had  the 
chief  control  of  affairs.  But  neither  party  could  rule  with 
energy  or  spirit,  and  Henry,  now  nearly  grown  up,  showed  no 
decided  capacity  to  make  things  better.  The  young  king  was 
tall,  dignified,  and  handsome.  He  was  affable  and  kindly  to 
men  of  low  rank,  with  whom  he  was  ever  popular,  though  he 
could  be  stem  and  haughty  to  the  magnates,  whose  power  he 
feared.  He  had  plenty  of  spirit  and  fair  ability.  But  he 
had  been  brought  up  so  laxly  by  Archbishop  Adalbert  that 
he  was  headstrong,  irresolute,  profligate,  and  utterly  defi- 
cient in  self-control.  He  never  formulated  a  policy,  and  if 
he  championed  great  causes,  he  did  so  blindly  and  in 
ignorance.  Married  to  Bertha,  daughter  of  the  Marquis 
Odo  of  Turin,  in  1065,  he  gave  offence  both  to  her  power- 
ful kinsfolk  and  to  the  strict  churchmen  by  refusing  to 
live  with  her,  and  talking  of  a  divorce.  He  had  now  to 
put  down  open  rebellions.  In  1069  the  Margrave  Dedi  strove 
to  rouse  the  Thuringians   to  revolt,  and   in   1070  Otto  of 


The  Investiture  Contest  123 

Bavaria,  the  most  important  of  the  dukes  surviving,  after  the 
death  of  Duke  Godfrey  of  Lorraine  in  the  previous  year,  was 
driven  into  rebellion.  So  divided  were  the  German  nobles, 
so  helpless  the  German  king,  that  instead  of  ruling  the  Italians, 
there  seemed  every  prospect  of  the  Italians  ruling  them.  In 
1069  Peter  Damiani  went  to  Germany  as  legate,  and  compelled 
Henry  to  reconcile  himself  with  Bertha.  Peter  was  horrified 
at  the  unblushing  simony  of  the  German  bishops,  and,  on  his 
report.  Anno  of  Cologne  and  several  other  of  the  greatest 
prelates  of  Germany  were  summoned  to  Rome  and  thoroughly 
humiliated.  Anno  atoned  for  his  laxity  by  his  edifying  dis- 
charge of  the  meanest  monastic  duties  in  his  own  great 
foundation  at  Siegburg,  but  his  influence  was  gone  and  his 
political  career  was  at  an  end  His  fall  brought  Adalbert 
back  to  some  of  his  ancient  influence.  The  death  of  the 
Archbishop  of  Bremen  in  1072  unloosed  the  last  link  that 
connected  the  new  reign  with  the  old  traditions. 

Henry  iv.'s  reign  now  really  began.  A  thorough  Swabian, 
his  favourite  ministers  were  Swabians  of  no  high  degree,  and 
he  had  no  faith  in  the  goodwill  or  loyalty  of  the  ^j^^  saxon 
men  of  the  north.  He  had  kept  vacant  the  Saxon  Revolt, 
dukedom.  On  every  hill- top  of  Saxony  and  **^3-*o75- 
Thuringia  he  built  strong  castles,  whose  lawless  garrisons 
plundered  and  outraged  the  peasantry.  There__a:as— «rer- 
fierce  ill-will  between  northern  and  southern  .Germany  during 
the  Middle  Ages.  The  policy  of  the  southern  Emperor  soon 
filled  the  north  with  anger,  and  the  Saxon  nobles  prepared  for 
armed  resistance.  In  io73_^  Henry  fitted  out  an  expedition, 
whose  professed  destination  was  againsFlEe^  Poles.  It  was 
believed  in  Saxony  that  his  real  object  was  to  subdue  the 
Saxons  and  hand  them  over  to  the  Swabians.  Accordingly  in 
the  summer  of  1073  a  general  Saxon  revolt  broke  out,  headed 
by  the  natural  leaders  of  Saxony  both  in  Church  and  State, 
including  the  Archbishop  of  Magdeburg,  the  deposed  Duke 
Otto  of  Bavaria,  and  the  fierce  Margrave  Dedi,  already  an 
unsuccessful  rebel.      The  insurgents  demanded  the  instant 


r  24  European  History,  918-1273 

demolition  ot  the  castles,  the  dismissal  of  Henry's  evil  coun- 
sellors, and  the  restitution  of  their  lands  that  he' had  violently 
seized.  On  receiving  no  answer  they  shut  up  Henry  in  the 
strong  castle  of  Harzburg,  whence  he  escaped  with  the  utmost 
difficulty  to  the  friendly  cloister  of  Hersfeld.  In  the  course  of 
the  summer  the  rebels  destroyed  many  of  the  new  castles. 
The  levies  summoned  for  the  Polish  campaign  refused  to 
turn  their  arms  against  the  Saxons,  and  Henry  saw  himself 
powerless  amidst  the  general  falling  away.  A  meeting  at 
Gerstungen,  whereJEIenry!aJiigiid&  strove  tn  mediate  with 
the  rebels,  led  to  a  suggestion  that  the  king  should  be- 
deposjd^  Only  at  Worms  and  in  the  Swabian  cities  did 
Henry  receive  any  real  support  He  gathered  together  a 
small  army  and  strove  to  fight  a  winter  campaign  against 
the  Saxons,  but  failed  so  completely  that  he  was  forced  to 
accept  their  terms.  However,  hostilities  were  renewed  in 
1075,  when  Henry  won  a  considerable  victory  at  Hohenburg 
on  the  Unstrut,  and  fbrced  the  Saxons  to  make  an  uncondi- 
tional submission.  Otto  of  Nordheim,  the  Archbishop  of 
Magdeburg,  and  the  other  leaders  were  imprisoned.  On 
the  ruins  of  Saxon  liberty  Henry  now  aspired  to  build  up  a 
despotism. 

Hildebrand  was_na\L.PQpe.  During  the  funeral  service  of 
Alexander  11.  at  St.  John's  in  the  Lateran,  a  great  shout  arose 
Election  of  ^"^^"^  ^^  multitude  in  the  church  that  Hildebrand 
Gregory  VII.  should  be  their  bishop.  The  cardinal,  Hugh 
*'*^"  the  White,  addressed  the  assembly.    '  You  know, 

brethren,'  he  said,  'how,  since  the  time  of  Leo  ix.,  Hilde- 
brand has  exalted  the  Roman  Church,  and  freed  our  city. 
We  cannot  find  a  better  Pope  than  he.  Indeed,  we  cannot 
find  his  equal.  Let  us  then  elect  him,  who,  having  been 
ordained  in  our  church,  is  known  to  us  all,  and  thoroughly 
approved  by  us.'  There  was  the  great  shout  in  answer: 
'  Saint  Peter  has  chosen  Hildebrand  to  be  Pope  ! '  Despite 
his  resistance,  Hildebrand  was  dragged  to  the  church  of 
St.    Peter   ad   Vincula,   and    immediately   enthroned.      The 


The  Investiture  Contest  125 

cardinals  had  no  mind  to  upset  this  irregular  election, 
strangely  contrary  though  it  was  to  the  provisions  of 
Nicholas  11.  )^  The  German  bishops,  alarmed  at  Hildebrand's 
reputation  for  "severity,  urged  the  king  to  quash  the  appoint- 
ment, but  Henry  contented  himself  with  sending  to  Rome  to 
inquire  into  the  circumstances  of  the  election.  Hildebrand 
showed  great  moderation,  and  actually  postponed  his  conse- 
cration until  Henry's  consent  had  been  obtained.  This 
Henry  had  no  wish  to  withhold.  On  29th  June  1073 
Hildebrand  was  hallowed  bishop.  By  assuming  the  name 
of  Gregory  vii.,  he  proclaimed  to  the  world  the  invalidity  of 
the  deposition  of  his  old  master  at  the  Synod  of  Sutri.   j 

The  wonderful  self-control  which  the  new  Pope  had  shown 
so  long  did  not  desert  him  in  his  new  position.  Physically, 
there  was  little  to  denote  the  mighty  mind  within  j^.^  ^j^^^. 
his  puny  body.  He  was  of  low  stature,  short-  acterand 
legged  and  corpulent.  He  spoke  with  a  stammer,  po'^'^y- 
and  his  dull  complexion  was  only  lighted  up  by  his  glittering 
eyes.  He  was  not  a  man  of  much  learning  or  originality,  and 
contributed  little  towards  the  theory  of  the  papal  or  sacer- 
dotal power.  But  he  was  one  of  the  greatest  practical  men_ 
of  the  Middle  Ages ;  and  his  single-minded  wish  to  do  what 
was  right  betokened  a  dignity  of  moral  nature  that  was  rare 
indeed  in  the  eleventh  century.  His  power  over  men's  minds 
was  enormous,  even  to  their  own  despite.  The  fierce  and 
fanatical  Peter  Damiani  called  him  his  'holy  Satan.'  'Thy 
will,'  said  he,  'has  ever  been  a  command  to  me — evil  but 
lawful.  Would  that  I  had  always  served  God  and  St.  Peter 
as  faithfully  as  I  have  served  thee.'  Even  as  archdeacon  he 
assumed  so  great  a  state,  and  lived  in  such  constant  inter- 
course with  the  world,  that  monastic  zealots  like  Damiani 
were  scandalised,  and  some  moderns  have  questioned 
(though  groundlessly)  whether  he  was  ever  a  professed 
monk  at  all.  Profoundly  convinced  of  the  truth  of  the 
Cluniac  doctrines,  he  showed  a  fierce  and  almost  unscrupu- 
lous  statecraft    in    realising    them    that    filled    even   Cluny 


1 26  European  History,  918-1273 

with  alarm.  His  ideal  was  to  reform  the  world  by.  establish- 
ing   a    sort   of  universal   monarchy  for    the   Papacy.      He 

saw    all    rmmfl  JiitTi    thqf   kingg   anH     prinrpg    wprp'pn<ypr1pgs 

for  good,  but  mighty  for  evil.  He  saw  churchmen  living 
greedy  and  corrupt  livesfor_M(aiiL  of  higher  direction  and 
control. ,  Looking  at  a  world  distraught  by  feudal  anarchy, 
his  ambition  was  to  restore  the  'peace  of  God,'  civilisation, 
and  order,  by  submitting  the  Church  to  the  Papacy,  and  the 
world  to  the  Church.  *  Human  pride,*  he  wrote,  '  has  created 
the  power  of  kings ;  God's  mercy  has  created  the  power  of 
bishops.  The  Pope  is  the  master  of  Emperors.  He  is 
rendered  holy  by  the  merits  of  his  predecessor,  St.  Peter. 
The  Roman  Church  has  never  erred,  and  Holy  Scripture 
proves  that  it  never  can  err.  To  resist  it  is  to  resist  God.' 
For  the  next  twelve  years  he  strove  with  all  his  might  to 
make  his  power  felt  throughout  Christendom.  Sometimes 
his  enthusiasm  caused  him  to  advance  claims  that  even  his 
best  friends  would  not  admit,  as  when  William  the  Conqueror 
was  constrained  to  repudiate  the  Holy  See's  claims  of  feudal 
sovereignty  over  England,  which,  after  similar  pretensions 
had  been  recognised  by  the  Normans  in  Sicily,  Gregory  and 
his  successors  were  prone  to  assert  whenever  opportunity 
offered.  The  remotest  parts  of  Europe  felt  the  weight  of  his 
influence.  But  the  intense  conviction  of  the  righteousness 
of  his  aims,  that  made  compromise  seem  to  him  treason  to 
the  truth,  did  something  to  detract  from  the  success  of  his 
statecraft.  -  He  was  too  absolute,  too  rigid,  too  obstinate,  too 
extreme  to  play  his  part  with  entire  advantage  to  himself  and 
his  cause.  Yet  with  all  his  defects  there  is  no  grander  figure 
in  history.    \ 

Gregory  realised  the  ma^nJtiiHp  nf  his  taslf^_hiiMTg  ppvpr 
shrank  from  iT  ^I  would  that  you  knew,'  wrote  he  to  the 
Abbot  of  Cluny,  '  the  anguish  that  assails  my  soul.  The 
Church  of  the  East  has  gone  astray  from  the  Catholic  faith. 
If  I  look  to  the  west,  the  north,  or  the  south,  I  find  but  few 
bishops  whose  appointments  and  whose  lives  arc  in  accordance 


The  Investiture  Contest  127 

with  the  laws  of  the  Church,  or  who  govern  God's  people 
through  love  and  not  through  worldly  ambition.  Among 
princes  I  know  not  one  who  sets  the  honour  of  God 
before  his  own,  or  justice  before  gain.  If  I  did  not  hope 
that  I  could  be  of  use  to  the  Church,  I  would  not 
remain  at  Rome  a  day.*  From  the  very  first  he  was  beset 
on  every  side  with  difficulties.  Even  the  alliance  with 
the  Normans  was  uncertain.  Robert  Guiscard,  with  his 
brother  Roger,  waged  war  against  Gregory's  faithful  vassal, 
Richard  of  Capua;  and  Robert,  who  threatened  the  papal 
possession  of  Benevento,  went  so  far  that  he  incurred  excom- 
munication. Philip  of  France,  '  the  worst  of  the  tyrants  who 
enslaved  the  Church,'  had  to  be  threatened  with  interdict. 
A  project  to  unite  the  Eastern  with  the  Western  Church 
broke  down  lamentably.  A  contest  with  Henry  iv.  soon 
became  inevitable.  But  Gregory  abated  nothing  of  his  high 
claims./ In  February  1075  he  held  a  synod  at  Rome,  at  which 
severe  decrees  against  simony  and  the  marriage  -j-he  Synod 
of  clerks  were  issued;  The  practice  of  lay  in-  of  1075,  and 
vestiture,  by  which  secular  princes  were  wont  to  simont'^and 
grant  bishoprics  and  abbeys  by  the  conferring  of  Lay  investi- 
spiritual  symbols  such  as  the  ring  and  staff",  had  *""" 
long  been  regarded  by  the  Cluniacs  as  the  most  glaring  of 
temporal  aggressions  against  the  spiritual  power.  This  prac- 
tice was  now  slerniy  forbidden."  *  If  any  one,'  declared  the 
synoctr ' liKiicefoilli  reOiilve  Iroin  the  hand  of  any  lay  person 
a  bishopric  or  abbey,  let  him  not  be  considered  as  abbot  or 
bishop,  and  let  the  favour  of  St.  Peter  and  the  gate  of  the 
Church  be  forbidden  to  him.  If  an  emperor,  a  king,  a 
duke,  a  count,  or  any  other  lay--pgrson_presume  to  give 
investiture  of  anj[_ecclesiastical  dignity,  leT  him  be  excbm- 
municated.'  This  decree  gave-  the  signal  for  the  great 
Investiture  Contestj_and_  for  Jhe^greater  struggle  j^f  Papary 
and  Empire  that  convulsed  Eiirope^^ave  during-oeeasional 
breaks,  for  the  next  two^cepiuries, 

Up^u  the  issQe^oTthe  decree  as  to  investitures,  the  relation 


1 28  European  History,  918-1273 

between  Gregory  and  Henry  iv.  ]taf1  "'^'^  ^''^n  y^friVnHjj 
Henry  had  admitted  that  he  had  not  always  respected  the 
The  begin-  rights  of  the  Church,  but  had  promised  araend- 
ningaofthe  ment  for  the  future.  But  to  give  up  investitures 
Contest,  would  have  been  to  change  the  whole  imperial 
»o75-  system    of   government.      He    was    now   freed, 

by  his  victory  at  Hobenburg,  from  the  Saxon  revolt.  The 
Gerinan  bishops,  afraid  of  the  Pope's  strictness,  encouraged 
his  resistance,  and  even  in  Italy  he  had  many  partisans. 
The  Patarini  were  driven  out  of  Milan,  and  Henry  scrupled 
not  to  invest  a  new  archbishop  with  the  see  of  St.  Ambrose. 
Even  at  Rome,  Gregory  barely  escaped  assassination  while 
celebrating  mass.  In  January  1076  Henry  summoned  a 
Council  at  German  council  to  Worms.  Strange  and  in- 
worms,  1076.  credible  crimes  were  freely  attributed  to  the  Pope, 
and  the  majority  of  the  German  bishops  pronounced  him 
deposed.  Henry  himself  wrote  in  strange  terms  to  the  Pope  : 
'  Henry,  king  not  by  usurpation  but  by  God's  grace,  to  Hilde- 
brand,  henceforth  no  pope  but  false  monk, — Christ  has  called 
us  to  our  kingdom,  while  He  has  never  called  thee  to  the 
priesthood.  Thou  hast  attacked  me,  a  consecrated  king,  who 
cannot  be  judged  but  by  God  Himself.  Condemned  by  our 
bishops  and  by  ourselves,  come  down  from  the  place  that 
thou  hast  usurped.  Let  the  see  of  St.  Peter  be  held  by 
another,  who  will  not  seek  to  cover  violence  under  the  cloak 
of  religion,  and  who  will  teach  the  wholesome  doctrine  of 
St.  Peter.  I,  Henry,  king  by  the  grace  of  God,  with  all  of 
my  bishops,  say  unto  thee — "Come  down,  come  down.'" 

In  February  1076  Gregory  held  a  great  synod  in  the 
Vatican,  at  which  the  Empress  Agnes  was  present,  with  a 
Vatican  great  multitude  of  Italian  and   French  bishops. 

Synod,  1076.  A  clerk  from  Parma  named  Roland  delivered 
the  king's  letter  to  the  Pope  before  the  council.  There 
»ras  a  great  tumult,  and  Roland  would  have  atoned  for  his 
boldness  with  his  life  but  for  the  Pope's  personal  inter- 
vention     Hejugt— was — oo^^-^onimlly  ex^oiyiMmpicated   and 


The  Investiture  Contest  129 

deposed.  '  Blessed  Peter,'  declared  Gregory,  '  thou  and  the 
"^TotHeTof  God  and  all  the  saints  are  witness  that  the  Roman 
Church  has  called  upon  me  to  govern  it  in  my  own  despite. 
As  thy  representative  I  have  received  from  God  the  power  to 
bind  and  to  loose  in  Heaven  and  on  earth.  For  the  honour 
and  security  of  thy  Church,  in  the  Name  of  God  Almighty, 
I  prohibit  Henry  the  king,  son  of  Henry  the  Emperor,  who 
has  "risen  with  unheirrd-of  pride~against  thy  CTiurch,  from 
ruling  Germany,  and  Ital]^.  I  release,  all  Christians,  from  the_ 
oath^joffealty  they  may  have  taken  to  him,  and  T  order  that 
no  one^sFaTToBeyTiUDu' 

War  was  thus  declared  between  Pope  and  king.  Though 
the  position  of  both  parties  was  sutticiently  precarious,  Henry 
was   at   the   moment  in   the  worst   position   for  „, 

i^r  Cdkticss 

carrying  on  an  internecine  combat.     He  could  of  Henry's 
count  very  little  on_  th^,  suppodL^sOiis  ^German  position  in 
subjects.-'  Those  who  most  feared  the  Pope  were 
the  self-seekers  and  the  simoniacs,  whose  energy  was  small 
and  whose  loyalty  less.     The  saints  and  the  zealots  were  all 
against   him.     TheS^^xons   prr>fitgd_hy  J]i5?   gml;>^rrassment.s. 
to  renew  their  revolt,  and  soon  ^haged  his  ^^ajjisnns  o^it  r>f 
their    land.      The   secular   nobles,    who   saw   in   his   policy 
the  bBgfnnings  of  an  attempt  at  despotism,  held  aloof  from 
his  court.      It  was   to   no    purpose    that    Henry   answered 
the  anathemas   of  Gregory  with   denunciations  equally  un- 
measured, and  complained  that  Gregory  had  striven  to  unite 
in  his   hands  both  the  spiritual  and  the  temporal  swords, 
that  God  had  kept  asunder.     Hermann,  Bishop  of  Metz,  the 
Pop^e^legate_iii_Qermany,  ablyjjnjted  thejorces  agamsL^m. 
At  last,  the  nobles  and  bishops  of  Germany  gathered  together 
on  1 6th  October  1076  at  Tribur,  where  the  papal  legates  were 
treated  with  marked  deference,  though  Henry  took  up  his 
quarters  at  Oppenheim,  on  the  other  bank  of  the  Diet  of 
Rhine,  afraid   to   trust  himself  amidst_hjs_jiis=-  Tribur,  1076. 
affected  subjects.    Henry  soon  saw  that  he  had  no  alternative 
but  submission.   The  magnates  were  so  suspicious  of  him  that 

PERIODIC  I 


1 30  European  History,  918-1273 

it  needed  the  personal  intercession  of  Hugh,  Abbot  of  Cluny, 
to  prevail  upon  them  to  make  terms  with  him  at  all.~  Finally 
Humiliation  ^  provisional  agreement  was  patched  up,  upon  con- 
of  Henry.  ditions  excessively  humiliating  to  Henry.  The_ 
barons  refused^o-obey-lumlunliLie  Jiad  obtained  absolution 
from  the  Pope,  who,  moreover,  h  id  promised  to  go  to  Germany 
in  person  and  hold  a  council  in  the  succeeding  February. 
Pending  this,  Henry  was  to  remain  at  Speyer  without  kingly 
revenue,  power,  or  dignity,  and  still  shut  off  by  his  excom- 
munication from  the  offices  of  the  Church.  If  Henry  could 
not  satisfy  the  Pope  in  February,  he  was  to  be  regarded  as 
deposed. 

Abandoned  by  Germany,  Henry  abode  some  two  months 
at  Speyer,  gloomily  anticipating  the  certain  ruin  to  his  cause 
that  would  follow  the  Pope's  appearance  in  a  German  council. 
He  realised  that  he  could  do  nothing  unless  he  reconciled 
himself  to  Gregory  ;  and,  hearing  good  news  of  his  prospects 
in  northern  Italy,  thought  that  his  best  course  was  to  betake 
himself  over  the  Alps,  where  the  Pope  might  well  prove  less 
rigorous,  if  he  found  him  at  the  head  of  a  formidable  band  of 
Italian  partisans.  It  was  a  winter  of  extraordinary  severity, 
but  any  risks  were  better  than  inglorious  inaction  at  Speyer. 
Accordingly  Henry  broke  his  compact  with  his 
winter  nobles,  and  towards  the  end  of  December  secret- 

joumey  jy  get  out  on  his  journey  southward.     He  was 

through  Bur-      '  •     j  i       t^        ,  ,,.,-, 

gundy  and  accompanied  by  Bertha  and  his  little  son,  but  only 
Lombardy,  one  German  noble  was  included  among  his  scanty 
following.  He  traversed  Burgundy,  and  kept  his 
miserable  Christmas  feast  at  Besangon.  Thence  crossing 
the  Mont  Cenis  at  the  risk  of  his  life,  he  appeared  early  in 
the  new  year  amidst  his  Lombard  partisans  at  Pavia.  But 
though  urged  to  take  up  arms,  Henry  feared  the  risks  of  a  new 
and  doubtful  struggle.  Germany  could  only  be  won  back  by 
submission.  He  resolved  to  seek  out  the  Pope  and  throw 
himself  on  his  mercy. 
Gregory  was  then  some  fifteen  miles  south  of  Reggio,  at  an 


The  Investiture  Contest  1 3 1 

impregnable  mountain  stronghold  belonging  to  the  Countess 
Matilda,  called  Canossa,  which  crowned  one  of  the  northern 
spurs  of  the  Apennines,  and  overlooked  the  canossa, 
great  plain.  He  had  sought  the  protection  of  J^"-  ^°77- 
its  walls  as  a  safe  refuge  agaTnsf'lIie~"ttn*eate'ned  Lombard 
attack  which  Henry,  it  was  believed,  had  come  over  the  Alps 
to  arrange.  The  Countess  Matilda  and  Hugh  of  Cluny, 
Henry's  godfather,  were  with  the  Pope,  and  many  of  the 
simoniac  bishops  of  Germany  had  already  gone  to  Canossa 
and  won  absolution  by  submission.  On  21st  January  1077 
Henry  left  his  wife  and  followers  at  Reggio,  and  climbed 
the  steep  snow-clad  road  that  led  to  the  mountain  fastness. 
Gregory  refused  to  receive  him,  but  he  had  interviews  with 
Matilda  and  his  godfather  in  a  chapel  at  the  foot  of  the 
castle-rock,  and  induced  them  to  intercede  with  the  Pope 
on  his  behalf.  Gregory  would  hear  of  nothing  but  complete 
and  unconditional  submission.  *  If  he  be  truly  penitent,  fet 
him  surrender  his  crown  and  insignia  of  royalty  into  our 
hands,  and  confess  himself  unworthy  of  the  name  and  honour 
of  king.'  But  the  pressure  of  the  countess  and  abbot  at 
last  prevailed  upon  him  to  be  content  with  abject  contrition 
without  actual  abandonment  of  his  royal  state.  For  three  days 
Henry  waited  in  the  snow  outside  the  inner  gate  of  the  castle- 
yard,  barefoot,  fasting,  and  in  the  garb  of  a  penitent.  On 
the  fourth  day  the  Pope  consented  to  admit  him  into  his 
presence.  With  the  cry  '  Holy  father,  spare  me  ! '  the  king 
threw  himself  at  the  Pope's  feet.  Gregory  raised  him  up, 
absolved  him,  entertained  him  at  his  table,  and  sent  him 
away  with- much  good  advice  and  his  blessing.  /But  the 
terms  of  Henry's  reconciliation  were  sufficiently  hard.  He 
was  to  promise  to  submit  himself  to  the  judgment  of  the 
German  magnates,  presided  over  by  the  Pope,  with  respect 
to  the  long  catalogue  of  charges  brought  against  him.  Until 
that  was  done  he  was  to  abstain  from  the  royal  insignia  and 
the  royal  functions.  He  was  to  be  prepared  to  accept  or 
retain  his  crown  according  to  the  judgment  of  the  Pope  as 


132  European  History ^  918-1273 

to  his  guilt  or  innocence.  He  was,  if  proved_innQcent,io 
obey  the  Pope  in  all  things  pertaining  to  the  Church.  If 
he  broke  any  of  these  conditions,  another  king  was  to  be 
forthwith  elected.^ 

The  humiliation  of  Henry  at  Canossa  is  so  dramatic  and  so 
famous  an  event  that  it  is  hard  to  realise  that  it  was  but  an 
Results  of  incident  in  the  midst  of  a  long  struggle.  It  settled 
Canossa.  nothing,  and  profited  neither  Henry  nor  Gregory. 
Gregory  found  that  his  harshness  had  to  some  extent  alienated 
that  public  opinion  on  which  the  Papacy  depended  almost 
entirely  for  its  influence.  Henry  found  that  his  submission. 
had  not  won  over  his  German"  enemies,  but  had  thoroughly 
disgusted  the  anti-papal  party  in  northern  ttily,  upon  which 
alone  he  could  count  for  armed  support.  The  Lombards 
now  talked  of  deposing  the  cowardly  monarch  in  favour 
of  his  little  son.  But  the  future  course  of  events  rested 
after  all  upon  the  action  of  the  German  nobles,  who 
held  their  Diet  at  Forchheim  in  March  1077.  To  this 
Diet  of  assembly  Henry  was  not  even  invited ;  and  for  the 

Forchheim,  present  he  preferred  remaining  in  Italy.  The 
March  1077.  p^jpg  ^X^o  did  DOt  appear  in  person,  but  was 
represented  by  two  legates.  I  The  old  charges  against  Henry 
were  brought  up  once  more,  and  the  legates  expressed  their 
wonder  that  the  patient  Germans  had  submitted  so  long  to  be 
ruled  by  such  a  monster.  Without  giving  Henry  the  least 
opportunity  of  refuting  the  accusations,  it  was  determined  to 
proceed  at  once  to  the  choice  of  a  new  king.  The  suffrages 
of  the  magnates  fell  on  Duke  Rudolf  oFbwabia.  Before  his 
Rudolf  of  appointment,  Rudolf  was  compelled  to  renounce 
swabia,  all  hereditary  claim  to  the  throne  on  behalf  of  his 

Anti-caesar.     j^^j^^  ^^^  ^^  allow  freedom  of  election  to  all 

bishoprics.  He  was  then  crowned  at  Mainz  by  Archbishop 
Siegfried.  / 

The  news  of  Rudolfs  election  at  once  brought  Henry  back 
over  the  Alps.  He  soon  found  that  he  now  had  devoted 
partisans  in  the  land  that  had  rejected  him  when  he  was  under 


The  Investiture  Contest  133 

the  ban  of  the  Pope.     He  was  warmly  welcomed  in  Bavaria, 
in  Burgundy,  and  especially  in  the  great  towns  of  the  Rhine- 
land,    always    faithful    to    the    imperial    cause,   civiiwar 
Rudolfs  own  duchy  of  Swabia  rejected  its  duke  l^^Y^^t"  , 

•       c  r     ,  •  ,        ,       ,  ,  ,      ,         Rudolfand 

m  favour  of  the  prmce  who  had  ever  loved  the  Henry, 
Swabians.      Rebel  ^Saxony  was   a_lQne- strongly-  1077-1080. 
on  Rudolfs  .§i(Je.     Even  the  Pope  could  not  make  up  his 
mind  to  ratify  the  action  of  his  legates  and  accept  Rudolf 
as  king.     For  more  than  two  years  civil  war  raged  between 
Rudolf  and  Henry.    It  was  substantially  a  continuation  of  the 
Saxon  revolt.     At  last,  in  January  io8o,  a  decisive  battle  was 
fought    at    Flarchheim    on    the    banks    of    the  gattieof 
Unstrut,  in  which   Henry. Jieas_  utterly  defeated.  Flarchheim, 
During   all   this   time    Gregory  had    contented  ^°^' 
himself  with  offers  of  arbitration.     TtlDTigh  Henry  prftotised 
lay  investiture  as  freely  as  ever,  it  was  not  until  after  his 

,  defeat  that  the  Pope  once  more  declared  Himself  against  him. 

/Yielding  to  the  indignant  remonstrances  of  Rudolf  ahd"^tKe" 
Saxons,  he  convoked  a  synod  at  Rome  in  March  1080,  where 
he  renewed  Henry's  excQIIimUBicafioh,  and  again  ^Rg^g^gj 
deprivedjhin^  q{  hJI  IrJngdnmn  nf^ftTfrnin]'  and  excommuni- 
Italy.    "'Act  so,'  said  Gregory  to  the  assembled  Jeposluon 
prelates,  '  that  the  world  shall  know  that  ye  who  of  Henry, 
have  power  to  bind  and  to  loose  in  heaven,  can  ^^^'^  *°   * 
grant  or  withhold  kingdoms,  principalities,  and  other  possessions 
according  to  each  man's  merits.     And  if  you  are  fit  to  judge 
in  things  spiritual,  ought  ye  not  to  be  deemed  competent  to 
judge  in  things  temporal?'     Rudolf  was  now  recognised  as 
king,  and  another  universal  prohibition  of  lay  investitures  was 
issued. 

Gregory  boasted  that,  before  the  next  feast  of  SS.  Peter 
and  Paul,  Henry  would  have  lost  his  throne  and  his  life. 
But  each  fresh  aggression  of  the  Pope  increased  his  rival's 
power.  Henry  now  showed  an  energy  and  vigour  that  con- 
trasted strangely  with  his  spiritless  action  three  years  before. 
Both  in  Germany  and    Italy  he  found  himself  supported 


134  European  History,  918-1273 

by  partisans  as  enthusiastic  as  those  of  the  Pope.  The 
bishops  of  Germany  declared  for  him,  and  the  old  foes 
Guibertof  of  the  Popc  in  Italy  took  courage  to  continue 
Ravenna         j^g  contest.     In  Tunc  Henry  met  at  Brixen  the 

elected  ^  ,   ^     .r        ,  .  ,  "'     , 

Antipope,  Gcrmap  and  Italian  bishops  who  adhered  to  his 
juneioSo.  side.,<^^his  assembly  declared  Gregory  deposed 
and  excommunicate,  and  |2lected  Guibert,  Archbishop  of 
Ravenna  as  his  successor.  ./ 

The  new  Antipope  had  in  his  youth  served  Henry  in., 
and,  as  chancellor  of  Italy,  had  striven  to  uphold  the 
imperial  authority  during  Henry  iv.'s  minority.  He  had 
once  been  on  friendly  terms  with  Gregory,  but  had  quarrelled 
with  him,  and  had  for  some  time  been  the  soul  of  the 
imperialist  party  in  north  Italy.  He  was  of  high  birth,  un- 
blemished character,  great  abilities,  and  long  experience.  He 
assumed  the  title  of  Clement  ui.,  and  at  once  returned  to 
Ravenna  to  push  matters  to  extremities  against  Gregory. 
The  rash  violence  of  the  Pope  had  been  answered  with 
equal  violence  by  his  enemies.  There  were  two  Popes 
and  two  Emperors.  The  sword  alone  could  decide  between 
them. 

^y^ortune  favoured  Henry  and  Clement  both  in  Germany 
and  Italy.  On  15th  October  1080  a  great  battle  was  fought 
D  ..t.      .».-  on   the   banks  of  the   Elster,  not  far  from   the 

Battle  on  tne  ' 

Elster,  and  later  battlefields  of  Liitzen.  The  fierce  assault  of 
Rudolf'  Otto  of  Nordheim  changed  what  threatened 
15th  October  to  be  a  Saxon  defeat  into  a  brilliant  victory  for 
"'^^  the  northern  army.     But  Rudolf  of  Swabia  was 

slain,  and  the  victorious  Saxons  wasted  their  opportunity 
while  they  quarrelled  as  to  his  successor.     It  wajjj^ariy  a 

year  before  they  could  agree  upon  Hermann  of 
Luxemburg,    Luxemburg  as  their  new  king.     Before  this  the., 
Anu-casar,    back  of  the  revolt  had  been  broken,  and  Henry, 

secure  of  Germany,  had  once  more  gone  to  Ttalyr" 
Crossing  the  Brenner  in  March  1081,  Be  went  on  progress 
through  the  Lombard  cities,  and  abode  with  Pope  Clement  at 


The  Investiture  Contest  135 

ttavenna.     Thence  he  set  mit  for  Rome,  meeting  little  resist- 
ance on  his  way  save  fromtHe  Countess  Matilda.    Henry's  visit 
The  Normans  of  Naples,  on  whose  help  Gregory  to  Italy, 
had  counted,  made  no    effort   to   protect   their 
suzeram.      In   May  Henry  celebrated    the    Whitsun    feast 
outsideTlTe  walls  of  Rome. 

Gregory  did  not  lose  his  courage  even  with  the  enemy 
at  his  gate.  The  Romans  wer#fakW«l  to  him,  and  Henry, 
who  saw  no  chance  of  besieging  the  great  city  successfully, 
was  forced  to  retreat  northwards  Ijy  the  feverish  heat  of 
summer,  lie  retired  to  Lombardy,  where  his .  vvar 
position  was  unassailable.     Next  year  hg  yas  bark   between 

,      -  ,  ,1         r  -i-v  i^"~"     7  Henry  and 

agam  before  the  walls  of  Roirie,  but  the  occupa-  Gregory, 
tion  of  Tivoli  was  his  greatest  success.  In  1083  1081-1084. 
a  third  attack  gave  him  possession  of  the  Leonine  city,  but 
even  m  this  extFemity  Gregory  would  listen  to  no  talk  of 
concnratipru  "'^LeftFe'Ting  Tay  down  his  crown  and  make 
atonement  to  the  Church,'  was  his  answer  to  those  who 
besought  him  to  come  to  terms.  In  the  early  months  of 
1084  Henry  invaded  Apulia  and  kept  in  check  the^ofmans, 
who  at  last  were  niakin&-a-6how-of.iielping- the  Pope.  In 
March  he  appearedJfor_the_ipjarikJiine^^  This 

time  the]^mans  opened  their  gates,  and  Gregory- 

~ r~      ii      \       ~       1    •         1  1         r   o       A  Coronation 

was  closely  besieged  in  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo.   of  Henry  by 
A  synod  was  hastily  summoned,  which  renewed   G^ibert, 
his  deposition  and  excommunication.     On  Palm 
Sunday,  1084,  Guibertjwas  enthroned,  and  on  Easter  Day 

he  crowned  Henry  Emperor  aTSl.  Petei's; 

Gregory~sent  H'Olli  llie  castlii  of  St.  Angelo  an  nrgpnf 
appeal  for  helpto  Robert  Guiscard.  During  the  troubles 
of  tlT5~tesnewyears,  Robert's  obligations  to  his 

•       L     J         •    ,       1  1-    ,    ,  .  •  ,.  TheNor- 

suzeram  had  weighed  very  lightly  upon  him,  but  mans  come 
Henry's  invasion  of  Apulia  and  the  certain  ruin   to  Gregory's 
of  the  Normans  in  Naples  if  the  Pope  succumbed, 
at  last  brought  him  to  decided  action.     Hastily  abandoning 
his  Greek  campaign,  Robert  crossed  over  to  Italy,  and  in  May 


136  European  History,  918-1273 

advanced  to  the  walls  of  Rome  with  a  large  and  motley  army, 
in  which  the  Saracens  of  Sicily  were  a  prominent  element. 
Henry,  who  had  no  force  sufficient  to  resist,  quitted  Rome,  and 
soon  crossed  the  Alps.     The  Romans  tried  in  vain  to  ddgnd 
Iheif  city  from  the  Normans.    After  a  four  days*  siege  treason 
Sack  of        opened  the  gates.     Rome  was  ruthlessly  sacked, 
Rome.         whole  quarters  were  burned  down,  hideous  mas- 
sacres and  outrages   were   perpetrated,    and   thousands   of 
Romans  were  sold  as  slaves.     The  Normans  thea  marched 
home.     Gregory  could  not  remain  in  the  desolate  city,  and 
followed  them  to  Salerno.     The  Antipope  kept  his  Christmas 
amid  the  ruins  of  Rome,  but  soon  abandoned  the  city  for  his 
old  home  at  Ravenna.    Gregory  now  fell  sick  at  Salerno.    The 
few  faithful  cardinals  strove  to  console  him  by  dwelling  on  the 
D    ui  of      g''^^^  work  which  he  had  accomplished.    '  I  set  no 
Gregory  in    store  by  what  I  have  done,'  was  his  answer.    'One 
exile.  1085.    thing  only  fills  me  with  hope.    I  have  always  loved 
the  law  of  God  and  hated  iniquity.     Therefore  I  die  in  exile.' 
He  passed  away  on  25th  May  1085.     Less  than  two  months 
afterwards,  Robert  Guiscard  died  at  Corfu. 

For  a  year  after  Gregory's  death,  the  Papacy  remained 
vacant.  At  last,  in  May  1086,  the  cardinals,  profiting  by  the 
Antipope's  return  to  Ravenna,  met  at  Rome  and  forced  the 
Papacy  on  the  unwilling  Desiderius,  Abbot  of  Monte  Casino. 
The  new  Pope  (who  assumed  the  name  of  Victor  in.),  was  a 
Victor  III.,  close  friend  of  Gregory's  and  strongly  attached  to 
X086.X087.  his  ideals.  But  he  was  too  old  and  too  weak  to 
take  up  Hildebrand's  task,  and  three  days  after  his  election 
he  strove  to  avoid  the  troublesome  dignity  by  flight  to  Monte 
Casino.  Next  year  he  was  with  difficulty  prevailed  upon  to 
return  to  Rome  to  receive  the  tiara.  But  the  partisans  of 
the  EmperoTjTid  of  the  Cpuntess  Matilda  foughtfierceiyJbr 
the  possession  of  Rome,  and  Victor  again  retreated  to  his 
monastery,  where  death  ended  his  troubles  three  dayfe  after 
his  return  (i6th  September  1087).  Next  time  the  cardinals 
fixed   upon    a    Pope   of  sterner  stuff.     Driven    from   Rome 


The  Investiture  Contest  1 37 

by  the  Antipope,  they  made  their  election  at  Terracina  on 
1 2th  March  io88.     Their  choice  fell  upon  the  son  of  a  baron 
of  Champagne  named  Odo,  who  had  lived  long  at  Cluny  as 
monk  and  sub-prior,  and  then  served  the  Roman  Court  as 
cardinal-bishop   of  Ostia.      IJtban— u.  (this  was   urban  11., 
the  title  he  took)  was  a  man  of  ability  and  force  1088-1099. 
of  character,  as  ardent  a!riTiTggbraH^nor^e~Cluniac  ideals, 
but  more  careful  of  his  uteanroT' enforcing  them  than  the 
uncompromising    Gregory.      He    made    closer   his   alliance 
with  the  Normans,  and,  thanks  to  the  help  of  Dtrke  Roger, 
Robert  Guiscard's  sOri'and  successor,  was  able  to  return  to 
Rome  and  remain  there  for  sonie  months.     But  the  troops  of 
the  Antipope  still  held  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo,  and  Urban  soon 
found  it  prudent  to  retire.     He  mainly  spent  the  first  years  of 
his  pontificate  in  southern  Italy  under  Roger's  protection. 
/  Meanwhile,    papahsts    and    imperiaHsts    fought   hard    in 
northern    Italy.     ^iTOaDX_  was  jnow_  tolerably. -ijuiet,    and 
Henix_cpuld  jiQW— dfiyotp  his  rhipf  cngrgies  to  jj^^ry  re- 
Italy,  which  he  revisited  in  1090.      But  Urban  visits  itaiy, 
united  the  German  with  the  Italian  opposition  to  ^"^o- 
the  Emperor  by  bringing  about  a  politic  marriage  between  the 
Countess  Matilda  and  the  young  son  of  Welf  or  Guelf,  Duke  of 
Bavaria,  the  Emperor's  mostjgowerful  adversary  in  Geimany. 
Desp^ite  this  combination^jJHenr/sjtalian  campaigns  between 
logoand  1002,  wereextraordinarily  successful.      Matilda's 
dominions  in  the  plain  country~werS~overrun,  and  her  towns 
and  castles  captured.     But  she  held  her  own  in  her  strong- 
holds in  the  Apennines,  rejected  all  compromise,  and  prepared 
to  fight  to  the  last.      Henry  met  his  first  check  when  he  was 
driven  back  in  disgrace  from  an  attempted  siege  of  Canossa. 

The  papalists  were  much  encouraged  by  Henry's  defeat. 
Soon  after  they  persuaded  his  son  Conrad,  a  weak 
and  headstrong  youth,  to  .  rise   in^revolF  against  Franconia, 
his  father.     Half  Lombardy  fell  away  from  father  Anti-cxsar, 
to   son.      Before  the  year  was  out,  Conrad  re-  *°^^ 
'-"Ti'H  thf^Jjgi  ^1    "'11  111  T^Tilan,  nn^  Urban  ventured  back  to 


138  European  History,  918-1273 

Rome.  Worse  was  to  follow.  Henry's  second  wife,  Praxedis  of 
Russia  (Bertha  had  died  in  1087),  escaped  from  the  prison 
to  which  her  husband  had  consigned  her,  and  taking 
refuge  with  the  Countess  Matilda,  gave  to  the  world  a 
story  of  wrongs  and  outrages  that  destroyed  the  last  shreds 
of  the  Emperor's  reputation.  In  high  glee  at  the  progress 
Urban'8  ©^  ^^s  cause.  Urban  set  out  on  a  lengthened 
Councils  at  progTCss  that  reminds  us  of  the  memorable  tours 
Clermont,  o^  Lco  IX.  After  a  long  stay  in  Tuscany,  he 
*09S  crossed  the  Apennines  early  in  1095,  ^'^^  ^^^  a 

great  synod  at  Piacenza,  at  which  the  laws  against  simony  and 
married  clerks  were  renewed,  while  the  Empress  publicly  de- 
clared her  charges  against  Henry,  and  ambassadors  from  the 
Eastern  Emperor  pleaded  for  help,  against  the  growing  power  of 
the  Seljukian  Turks.  In  the  summer  Urban  crossed  the  Alps, 
and  remained  for  more  than  a  year  in  France  and  Burgundy, 
being  everywhere  received  with  extraordinary  reverence. 
In  November  1095  he  held  a  largely  attended  synod  at 
Clermont  in  Auvergne.  Not  content  with  his  quarrel  with 
the  Emperor,  he  here  fulminated  excommunication  against 
Philip  I.  of  France,  on  account  of  his  adultery  with  Bertrada, 
Countess  of  Anjou.  But  the  famous  work  of  the  Council 
Theprocia-  o^  Clermont  was~lEe  proclamation  of  the  First 
mation  of  Crusadc.  Nothing  shows  more  clearly  the  strength 
Crusade,  ^nd  nature  of  the  papal  power  than  that  this 
1095.  greatest  result  of  the  universal  monarchy  of  the 

Church  should  have  been  brought  about  at  a  time  when  all 
the  chief  kings  of  Europe  were  open  enemies  of  the  Papacy. 
Henry  iv.  was  an  old  foe,  Philip  of  France  had  been  deliber- 
ately attacked,  and  William  Rufus  of  England  was  indifferent 
or  hostile.  But  in  the  eleventh  century  the  power  of^veiL  the 
strongest  kings xounted-iQr-yeqdiltle.  What  made  the  success 
of  Urban's  endeavour  was  the  appeal  tothe  swarm  of  small 
feudal  chieftains,  who  really'^goVemed  "Europe,  and  to  the 
fierce  and  undisciplined  enthusiasm  of  the  common  people, 
with  whom  the  ultimate  strength  of  the  Church  leally  lay. 


The  Investiture  Contest  •  139 

Flushed  with  his  success  at  Clermont,  Urban  recrossed  the 
Alps  in  September  1096.     Bands  of  Crusaders,  hastening  to 
the  East,  mingled  with  the  papal  train  as  he  ^  .  ^,^ 
again  traversed  northern  Italy.     Rome  itself  now  return  to 
opened  its  gates  to  the  homeless  lord  of  the  ^^a^y'^^s^- 
Churchr"   In    1097    Henry  iv.  abandoned   Italy  in  despair. 
He  restored  the  elder  Welf  to  the  Bavarian  duchy,   ^^^ 
and  easily  persuaded  the  younger  Welf  to  quit  abandons 
his  elderly  bride,  and  resume  his  allegiance  to   ^**'^'  ^°^" 
the  Emperor.     Conrad  was  deprived  of  the  succession,  and 
his  younger  brother  Henry  crowned  king  at  Aachen  on  taking 
an  oath  that  he  would  not  presume  to  exercise  royal  power 
while  his  father  was  alive. 

Urban  was  now  triumphant,  save  that  his  Norman  allies  were 
once  more  giving  him  trouble,  and  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo 
was  still  held  for  the  Antipope.  He  accordingly  urban  11  in 
again  visited  southern  Italy,  and  won  over  Count  southern 
Roger  of  Sicily,  by  conceding  the  famous  privi-  ^^^'y-  ^°^' 
lege  to  Roger  and  his  heirs  that  no  papal  legate  should  be 
sent  into  their  lands  without  their  consent,  but  that  the  lords  of 
Sicily  should  themselves  act  as  legates  within  their  dominions. 
In  October  1098  the  Pope  held  a  synod  at  Bari,  syncdat 
restored  to  Catholicism  by  the  Norman  conquest  e^". 
in  107 1.  There,  with  a  view  to  facilitating  the  Crusade, 
the  great  point  of  difference  between  the  Eastern  and 
Western  Churches — the  Procession  of  the  Holy  Ghost — was 
debated  at  length.  Among  the  prelates  attending  the  council 
was  Anselm  of  Canterbury,  exiled  for  upholding  against 
William  Rufus  the  principles  which  Urban  had  asserted  against 
the  Emperor  and  the  King  of  France.  Urban,  who  had 
been  politic  enough  not  to  raise  up  a  third  great  king  against 
him  by  supporting  Anselm,  atoned  for  past  neglect  by  the 
deference  he  now  showed  to  the  *  Pope  of  the  second 
world.'  As  the  council  broke  up,  the  good  news  came 
that  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo  had  at  last  been  captured. 
Urban  returned  to  Rome  and  devoted  himself  to  the  work 


140  •       European  History,  918-1273 

of  the  Crusade.  On  29th  July  1099  he  died  suddenly. 
It  was  his  glory  that  the  struggle  of  Pope  and  Emperor, 
Death  of  ^hich  had  absorbed  all  the  energies  of  Gregory  vii., 
Urban  II.,  sank  during  his  pontificate  into  a  second  place. 
»099-  Though  he_  abandoned  no  claim  that  Gregory 

had  made,  he  had  The  good  fortune  to  be  able  to  put  himself 
at  the  head  of  crusading  Europe,  while  his  opponent  shrank 
into  powerless  contempt  Next  year  the  Antipope  followed 
Urban  to  the  grave.  With  Clement,  the  schism  as  a  real  force 
died.  Three  short-lived  Antipopes  pretended  to  carry  on  his 
succession  until  the  death  of  the  Emperor,  but  no  one 
took  them  seriously.  With  the  flight  of  the  last  pretender  in 
1 106,  formal  ecclesiastical  unity  was  a^am  restored. 

DrivefPout  of  Italy  -by  his.  xebeL  son,  Henry  iv.  found 
Germany  equally  indisposed  to  obey  him.  Both  north  and 
south  oFlhe  Alps,  the  real  gainers  in  the  long  stru^le_had 
been  the  feudal  chieftains^  and   Germany,   like  ^tal^_wa5 


ceasinglfl.  hp  ti  tingh  tl-'tf  it  i1!  In  iioi  the 
reBeliious  Conrad  jjied -at  Florence,  bitterly  re- 
gretting his  treason.  Henry's  main  object  now  was  to  restore 
peace  to  Germany,  and  to  effect  a  reconciliation  with  the 
PaichaTTT,  CKuFch.  But  the  new  Pope,  Paschal  11.  (Rainerius 
I099-1II8.  of  Bieda,  near  Viterbo,  elected  August  1099), 
renewed  his  excommunication,  and  was  as  unbending  as  his 
predecessors.  Before  long  Paschal  was  able  to  extend  his 
R  V  It  of  the  i"t"gU6S  into  Germany,  and  in  1104  the^  yopilK 
young  King  King  Henry  raised  the  Saxons  in  revolt  against 
Henry,  X104.  ^is  father,  and  was_recognised  as  king  by  the 
Pope.  But  the  Emperor  had  no  spirit  left  for  a  fresh  contest. 
At  Coblenz  he  threw  himself  at  his  son's  feet,  begging  only 
that  his  own  child-shouLi-not  be  the  instrument  of  God's 
vengeance  on  his  sins.  The  young  king  asked  for  forgiveness, 
and  promised  to  give  up  his  claims  when  his  iather  was 
reconciled  with  the  Church.  The  Emperor  trustfulbLjdis- 
banded  his  soldiers,  and  was_ji[QinpJtIy  shu^  up  in^  prison  by 
his  twice-perjured  sou.     Oa  31st  December  11 05  he  formally 


The  Investiture  Contest  141 

abdicated  at  Ingelheim,  and  abjectly  confessed  his  offences 
against  the  Church.  He  was  told  that  absolution  could  only 
come  from  the  Pope  in  person,  and  that  it  was  a  boon  that 
he  was  allowed  his  personal  freedom.  He  fled  from  Ingel- 
heim to  Cologne,  where  the  goodwill  of  the  citizens  showed 
him  that  he  still  had  friends.  From  Cologne  he  went  to 
Aachen,  and  from  thence  to  Li^ge,  whose  bishop,  Otbert, 
supported  him.  The  Duke  of  Lorraine  declared  himself  for 
him,  and  help  was  expected  from  Philip  of  France  and 
Robert  of  Flanders.  Henry  now  declared  that  his  abdica- 
tion was  forced  on  him,  but  offered  any  terms,  compatible 
with  the  possession  of  the  throne,  to  get  absolution  from 
the  Pope.  But  on  7th  AugusL,u[o6  he  died  at  Dga^j^of 
Liege,  before  the  real  struggle  between  him  and  Henry  iv., 
his  son  was  renewed.  The  enmity  of  the  Church  *"^" 
grudged  rest  even  to  his  dead  body.  The  Bishop  of  Speyei 
refused  to  allow  the  corpse  of  the  excommunicate  to  repose 
beside  his  ancestors  in  the  stately  church  which  he  himself 
had  built,  and  for  five  years  it  lay  in  an  unconsecrated  chapel. 
On  t^th  January  1106  Henry  v.  was  crowned  for  the  second 
time  at  Mainz!  The  first  months  of  his  reign  were  disturbed 
by  his  father's  attempt  to  regain  power.  When  Henry  v., 
he  was  at  last  undisputed  King  of  Germany,  he  1106-1125. 
found  that  his  cold-blooded  treachery  had  profited  him  very 
little.  The  Jnyestiture  Contest  was  still  ugsettlgd-  Between 
II 03  and  II 07  Anselm  of  Canterbur}',  restored  to  his  see  by 
William  Rufus'  death,  had  been  carrying  on  a  counterpart  of 
the  contest  with  Henry  i.  of  England.  But  the  personal 
animosities  which  had  embittered  the  continental  struggle 
were  absent,  and  the  dispute  did  not,  as  abroad,  involve 
the  larger  questions  of  the  whole  relations  of  Church  and 
State.  It  was  easy,  therefore,  to  settle  it  by  a  satisfactory 
compromise.  Yet  at  the  very  moment  when  Henry  had 
agreed  to  lay  aside  investiture  with  ring  and  staff,  the  envoys 
of  Henry  v.  were  informing  Paschal  that  their  master  pro- 
posed  to  insist   upon   his   traditional   rights  in  the  matter. 


142  European  History^  98 1  - 1 273 

The  result  was  that  the  continental  strife  was  renewed  with 
all  its  old  bitterness. 

For  two  years  Henry  was  engaged  in  wars  against  Hungary 

and  Bohemia.     In  mo  he  resolved  to  visit  Italy  to  receive 

the  imperial  crown,  and  to  re-establish  the  old  rights  of  the 

Empire.     Besides  a  numerous  army,  he  took  with  him   *  men 

of  letters  able  to  give  reasons  to  all  comers'  for  his  acts, 

among  whom  was   an  Irish  or  Welsh  monk  named  David, 

who  wrote,  at  his  command,  a  popular  account  of  how  the 

king    had   gone   to   Rome  to   extract  a   blessing   from   the 

Pope,    as    Jacob   had   extorted   the   angel's   blessing.^      He 

found  Italy  too   divided  to  offer  effectual  resistance.     The 

Countess  Matilda  was  old,  and  Paschal  was  no  great  statesman 

Henry's       ^^^^  Gregory  or  Urban.     Early  in  1 1 1 1  the  king's 

Roman        army  approached  Rome.     The  Pope,  finding  that 

Pasci'aire-  neither  the  Romans  nor  the  Normans  would  help 

nounces  the  him,  Sent  to  Sutri  to  make  terms.     Even  in  his^ 

Temporal!-   supreme  distress  he  would  not  give  up  freedom 

Church,        of  elections  Or  abate  his  hostility  to  lay  investi- 

iiii.  tures;   but   he   offered^  that   if  the   king   would 

accept  those  ^a^jnai   rnnrjjp'nnc  v^o  '"Quid    rppni'.n^p  for 

the  Churchy  all  its  feiTdaL  and  segplar^-property.      It  was  a 

bold  or  fash  attempt  to  save  the  spiritual  rights  of  the  Church 

by   abandoning  its    temporalities,   lands,   and   jurisdictions. 

Henry  naturally  accepted  an  offer  which  put  the  whole  landed 

estates  of  the  Church  at  his  disposal,  and  reduced  churchmen 

to  live  on -tithes  and   offerings — their   spiritual   sources   of 

revenue.     Only  thfi-temporalities  of  the  Roman, see  w£re  to 

be  excepted  fipm  this  sweeping  surrender. 

On  Sunday,  12th  February,  SL  Peter's  church  was  crowded 

to  witness  the  hallowing  of  the  Emperor  by  the  Pope.    Before 

j^  ^^    the  ceremony  began  the  compact  was  read,  and 

Henry's       the  Popc  renounced  in  the  plainest  language  all 

Coronation,  intervention   in  secular  affairs,   as    incompatible 

with  the  spiritual  character  of  the  clergy.    A  violent  tumult  at 

'  See  the  life  of  David  [d.  (?)  1 139],  Bishop  of  Bangor,  by  the  presenl 
writer,  in  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biography,  vol.  xiv.  pp.  115- 117. 


The  Investiture  Contest  I43 

once  arose.  German  ^nd  Italian  bishops  united  to  protest 
vigorously  against  the  light-heartedness  with  which  the  Pope 
gave  away  their  property  and  jurisdictions,  while  carefully 
safeguarding  his  own.  The  congregation  dissolved  into  a 
brawling  throng.  The  clergy  were  maltreated,  and  the  sacred 
vessels  stolen.  The  coronation  was  impossible.  The  king 
laid  violent  hands  on  Pope  and  cardinals,  and  the  mob  in  the 
streets  murdered  any  Germans  whom  they  happened  to  come 
across.  After  three  days  of  wild  turmoil,  Henry  quitted  the  city, 
taking  his  prisoners  with  him.  After  a  short  captivity,  Paschal 
stooped  to  obtain  his  liberty  by  allowing  Henry  to  exercise 
investitures  and  appoint  bishops  at  his  will.  '  For  the  peace 
and  liberty  of  the  Churcli7"was  his  halting  excuse,  *  I  am  com- 
pelled to  do  what  I  would  never  have  done  to  save  my  own  life.' 
In  return  Henry  promised  to  be  a  faithful  son  of  the  Church. 
On  13th  April  Paschal  crowned  Henry  with  maimed  rites  and 
little  ceremony  at  St.  Peter's.  Canossa  was  at  last  revenged. 
Henry  returned  in  triumph  oveTlhe  Alps,  and  solemnly 
interred  his  father's  remains  in  holy  ground  at  Speyer. 

Henry's  triumph  made  a  deep  impression  on  Europe.    The 
blundering    Pope    had   betrayed    the    temporal    possessions 
of  the   clergy,   and    the   necessary   bulwarks   of  ^^. 
the  freedom  of  the  spiritual  power.    The  event   Henry  over 
showed  that  there  were  practical  limits  even  to  p^®'^''^'- 
papal  infallibility.     Paschal  was  as  powerless  to  retreat  from 
the  position  of  Hildebrand,  as  he  had  been  to  renounce  the 
lands  of  all  prelates  but  himself.    TheclfcrgjLgBuId-nQt.accept- 
the  papal  decision.     In  France  a  movement  to  declare  the 
Pope  a  heretic  was  only  stayed  by  the  canonist  Ivo  of  Chartres 
declaring  that  the  Pope,  having  acted  under  compulsion,  was 
not  bound  to  keep  his  promise.    The  Italians  gladly  accepted 
this  way  out  of  the  difficulty.     Paschal  solemnly 
repudiated  his  compact.     '  I  accept,'  he  declared,  repudiates 
'  the  decrees  of  my  master,  Pope  Gregory,  and  of  ^is  con- 
Urban  of  blessed  memory ;  that  which  they  have 
applauded  I  applaud,  that  which  they  have  granted  J  Jjant, 
that  which  they  have  condemned  I  condemn.' 


1 44  European  Hi  story  ^  918-1273 

Even  in  Germany  Henry  found  that  he  hadLgainginpthjng 

by  his  degradation  of  the  Pope.     The  air  was  thick  with 

plots  and  conspiracies.     His  most  trusted  councillors  became 

leaders  of  treason.   Adalbert,  Archbishop  of  Mainz, 

Conspiracies    ,.,....  ,  .  ,  ,.  , 

against  his  chicf  minister,  formed  a  plot  agam.st  him  and 

Henry  in  was  imprisoncd.  The  Saxons  rose  once  more  in 
revolt  under  their  new  Duke  Lothair  of  Supplin- 
burg.  Friesland  refused  to  pay  tribute.  Cologne  rose  under 
its  Archbishop,  and  Henry  found  that  he  was  quite  unable 
to  besiege  it  successfully.  The  nobles  who  attended  his 
wedding  with  Matilda  of  England  at  Mainz,  profited  by 
the  meeting  to  weave  new  plots.  Next  year  the  citizens  of 
Mainz  shut  up  the  Emperor  in  his  palace  while  he  was 
holding  a  Diet,  and  forced  him  to  release  their  Archbishop. 

Affairs  in  Italy  were  even  more  gloomy.  In  11 15  the 
Countess  Matilda  died,  leaving  all  her  vast  possessions  to  the 

Death  of  the  ^^^X  S^^'  ^^  *^'^  '^'^  ^^^  been  Carried  out, 
Countess  Paschal  would  have  become  the  greatest  temporal 
II  "ami  of  power  in  Italy.  Henry  therefore  crossed  the  Alps 
Paschal II.,  in  II i6,  anxious,  if  not  to  save  Matilda's  allodial 
*"*•  lands,  to  take  possession  of  the  fiefs  of  the  Empire 

which  she  had  held.  In  11 17  Henry  occupied  Rome  and 
crowned  his  young  English  wife  Matilda.  Even  in  his 
exile  Paschal  had  not  learnt  the  lesson  of  firmness.  He 
died  early  in  1 1 18,  before  he  had  even  definitely  made  up  his 
mind  to  excommunicate  Henry. 

The  new  Pope,  John  of  Gaeta,  a  monk  of  Monte  Casino, 
who  took  the  name  of,  Gelasius  11.,  was  forced  to  flee  from 
Geiasiusii.  Rome  as  the  Emperor  was  entering  it.  Henry 
(1118-1119).  pQ^y  took  the  decisive  step  of  appointing  a  Pope 
of  his  own.  Burdinus,  Archbishop  of  Braga,  was  in  some 
fashion  chosen  by  a  few  cardinals,  and  took  the  name  of 
The  Anti-  Gregory  viir.  Gelasius  at  once  excommunicated 
pope  both  Antipope  and  Emperor.  He  soon  managed  to 

get  back  to  Rome,  whence,  however,  he  was  again 
expelled  by   the  malignity  of  local  faction   rather  than  the 


The  Investiture  Contest  145 

influence  of  the  Emperor.  He  now  betook  himself  to  Marseilles 
by  sea,  and,  after  a  triumphant  progress  through  Provence  and 
Burgundy,  held  a  synod  at  Vienne.  On  his  way  thence  to 
Cluny  he  was  smitten  with  pleurisy,  reaching  the  monastery 
with  difficulty,  and  dying  there  on  i8th  January  11 19. 

Guy,  the  high-born  Archbishop  of  Vienne,  was  chosen 
somewhat  irregularly  by  the  cardinals  who  had  followed 
Gelasius  to  Cluny.  He  had  long  been  conspicuous  as  one  of 
the  ablest  upholders  of  Hildebrandine  ideas  in  the  dark  days 
of  Paschal  11.  The  son  of  William  the  Great,  caiixtusii. 
Count  of  imperial  Burgundy  (Franche-Comt^),  ("19-X124). 
he  was  the  kinsman  of  half  the  sovereigns  of  Europe. 
He  was,  moreover,  a  secular  (the  first  Pope  not  a  monk 
since  Alexander  11.),  and  accustomed  to  diplomacy  and 
statecraft.  He  resolved  to  make  an  effort  to  heal  the 
investiture  strife,  and  with  that  object  summoned  a 
council  to  meet  at  Reims.     Henry  himself  was  „ 

■'  Negotiations 

tired  of  the  struggle.  He  practically  dropped  his  for  a 
Antipope,  and  gave  a  patient  hearing  to  the  agents  settlement. 
of  the  Pope,  who  came  to  meet  him  at  Strasburg.  These 
were  Hugh,  Abbot  of  Cluny,  and  the  famous  theologian, 
William  of  Champeaux,  now  Bishop  of  Chilons.  The  two 
divines  pointed  out  to  Henry  that  the  King  of  France,  who 
did  not  employ  investiture,  had  as  complete  a  hold  over 
his  bishops  as  the  Emperor,  and  that  his  father-in-law,  Henry 
of  England,  who  had  yielded  the  point,  was  still  lord  over 
his  feudal  vassals,  whether  clerks  or  laymen.  For  the  first 
time  perhaps,  the  subject  was  discussed  between  the  two 
parties  in  a  reasonable  and  conciliatory  spirit.  Before  the 
king  and  the  divines  parted,  it  was  clear  that  a  compromise 
on  the  lines  of  the  English  settlement  was  quite  practicable. 

On  20th  October  11 19,  Calixtus  11.  opened  his  council  at 
Reims.     Louis  vi.  of  France,  who  had  married  the  Pope's 
niece,  was  present,  and  the  gathering  of  prelates  council  of 
was  much  more  representative  than  usual.     Next   Reims,  mg. 
day  the  Pope  went  to  Mouzon,  a  castle  of  the  Archbishop 

PERIOD  II.  K 


I4<5  European  History,  918-1273 

of  Reims,  hoping  to  meet  the  Emperor.  But  their  agents 
haggled  about  details,  and  mutual  suspicion  threatened  to 
break  off  all  chance  of  agreement.  Deeply  mortified,  and 
Breakdown  "^thout  having  Seen  the  Emperor,  Calixtus 
of  the  went  back  to  the  council,  where  the  old  decrees 

negotiations,  against  simoniacs  and  married  clerks -were  re- 
newed, and  where  a  canon  forbidding  laymen  to  invest 
a  clerk  with  a  bishopric  or  abbey  was  passed.  But  this 
canon  marked  a  limitation  of  the  Pope's  claim.  While 
Hildebrand  had  absolutely  forbidden  all  lay  investiture, 
Calixtus  was  content  to  limit  the  prohibition  to  the  in- 
vestiture with  the  spiritual  office.      Yetbefore  the  council 


separated,  the  excommunicatioTL  of  EmperoL-And  Atttip6pe~ 
was  solemnly  renewed.    An  agreement  seemed  to,  be  furthet- 
off  than  ever. 

No  Pope'ever  stood  in  a  stronger  position  than  Calixtus 
when  in  February  1 1 20  he  at  last  crossed  the  Alps.  He  was 
Triumph  of  i^cceived  with  open  arms  by  the  Romans,  and  with 
Calixtus  in  morc  than  ordinary  loyalty  by  the  Normans  of 
luiy,  1120.  ^jjg  south.  The  Antipope  fled  before  him,  and 
was  soon  reduced  to  pitiful  straits  in  his  last  refuge  at  Sutri. 
At  last  he  was  captured,  contemptuously  paraded  through 
the  Roman  streets,  and  conveyed  to  prison,  until,  after  peace 
had  been  restored  to  the  Church,  he  was  released  to  end  his 
life  obscurely  in  a  monastery. 

The  Emperor  saw  that  he  had  been  too  suspicious  at 
Mouzon,  and  again  wished  to  retire  with  dignity  from  a  con- 
N  oUations  ^'^^  ^^  which  his  prospects  of  complete  triumph 
renewed,  had  loug  Utterly  Vanished.  Things  were  now 
""•  going  better  in  Germany.     In  1121  a  Diet  was 

held  at  Wiirzburg,  at  which  Henry  made  peace  with  Adal- 
bert of  Mainz  and  the  Saxon  rebels.  It  was  agreed  to 
refer  the  investiture  question  to  a  German  council  under 
the  Pope's  presidency,  and  direct  negotiations  with  Rome 
were  renewed.  The  Pope's  words  were  now  exceedingly 
conciliatory.     '  The  Church,'   he  said,   '  is  not  covetous  of 


The  Investiture  Contest  147 

royal  splendour.     Let  her  enjoy  what  belonged  to  Christ,  and 
let  the  Emperor  enjoy  what  belonged  to  the  Empire.' 

On  8th  September  1122  the  council  met  at  Worms.     Cal- 
ixtus,  after  some  hesitation,  did  not  attend  himself,  but  sent 
Lambert,  Bishop  of  Ostia,  as  his  legate.     Lambert   concordat  of 
was  a  citizen  of  Bologna,  who  had  been  arch-  worms,  1122. 
deacon  of  his  native  town,  and  had  learnt  from  its  rival  schools 
of  Canonists  and  Civilians  [see  pp.  217-220]  the  principles 
involved  in  both  sides  of  the  controversy.    He  soon  turned  his 
knowledge  and  skill  to  good  account.   The  council  lasted  little 
more  than  a  week.    The  Emperor  at  first  stood  out  for  his  rights, 
but  was  soon  persuaded  to  accept  a  compromise  such  as  had 
been  suggested  previously  at  Strasburg.     On  23rd  September 
the  final  Concordat  of  Worms  was  ratified,  which  put  an  end 
to  the  investiture   strife.      Two  short   documents,  of  three 
weighty  sentences    each,   embodied    the    simple   conditions 
that   it  had  cost  fifty   years   of  contest   to   arrive  at.      *  I, 
Henry,'  thus  ran  the  imperial  diploma,  'for  the  love  of  God, 
the  holy  Roman  Church,  and  of  the  lord  Pope  Calixtus,  and 
for  the   salvation   of  my  soul,  abandon   to  God,  the  holy 
Apostles  Peter  and  Paul,  and  to  the  holy  Catholic  Church  all 
investiture  by  the  ring  and  the  staff,  and  I  grant  that  in  all 
the  churches  of  my  Empire  there  be  freedom  of  election  and 
free   consecration.      I  will  restore  all   the  possessions   and 
jurisdictions  of  St.  Peter,  which  have  been  taken  away  since 
the  beginning  of  this  quarrel.     I  will  give  true  peace  to  the 
lord  Pope  Calixtus  and  to  the  holy  Roman  Church,  and  I 
will  faithfully  help  the  holy  Roman  Church,  whenever  she 
invokes  my  aid.'    The  papal  diploma  was  even  shorter.     *  I, 
Calixtus,  the  bishop,'  said  the  Pope, '  grant  to  Henry,  Emperor 
of  the  Romans,  that  the  elections  of  bishops  and  abbots  in 
the  kingdom  of.  Germany  shall  take  place  in  thy  presence 
without  simony  or  violence,  so  that  if  any  discord  arise,  thou 
mayst  grant  thy  approbation  and  support  to  the  most  worthy 
candidate,  after   the   counsel   of  the  metropolitan  and    his 
suffragans.      Let  the  prelate-elect  receive  from  ihee  by  thy 


148  European  History^  918-1273 

sceptre  the  property  and  the  immunities  of  his  ofl&ce,  and  let 
him  fulfil  the  obligations  to  thee  arising  from  these.  In  other 
parts  of  the  Empire  let  the  prelate  receive  his  regalia  six 
months  after  his  consecration,  and  fulfil  the  duties  arising 
from  them.  I  grant  true  peace  to  thee  and  all  who  have 
been  of  thy  party  during  the  times  of  discord.'  ^ 

Less  clear  in  its  conditions  than  the  English  settlement, 
the  Concordat  of  Worms  led  to  substantially  the  same  result, 
chara  t  r  '^^^  EitipjeroT-gave  -  up  the  form  of  investiture, 
of  the  and  public  opinion  approved  of  the  temporal  lord 

compromise,  j^q  longer  trenching  on  the  domam  of  the  spirit- 
uality by  conferring  symbols  of  spiritual  jurisdiction.  But  the 
Emperor  might  maintain  that,  if  he  gave  up  the  shadow,  he  re- 
tained the  substance.  The  Henries  had  not  consciously  striven 
for  mere  forms,  but  because  they  saw  no  other  method  of  re- 
taining their  hold  over  the  prelates  than  through  these  forms. 
The  Pope's  concessions  pointed  out  a  way  to  attain  this  end  in 
a  way  less  offensive  to  the  current  sentiment  of  the  time.  As 
bishops  and  abbots,  spiritual  men  could  not  be  dependent 
on  a  secular  ruler.  As  holder  of  fiefs  and  immunities,  the 
clerical  lord  had  no  more  right  to  withdraw  himself  from  his 
lord's  authority  than  the  lay  baron.  By  distinguishing  between 
these  two  aspects  of  the  prelate's  position,  the  Concordat 
strove  to  give  Caesar  what  was  Caesar's  and  God  what  was 
God's.  The  investiture  questiorTvCas-nererftttfled  again.  But 
in  its  broader  aspect  the  investiture  question  was  only  the 
pretext  by  reason  of  which  Pope  and  Emperor  contended  for 
the  lordship  of  the  world,  and  sought  respectively  to  trench 
upon  the  spheTe  nf  the  other.  The  Concordat  of  Worms 
afforded  but  a  short  breathing-space  in  that  controversy 
between  the  world-Church  and  the  world-State — between  the 
highest  embodiments  of  the  spiritual  and  secular  swords — that 

^  The  text  of  the  Concordat  of  Worms,  and  many  other  German 
constitutional  documents,  can  be  studied  in  Altmann  and  Bemheim'a 
useful  Ausgewdhlte  Urkundtn  zur  Verfastungsgeschuhte  Deutschlands  im 
MUtclalUr. 


The  Investiture  Contest  149 

was  still  to  endure  for  the  rest  of  the  Middle  Ages.     Con- 
temporary opinion,  unapt  to  distinguish  between  shadow  and 
substance,  ascribed  to  the  Papacy  a  victory  even  practical 
more  complete  than  that   which   it   really  won.   triumph  of 
After  all,  it  was  the  Emperor  who  had  to  yield  ***^  church, 
in  the  obvious  question  in  dispute.     The  Pope's  concessions 
were  less  clear,  and  less  definite.     The  age  looked  upon  the 
Concordat   as    a    signal   triumph    for  the   Roman    Church. 
Henceforth  the  ideals  of  Hildebrand  became  part  of  the 
commonplaces  of  European  thought. 

Neither  Henry  nor  Calixtus  long  survived  the  Concordat 
of  Worms.  Calixtus  died  at  Rome  in  December  11 24,  having 
previously  held  a  council  in  the  Lateran,  where  jjgathoj- 
the  Concordat  was  confirmed,  and  a  vast  series  caiixtus  11., 
of  canons  drawn  up  to  facilitate  the  establishment  "^*' 
of  the  new  order  of  things.  He  strove  also  to  restore  peace 
and  prosperity  in  Rome,  which  had  long  lain  desolate  and 
ruinous  as  the  result  of  constant  tumults.  Short  as  was  his 
reign,  it  could  yet  be  said  of  him  that  in  his  days  there  was 
such  peace  in  Rome  that  neither  citizen  nor  sojourner 
had  need  to  carry  arms  for  his  protection.  He  had  not  only 
made  the  Papacy  dominate  the  western  world ;  it  even  ruled, 
if  but  for  a  time,  the  turbulent  city  that  so  often  rejected 
and  maltreated  the  priest  whom  all  the  rest  of  the  world 
revered. 

Henry  v.'s  end  was  less  happy.  The  war  had  taught  him 
that  the  real  ruler  01  Germany  was  not  himself  but  the 
feudal  aristocracy.     He  planned,  in  conjunction 

.,,._iTiri         •     \  •  1      Last  failures 

With  his  English  father-in-law,  an  aggressive  attack  and  death  of 
on  Louis  VI.  of  France,  but  he  utterly  failed  to  Henry  v., 
persuade  his  barons  to  abandon  their  domestic 
feuds  for  foreign  warfare.  He  fought  one  purposeless  cam- 
paign as  the  ally  of  England.  In  May  11 25  he  died  on  his 
way  back,  at  Utrecht,  saddened,  disappointed,  and  worn  out 
before  his  time.  He  is  one  of  the  most  unattractive  of 
mediaeval    Emperors.      Cold-blooded,   greedy,    treacherous. 


1 50  European  History,  918-1273 

violent,  ambitious,  and  despotic,  he  reaped  no  reward  from 
his  treasons,  and  failed  in  every  great  enterprise  he  undertook. 
Yet  despite  his  constant  misfortunes,  the  strong,  hard  char- 
acter of  the  last  Salian  Emperor  did  something  to  keep  up  the 
waning  fortunes  of  the  Empire,  and  the  unity  of  the  German 
kingdom. 


CHAPTER   VII 

THE  EASTERN  EMPIRE  AND  THE  SELJUKIAN  TURKS 
(912-1095)1 

rhe  Macedonian  Djmasty — Constantine  vii.  and  his  Co-regents — Condition 
of  the  Eastern  Empire  in  the  Tenth  Century — The  Conversion  of  the 
Slavs — Break-up  of  the  Mohamniedan  East  —  Period  of  Conquest  and 
Glory — Nicephorus  Phocas  and  John  Zimisces — The  Russian  War — 
Basil  II.  and  the  Bulgarian  War — Decline  of  the  Macedonian  House — 
Zoe  and  Theodora — Caerularius  and  the  Schism  of  East  and  West — Rise 
of  the  Seljukians — Contrast  of  Turks  and  Arabs — Decline  of  the  Eastern 
Empire — Manzikert — Alexius  Comnenus  and  his  House — The  last  phase 
of  the  Eastern  Empire. 

Situated  on  the  borderland  that  divided  two  civilisations, 
the  unchanging  Eastern  Empire  represented  the  East  to  the 
Latins  and  the  West  to  the  Arabs  and  Turks.  During  the 
first  half  of  the  tenth  century  there  was  a  strange  contrast 
contrast  between  the  East  Roman  state  and  the  between  the 
rest  of  the  world.     In  the  West  the  Empire  of  Eastern  Em- 

•^  pire  and  the 

Charles  the  Great  had  fallen,  and  few  could  yet  rest  of  the 
see  that  a  new  order  was  gradually  evolving  out  ^'"■'"^• 
of  the  chaos  into  which  the  world  seemed  plunged.  In  the 
East  the  Caliphate  had  ceased  to  represent  the  political 
unity  of  Islam.  A  process  of  strife  and  disintegration  had 
broken  up  the  Mohammedan  no  less  that  the  Latin  world. 
Between    these    two    seething    and    troubled    regions,    the 

^  The  best  English  book  on  later  Byzantine  history  is  Finlay's  History 
of  Greece,  which  covers  the  whole  period.  Oman's  Byzantine  Empire 
('Story  of  the  Nations')  is  a  readable  summary.  Gibbon's  Decline 
and  Fall  must  always  be  consulted.  Schlumberger's  Un  Emperenr 
byzantin  au  X'  slide,  Niciphore  Phocas,  and  VEpople  byzantine  b,  la  fin 
iu  X'  siicle,  present  attractive  aspects  of  the  subject  in  a  recent  light. 

151 


152  European  History ^  918-1273 

Empire  of  Constantinople  lived  on  its  quiet,  self-contained, 
stationary,  orderly  life.  No  vital  dangers  from  without 
threatened  its  existence.  Catholics  and  Mohammedans  were 
alike  too  busy  with  their  own  affairs  to  make  serious  attacks 
upon  its  boundaries.  The  long-lived  dynasty  of  the  Mace- 
donians continued  to  rule  over  a  state  that  had  little  history. 
The  inglorious  calm  bore  witness  to  a  standard  of  civilisa- 
tion, order,  and  prosperity  that,  with  all  its  faults,  could 
be  found  nowhere  else  in  the  world. 

Basil  the  Macedonian  had  founded,  in  867,  the  ruling 
house,  which  was  to  reign  at  Constantinople  for  a  hundred 
^^^  and  ninety  years.     The  long  reign  of  his  weak 

Macedonian  and  pedantic  son,  Leo  vi.,  the  Philosopher  (886- 
dynasty.  9 1 2),  had  attested  tlie  care  and  stability  with 
which  Basil  had  laid  the  foundations  of  the  new  dynasty. 
Under  Leo's  son  Constantine  vii.,  Porphyrogenitus  (912- 
constantine  959)>  tbe  Same  quietude  that  had  marked  Leo's 
VII.,  912-959.  tjjiie  continued  with  hardly  a  break.  A  boy  of 
seven  when  he  was  called  to  the  throne,  Constantine  vii. 
showed,  as  he  grew  up,  such  lack  of  firmness  and  practical 
wisdom  that  his  whole  reign  has  been  described  as  a  long 
minority.  Co-regents  did  most  of  the  work  of  governing. 
For  the  first  year  his  uncle,  Alexander,  Leo  vi.'s  brother, 
acted  as  joint-emperor.  For  seven  years  after  his  death  (913- 
919)  a  commission  of  regency  ruled,  not  too  successfully,  in 
the  name  of  the  little  Emperor.  Severe  defeats  from  Simeon, 
king  of  the  Bulgarians,  made  this  rule  unpopular.  The  grand 
admiral  Romanus  Lecapenus  now  became  successively  the 
prime  minister,  the  father-in-law,  the  colleague,  the  master  of 
Romanus  L,  Constantinc.  In  December  919  Romanus,  already 
919-945-  Czesar,  was  crowned  joint-emperor  with  his  son-in- 

law,  and  for  twenty-five  years  he  practically  ruled  the  state  as 
he  would.  Though  aged,  weak,  and  incompetent,  Romanus 
managed  to  protect  himself  from  numerous  court  conspiracies, 
and  hoped  to  secure  the  permanence  of  his  influence  by 
associating  three  of  his  sons  as  colleagues  in  the  Empire,  and 


PA 

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n 

hEj 

"  H  E 
NEM 

N   THE 

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h- 

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(0 

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b-9 

1 54  European  History,  9 1 8- 1 273 

procuring  for  another  the  patriarchate  of  Constantinople. 
But  the  quarrels  of  sons  and  father  gave  the  friends  of 
Constantine  a  chance  of  removing  them  all.  The  sons  of 
Romanus  drove  their  father  into  a  monastery.  The  outraged 
public  opinion  of  the  capital  involved  the  sons  in  the  same  fate. 
In  945,  when  already  nearly  forty  years  old,  Constantine  vii. 
became  Emperor  in  fact  as  well  as  in  name. 

Constantine  was  a  shy,  nervous,  studious  man,  who  had 
amused  himself,  during  his  long  exclusion  from  power,  by 
Sole  rule  of  babbling  in  nearly  every  science  and  art.  He 
Constantine  painted  pictures,  composed  music,  designed 
VII., 945-959-  churches,  and  wrote  books  on  such  different 
subjects  as  agriculture,  veterinary  science,  history,  geography, 
tactics,  politics,  and  court  etiquette.  Weak  and  hesitating 
though  he  was,  his  good  nature,  amiability,  love  of  justice 
and  moderation  made  him   a  respectable    ruler 

Condition  of       .  .  .  tt     i  i  •  i  i-  i      • 

the  Empire  for  quiet  timcs.  Under  him  the  consolidation 
in  the  tenth  of  the  imperial  despotism,  under  the  hereditary 
rule  of  the  Basilian  house,  was  completed.  The 
suppression  of  the  legislative  power  of  the  senate,  and  the 
destruction  of  the  old  municipal  system  by  Leo  the  Philosopher, 
had  removed  the  last  barriers  to  the  autocracy  of  the  Emperor. 
This  despotism  the  well-drilled  administrators  carried  out  so 
well  on  the  traditional  lines,  that  it  was  no  great  matter  that 
the  Emperor  himself  was  a  bookish  recluse.  The  Basilica,  the 
revised  code  of  law  in  Greek,  now  assumed  its  final  form, 
and  with  the  change  which  its  introduction  involved  in  the 
language  of  the  law  courts  and  statutes,  the  Latin  tongue 
ceased  to  have  any  practical  utility  to  the  East  Romans. 
The  works  of  Constantine  give  us  a  picture  of  the  Empire  of 
his  time.  In  his  longest  book  he  dwells  with  loving  care  on 
the  elaborate  and  pompous  court  etiquette  which  environed 
the  majesty  of  the  Emperor,  and  struck  awe  into  the  hearts  of 
the  barbarians.  In  a  more  summary  manner  he  wrote  *  On 
the  administration  of  the  Empire,'  and  'On  the  Themes'  into 
which  it  was  divided.     In  the  latter  book  he  described  not 


The  Eastern  Empire  and  the  Seljukian  Turks     155 

merely  the  actual  Empire,  but  districts  like  Sicily  and  Crete, 
which  had  long  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Saracen,  or,  like 
the  interior  provinces  of  the  Balkan  peninsula,  had  been 
absorbed  by  Slavs  and  Bulgarians. 

Asia  Minor  was  now  the  chief  stronghold  01  the  Eastern 
Empire.  The  population  had  been  recruited  by  Christian 
refugees  from  the  Mohammedan  lands  farther 
east,  and  had  therefore  become  more  decidedly 
Oriental,  but  it  was  strenuous,  industrious,  and  warlike.  The 
whole  of  the  peninsula  was  included  in  the  Empire,  save  the 
south-eastern  district  of  Cilicia  between  the  Taurus  and  the 
sea.  But  the  loss  of  Tarsus  was  more  than  compensated  for  by 
the  inclusion  of  a  larger  portion  of  western  Armenia  within  the 
Empire,  by  reason  of  the  Armenians,  despite  their  obstinate 
adherence  to  the  Monophysite  heresy,  seeing  in  incorpora- 
tion with  the  Empire  their  only  chance  of  salvation  from 
Islam.  In  the  Balkan  peninsula  the  districts  The  Balkan 
actually  ruled  by  the  Emperor  were  much  less  Peninsula, 
extensive.  The  western  and  central  parts  were  still '  Slavonia,' 
and  even  the  Peloponnesus  was  largely  peopled  by  Slavonic 
tribes,  at  best  tributary,  and  often  practically  independent. 
But  the  settlement  of  the  Magyars  in  Pannonia  (895)  had 
pushed  the  Bulgarians  more  to  the  south,  and  now  not  only 
were  the  lands  between  Danube  and  Rhodope  The 
Bulgarian,  but  this  nation  encroached  largely  Bulgarians. 
on  the  Slavs  in  the  lands  south  of  the  Balkans.  The  result 
left  little  for  the  Romans  save  long  strips  of  coast  territory. 
Nowhere  in  Europe  did  their  power  penetrate  far  inland. 
Adrianople  was  at  best  Uie  border  town  of  the  Greeks.  A 
few  miles  inland  from  Thessalonica  the  Bulgarian  rule  began. 
The  Bulgarians  separated  the  theme  of  Hellas,  which  included 
Thessaly  and  the  lands  south  down  to  Attica,  from  the  themes 
of  Nicopolis  and  Dyrrhachium  that  crept  along  the  coast  of 
Epirus.  Scattered  scraps  of  islands  and  coastlands  in  Dalmatia 
almost  connected  the  Empire  with  its  Venetian  dependency. 
The  theme  of  Cherson    included   the  south   coast  of  the 


156  European  History,  giZ-127 1 

Crimea,  but  this  outpost  of  Greek  civilisation  was  hardly  more 
directly  ruled  from  Constantinople  than  Venice  itself.  The 
lesser  islands  were  still  Greek,  but  Cyprus  alone  of  the  great 
islands  remained  under  the  Empire,  and  that  was  soon  lost. 
In  south  Italy  there  only  remained  the  misnamed 
^"  theme  of  Lombardy,  including  the  heel  of  the 
boot,  of  which  the  capital  was  Bari,  and  the  theme  of  Calabria, 
cut  off  from  its  neighbour  province  by  the  Lombard  princes 
of  Salerno,  who  held  the  low-lying  grounds  at  the  head  of 
the  Gulf  of  Taranto.  Such  a  widely  scattered  dominion  was 
hard  to  rule  and  harder  to  defend.  But  each  theme  was 
under  the  government  of  a  strategos,  who  subordinated  the 
civil  to  the  military  administration.  A  large  standing  army 
of  mercenaries — largely  Norsemen — well  drilled  and  equipped, 
enabled  the  Greeks  to  cultivate  their  fields  and  carry  on  their 
commerce  in  peace.  The  trade  between  east  and  west  was 
still  entirely  in  Greek  hands.  Even  an  exhaustive  fiscal  system 
could  not  cut  oflF  these  sources  of  wealth.  But  if  the  Greek 
Emperors  taxed  unwisely  and  unmercifully,  they  helped  com- 
merce by  upholding  the  integrity  of  the  coinage.  The  gold 
Byzants  of  the  Emperors  were  the  common  medium  of  ex- 
change among  merchants,  and,  amidst  all  the  vicissitudes  of 
palace  revolutions,  were  never  seriously  depreciated  in  value. 
The  manufactures  of  Greece  still  commanded  the  markets. 
Constanti-  Constantinople  was  still  the  greatest  city  in  the 
nopie.  world,  and  excited  the  astonishment  of  all  the  bar- 

barians who  visited  it.  Its  administration,  poor-law  system,  and 
philanthropic  organisations  anticipated  much  that  we  are  apt 
to  regard  as  exclusively  modern.  Liutprand,  the  Lombard 
bishop,  has  left  a  record  of  the  profound  impression  made  on 
him  by  its  wonders.  Even  in  the  twelfth  century,  when  its 
splendours  were  somewhat  decayed,  it  was  still  unique.  The 
Franks  of  the  Fourth  Crusade  could  not  believe  that  there 
was  so  rich  a  city,  until  they  saw  its  high  walls  and  strong 
towers,  gorgeous  palaces,  lofty  churches,  and  vast  extent. 
Though  Thessalonica  was  also  a  famous  place  of  trade,  the 


The  Eastern  Empire  and  the  Seljukian  Turks     157 

interests  of  the  capital  were  becoming  so  great  as  to  absorb 
unduly  those  of  the  provinces.  This  was  partly  counteracted 
by  the  growth  of  a  great  landholding  aristocracy,  which 
approached  the  character  of  the  feudal  noblesse  of  the  west, 
save  that  it  never  attained  any  political  influence  over  the  cen- 
tralised despotism  of  the  Basileus.  Nor  were  the  Letters  and 
arts  and  literature  forgotten.  Constantine  vii.'s  ^^s. 
example  was  followed  by  a  crowd  of  men  of  letters,  and 
the  labour  of  compilers  like  Suidas  have  preserved  for  us 
much  of  what  we  know  of  more  ancient  times.  A  new  school 
of  romance  writers  showed  more  original  genius.  Painting, 
architecture,  and  all  the  arts  wonderfully  revived. 

Constantinople  now  became  agam  a  source  of  civilisation 
to  ruder  peoples.     The  Servians  and  other  Slavs  called  upon 
its  help  to  protect  them  from  the  terrible  Simeon  -j-j^^  ^^^_ 
of    Bulgaria.     In   the  ninth  century,  Methodius  version  of 
and  Cyril  had  converted  the  Southern  Slavs_to 
Orthodox  Christianity.     In  the  tenth,  Greek  missions,  radiat- 
ing from  the  great  monasteries  on  Mount  Athos,  secured  the 
Christianising  of  Bulgaria.     In  the  next  century,  the  distant 
Russians  received  their  faith  from  the  same  source.     Thus 
Slavonic  Europe  became  for  the  most  part  Orthodox  rather 
than  Catholic.     Never  was  the  influence  of  Constantinople 
more  widely  felt  than  in  carrying  out  this  great  work. 

The  restful  if  inglorious  age  of  Leo  the  Philosopher  and 
Constantine  Porphyrogenitus  gave  the  Greek  Empire  time  to 
recruit  its  energies  for  the  more  stirring  times  of  their  suc- 
cessors. From  959  to  1025  a  period  of  conquest  and  military 
glory  followed  upon  the  quiet  times  that  we  have  described. 
Before  the  change  came  over  the  spirit  of  the  Eastern  Empire, 
the  best  chances  of  aggression  in  west  and  north  had  slipped 
unnoticed  away.  During  the  reigns  of  Leo  and  Constantine, 
the  Saxon  kmgs  of  the  Germans  were  building  up  a  great 
state  in  Germany  and  Italy,  and  before  long  the  growing 
material  prosperity  of  Italy  was  to  raise  up  commercial  rivals 
who  ultimately  tapped  the  very  springs  of  Byzantine  trading 


158  European  History,  918-1273 

supremacy.  The  consolidated  and  Christianised  states  of  the 
barbarians  on  the  north  were  less  likely  to  send  out  bands  of 
conquerors  and  marauders,  but  were  harder  to  conquer  than 
their  heathen  and  savage  fathers.  But  the  east  was  sinking 
into  worse  confusion  than  ever.  The  old  political  and  religious 
unity  of  Islam  was  a  thing  of  the  past.  What  spirit  now  re- 
Changes  in  ntiained  to  the  Mohammedan  world  was  to  be  found 
the  Moham-  in  North  Africa  under  the  Fatimite  Caliphs  of 
me  an  as  .  (^aJj-Q^n,  or  in  Spain  under  the  Ommeyad  Caliphs 
of  Cordova.  While  tliese  rebels  and  schismatics  still  showed 
some  remnants  of  the  old  conquering  energy  of  Islam,  the 
orthodox  Abbasside  Caliphs  of  Bagdad  were  sunk  in  indolence 
and  decay.  Their  provinces  successively  revolted.  The 
Bowides,  sons  of  a  Persian  fisherman,  captured  Bagdad  in 
945,  and  ruled  Persia  and  lower  Mesopotamia  for  more  than 
a  century  as  the  Emirs-ul-Omra  of  the  puppets  that  they  still 
allowed  to  pretend  to  act  as  successors  of  the  Prophet.  In 
Egypt  and  southern  Syria,  the  Ikshidites,  a  Turkish  dynasty, 
now  established  themselves.  But  the  only  Mohammedan 
power  that  now  actually  met  the  Eastern  Empire  on  its  south- 
eastern frontier  was  that  of  the  Hamdanides,  who  about  930 
occupied  northern  Mesopotamia  and  afterwards  conquered 
northern  Syria  and  Cilicia.  This  dynasty  split  into  two  and 
was  represented  by  the  Ameers  of  Aleppo  and  Mosul.  The 
new  Mohammedan  states  were  all  the  precarious  creations  of 
adventurers'  swords,  and  were  generally  at  war  with  each  other. 
The  divisions  of  the  east  gave  the  Emperors  at  Constanti- 
nople the  opportunity  which  their  predecessors  had  neglected 
Romanusii.,  in  the  west.  Under  the  son  and  successor  of 
959-563-  Constantine  vii.,  Romanus  11.  (959-963),  the  work 

of  reconquest  began.     Crete  since  the  ninth  century  had  been 
occupied  by  Spanish  Moors,  and   had  been   the  centre  of 
piratical  attacks  on  Greek  commerce,  that  had  threatened  the 
Conquest  of  prosperity  of  the  islands  of  the  .^gean  and  the 
Crete.  regularity  of  the  food-supply  of  the  capital.    Even 

Leo  and  Constantine  bad  made  feeble  efforts  to  subdue  the 


The  Eastern  Empire  and  the  Seljukian  Turks     r  5  9 

corsairs,  but  their  expeditions  against  Crete  had  been  utter 
failures.  In  960  Romanus  11.  sent  Nicephorus  Phocas  with 
a  strong  force  to  atone  for  the  blunders  of  his  predecessors. 
Within  a  year  the  capture  of  the  Saracen  stronghold  of 
Chandax  brought  about  the  complete  conquest  of  the  island. 
The  Saracens  were  enslaved  or  expelled,  and  missionary  monks 
soon  succeeded  in  winning  back  the  Greek  population  to  the 
faith  of  their  fathers,  which  many  had  been  forced  to  reject  for 
the  religion  of  their  conquerors.  Nicephorus  followed  up  this 
great  triumph  by  attacking  the  Hamdanad  Ameer  of  Aleppo. 
He  crossed  the  Taurus  into  Cilicia,  and  in  another  spirited 
campaign  restored  many  strong  places  to  the  Empire. 

In  963  Romanus  11,  was  cut  off  prematurely,  leaving  his  young 
widow  Theophano  to  act  as  regent  for  the  two  infant  sons, 
Basil  II.  (963-1025)  and  Constantine  viii.  (963-  Basil  11., 
1028)  who  now  became  joint-emperors.     But  the  963-1025, 
triumphs  of  Nicephorus  Phocas  had  won  him  such  tine  viii., 
a  position  that  in  a  few  months  he  associated  963-»<»8. 
himself    with     them     in    the    Empire    and    married    their 
mother    Theophano.       By    this   ingenious   combination    of 
hereditary  succession  with  the  rule  of  the  successful  soldier, 
the  quiet  transmission  of  power  was  combined   j^j^^  j^^^^^ 
with  the  government  of  the  fittest.     For  six  years   Phocas, 
Nicephorus  Phocas  (963-969)  ruled  the  Empire  in  ^^^-seg. 
the  name  of  his  two  step-sons  and  soon  procured  for  them 
new  triumphs.     His  first  measure  was  to  improve  the  con- 
dition of  the  army,  and  with  this  object  he  piled  up  new  taxes, 
and,  almost  alone  among  Greek  Emperors,  stooped  to  debase 
the  coinage.     A  fierce  soldier  in  a  nation  of  monks  and  mer- 
chants, Nicephorus  soon  got  into  conflict  with  the  Church,  as 
well  as  the  trading  class.    He  issued  a  sort  of  law  of  mortmain 
to  check  the  foundation  of  new  monasteries,  and    Nicephorus- 
kept  important  sees  vacant  to  enjoy  their  revenues,    military 

.     ,         .     ,  .  ,  .  .         T  ,  -VT-         ,  reforms  and 

At  last  m  his  zeal  for  war  against  Islam,  Nicephorus  quarrel  with 
wished  the  Church  to  declare  that  all  Christians  ^"^^  church, 
who  died  in   war   against   the   infidel   were   martyrs   to  the 


i6o  European  History,  918-1273 

Christian  religion.  The  Patriarch  replied  that  all  war  was 
unchristian,  and  that  a  Christian  who  killed  even  an  infidel 
enemy  in  war,  deserved  to  be  denied  the  sacraments.  The 
Emperor  made  himself  hated  by  the  mob  of  the  capital  by 
suppressing  the  costly  shows  and  amusements  which  the 
court  had  hitherto  provided  for  their  diversion,  while  the 
officials  were  scandalised  at  his  disgust  for  the  childish  cere- 
monies that  hedged  about  his  domestic  life.  Conscious  of  his 
unpopularity,  he  fortified  his  palace  and  lived  as  much  as  he 
could  in  the  camp,  where  he  enjoyed  unbounded  popularity 
with  the  soldiers. 

In  a  series  of  vigorous  campaigns  against  the  Ameer  of 
Aleppo,  the  Emperor  sought  to  consolidate  his  former  efforts 
His  con-  as  general  by  winning  back  all  Cilicia  and 
quests.  north  Syria  to  the  Empire.  In  964  and  965  he 
completed  the  conquest  of  Cilicia,  sending  the  brazen  gates 
of  Tarsus  and  Mopsuestia  to  adorn  the  imperial  palace  at 
Constantinople.  In  965  Nicetas,  one  of  his  generals,  re- 
conquered Cyprus.  In  968  Nicephorus  again  took  the  field 
and  overran  northern  Syria.  Aleppo,  the  residence  of  the 
Ameer,  was  easily  captured ;  the  Ikshidite  realm,  now  on  the 
verge  of  dissolution,  was  overrun ;  Damascus  paid  tribute  to 
avoid  destruction ;  and  Antioch  was  captured  by  assault  on 
a  snowy  night  in  wintor. 

While  thus  occupied  with  the  east,  Nicephorus  did  not 
neglect  the  west.  He_prqjected  the  famous  marriage  between 
His  western  the  futurc  Emperor,  Otto  11.  and  Theophano,  the 
policy.  daughter  of  Romanus  11.  and  his  own  step-daughter 

[see  page  34],  hoping  thus  to  strengthen  the  Byzantine 
power  in  south  Italy.  But  the  terms  of  the  alliance  were  hard 
to  settle,  and  no  agreement  could  be  arrived  at  during  Nice- 
phorus' lifetime.  Liutprand,  Bishop  of  Cremona,  sent  to 
negotiate  the  match,  left  Constantinople  in  disgust,  and  vented 
his  spleen  in  the  famous,  but  not  very  flattering,  account 
of  Constantinople  and  its  court  to  which  we  have  already  re- 
ferred.    Soon  hostilities  broke  out  between  Otto  the  Great 


The  Eastern  Empire  and  the  Seljukian  Turks     i6l 

and  Nicephorus  in  southern  Italy,  without  any  very  permanent 
results.  Nicetas,  the  conqueror  of  Cyprus,  failed  signally 
in  an  attempt  to  win  Sicily  from  the  Saracens.  There  were 
wars  with  the  northern  barbarians  that  produced  equally  little 
Effect. 

Nicephorus  was  a  brave  soldier,  sprung  from  a  stock  of 
warlike  Cappadocian  landowners,  who  changed  few  of  his 
habits  even  on  the  throne.  He  was  cultured  enough  to 
write  a  book  on  the  art  of  war,  but  he  had  neither  the 
policy  or  pliancy  for  the  intrigues  of  a  despotic  Oriental 
court.  The  uprightness  he  showed  in  preserving  intact  his 
step-sons'  position  as  Emperors  met  with  an  evil  requital 
from  their  mother.  Theophano  hated  and  feared  her  stern, 
uncouth,  unsympathetic  husband.  She  conspired  with  her 
lover,  John  Zimisces,  nephew  of  Nicephorus,  a  dashing 
cavalry  soldier  and  the  most  capable  of  his  captains.  On  the 
night  of  loth  December  969  the  Empress's  woman  admitted 
Zimisces  and  a  select  band  of  confederates  into  conspiracy  of 
the  castle.  They  found  the  Emperor  sleeping  on  Theophano. 
the  floor  after  his  soldier's  fashion,  and  promptly  stabbed  him 
to  death.  The  murderers  at  once  proclaimed  John  Zimisces 
Emperor,  and  court  and  city  alike  accepted  the  results  of  the 
despicable  intrigue  that  had  robbed  the  Empire  of  its  strongest 
man.  John  i.  Zimisces  reigned  from  969  to  976.  john  i. 
The  brutal  treachery  which  gained  him  the  throne  zimisces, 
was  somewhat  atoned  for  by  the  energy  and  vigour  ^Sg-^* 
he  displayed  in  the  possession  of  power.  He  was  mean  enough 
to  make  Theophano  the  scapegoat  of  his  crime,  and,  instead 
of  marrying  her,  shut  her  up  in  a  monastery.  After  this  he 
did  little  that  was  not  commendable.  By  way  of  penance 
he  devoted  half  his  private  fortune  to  the  poor  peasantry 
round  Constantinople,  and  to  building  a  great  hospital  for 
lepers.  Like  Nicephorus,  he  studiously  respected  the  rights 
of  his  young  colleagues,  the  sons  of  Romanus  11.,  and  legiti- 
matised  his  rule  by  wedding  their  sister  Theodora.  The 
negotiations  for  the  marriage  of  the  other  sister,  Theophano, 

PERIOD  II.  L 


1 62  European  History,  918-1273 

with  Otto  the  Saxon  were  now  resumed  and  completed 
in  972,  Theophano  taking  with  her  to  Germany  Byzan- 
tine art  and  the  temporary  friendship  of  east  and  west.  John 
The  Russian  abandoned  the  civil  administration  to  the  dexterous 
*^*'"-  chamberlain    Basilius,   and    soon  found    in   the 

Russian  war  an  opportunity  to  revive  the  exploits  of  his  uncle. 
The  valour  of  Rurik  and  his  Vikings  had,  before  this,  united 
the  Slavs  of  the  east  into  a  single  Russian  state,  of  which  the 
centre  was  Kiev,  and  which,  though  constantly  threatening 
the  Byzantine  frontiers,  had  since  the  conversion  of  Olga, 
baptized  at  Constantinople  in  the  days  of  Constantine  vii., 
began  slowly  to  assimilate  Byzantine  Christianity  and  civilisa- 
tion. But  Olga's  son  Sviatoslav  (964-972)  had  refused  to  incur 
the  ridicule  of  his  soldiers  by  accepting  his  mother's  religion. 
He  was  a  mighty  warrior  who,  in  alliance  with  the  Hungarians, 
overran  and  conquered  Bulgaria,  and  in  970  crossed  the 
Balkans  and  threatened  Adrianople.  In  971  John  Ziraisces 
took  the  field  against  him,  and  a  desperate  campaign  was 
fought  in  the  lands  between  the  Danube  and  the  Balkans. 
Like  true  sons  of  the  Vikings,  the  Russians  fought  on  foot  in 
columns,  clad  in  mail  shirts  and  armed  with  axe  and  spear. 
John's  army  was  largely  composed  of  heavy  cavalry,  and  its 
most  efficient  footmen  were  slingers  and  bowmen.  In  two 
great  battles  at  Presthlava  and  Dorystolum  (Silistria),  Russians 
and  Greeks  fought  under  conditions  that  almost  anticipate  the 
battle  of  Hastings,  and  in  both  cases  the  result  was  the  same. 
After  long  resisting  the  fierce  charges  of  the  Greek  horsemen, 
the  close  array  of  the  Russians  was  broken  up  by  a  hail  of 
arrows  and  stones,  and  the  lancers,  returning  to  the  charge, 
rushed  in  and  completed  the  discomfiture  of  the  enemy. 
After  the  second  battle,  Sviatoslav  and  the  remnants  of  his 
host  stood  a  siege  within  Silistria,  until  a  treaty  was  drawn  up 
by  which  they  promised  to  go  home,  on  being  supplied  with 
enough  corn  to  prevent  them  plundering  by  the  way.  For 
the  future,  they  were  to  renew  the  old  commercial  treaties 
and  leave  the  Empire  in  peace.     Intercourse  betwe^-R«9sia— 


The  Eastern  Empire  and  the  Seljukian  Turks     163 


and__£iuistandnpp}e-"was-qiH€W7'^newed,  "and  henceforth 
Russian  or  Norse  mercenaries,  the  famous  Varangians,  began 
to  form  an  important  part  of  the  imperial  armies.  Thus  the 
Epipire  was  relieved  from  the  pressure  of  her  most  dangerous 
foe  in  the  north,  and  again  acquired  the  command  of  the 
interior  of  the  Balkan  peninsula.  Bulgaria,  already  conquered 
by  Sviatoslav,  was  reduced  to  obedience,  while  its  titular  king 
lived  as  a  pensioner  at  Constantinople.  Flushed  with  these 
brilliant  successes,  John  again  turned  his  arms  against  the 
Saracens  of  Syria,  who  had  won  back  many  of  Nicephorus'  con- 
quests, including  Antioch.  He  reconquered  Antioch,  though 
only  with  great  difficulty ;  his  capture  of  Edessa  prepared  the 
way  for  the  occupation  of  the  upper  valley  of  the  Euphrates ; 
and  many  holy  relics  passed  from  Moslem  to  Orthodox  custody. 
In  the  midst  of  his  triumphs  John  died  suddenly  in  976, 
poisoned,  it  was  said,  by  the  crafty  eunuch  Basilius,  who  feared 
that  his  wealth  had  excited  the  Emperor's  jealousy. 

Basil  II.  (976-1025),  the  elder  of  Constantine  vii.'s  sons,  was 
now  twenty  years  of  age  when,  under  the  guidance  of  Basilius 
he  proceeded,  after  his  brother-in-law's  death,    p^^ij  jj  .^ 
to   govern   as    well   as   reign.     But    the    over-   personal  rule, 
wealthy  minister  soon  fell  from  power.     Basil  '^^°^^- 
soon  showed  the  same  austere  Roman  type  of  character  as 
Nicephorus    Phocas,  and  became  a   brave  soldier,  a  skilful 
general,  and  a  capable,  administrator.     His  chief  object  of 
internal  policy  was  the  repression  of  the  great  landholding 
families  of  Asia,  which  were  the  only  barrier  left  against  the 
imperial  despotism  ;   and,  after  a  long  struggle,  he  succeeded 
in  accomplishing  their  ruin.     Under  the  legitimate  Basilian 
Emperor,  the  military  glories  of  the  fortunate  adventurers  were 
fully  continued.     The  great  event  of  his  long  The  Bulgarian 
reign  is  the  Bulgarian  war.      The  occupation   ^*'"" 
of  Bulgaria  by  John  i.  was  too  rapid  to  be  permanent,  and, 
except  in  the  lands  between  the  Danube  and  Balkans,  had 
been  merely  nominal.     Under  a  new  Bulgarian  king,  named 
Samuel,  the  unconquered  regions  of  the  west  made  a  long 


r64  European  History,  Cki%-\2y I 

and  determined  effort  for  freedom.  Even  the  Slavs — the 
chief  inhabitants  of  these  regions — followed  Samuel  to  the 
field;  and  by  fixing  his  capital  first  at  Prespa  and  afterwards 
at  Ochrida,  in  the  highlands  bordering  on  Albania  and 
Macedonia,  he  threatened  alike  Dyrrhachium  andThessalonica 
Year  after  year,  Samuel's  motley  following  plundered  and 
devastated  the  rich  plains  of  Thessaly  and  Macedonia.  Even 
in  the  north  all  the  Greeks  cotild-do  was  to  hold  Silistria, 
and  a  few  fortresses,  and  keep  a  tight  hold  of  the  Balkan 
passes.  In  981  Basil  first  took  the  field  in  person,  but 
his  early  campaigns  w^ere  but  little  successful.  Samuel  at  last 
invaded  southern  Greece  ;  but  though  he  devastated  the 
Peloponnesus  from  end  to  end,  he  failed  to  capture  any  of  the 
larger  cities  (996).  On  his  way  back,  he  was  surprised  by 
the  Greek  general  Uranus,  and  escaped  with  infinite  diflS- 
culty  and  the  complete  destruction  of  his  army.  Basil  now 
took  the  olTensive.  In  1002  he  captured  Vidin,  a  triumph 
that  resulted  in  the  gradual  reconquest  of  Bulgaria  proper. 
But  Samuel  still  held  out  long  in  the  fastnesses  of  Mount 
Pindus.  Bit  by  bit  Basil  won  back  the  hill  castles  that 
were  the  centres  of  the  Slavo-Bulgarian  power./  At  last,  in 
1014,  Basil  gained  a  decisive  victory,  taking  prisoner  some 
15,000  Bulgarians.  The  grim  Emperor  put  out  the  eyes  of 
all  his  captives,  save  that  he  spared  one  eye  to  every 
hundredth  man,  and  sent  the  mutilated  wretches  back  to 
their  king  at  Ochrida  under  the  guidance  of  their  one-eyed 
leaders.  Samuel,  on  seeing  his  subjects'  plight,  fell  senseless 
to  the  ground,  and  died  two  days  later.  His  brave  son 
Gabriel  continued  the  contest,  but  was  soon  murdered  by  his 
cousin  Ladislas,  who  usurped  the  throne.  In  despair  Ladislas 
took  the  bold  step  of  besieging  Dyrrhachium,  hoping  thus  to 
open  communications  with  Basil's  enemies  beyond  sea ;  but 
he  perished  in  the  siege,  and  with  him  fell  the  last  hopes 
of  the  kingdom  of  Ochrida.  In  1018  the  work  of  conquest 
was  completed,  and  Basil  celebrated  his  victory  by  a  splen- 
did triumph  at  Constantinople.    The  populace  greeted  the 


The  Eastern  Empire  and  the  Seljukian  Turks     165 

relentless  conqueror  with  the  surname  of  *  Slayer  of  the  Bul- 
garians '  [/JovAyapoKTovos].  Basil  then  turned  his  arms  against 
the  Armenians,  but  his  success  in  pushing  forward  his  eastern 
frontier  at  the  expense  of  a  Christian  kingdom  did  not  atone 
for  the  impolicy  of  weakening  a  natural  ally  against  the 
Mohammedans.  Conscious  perhaps  of  this,  he  prepared  to 
divert  his  arms  against  the  infidel  by  a  new  expedition  to 
Sicily.  Death  overtook  him  in  the  midst  of  his  preparations, 
when  he  was  sixty-eight  years  old,  and  had  reigned  for  sixty-two 
years.  No  Emperor  since  Justinian  had  succeeded  so  well  in 
enlarging  the  bounds  of  the  Empire.  But  with  him  expired 
all  the  glories  of  the  Macedonian  dynasty. 

Basil  II.  left  no  son,  and  his  brother  Constantine  viii. 
(1025-1028)  therefore  became  sole  Emperor.  Though 
nominal   Emperor  since   963,   Constantine    had   „  ,      .     , 

,  .       '       .  .      ,      ^  .  ,     Sole  rule  of 

never  taken  any  real  part  m  political  affairs,  and   constantine 

he  was  now  too  old  and  careless  to  change  his   v^"-» 

'-'  1025-1028. 

habits.    He  lived  like  an  Oriental  despot,  secluded 

in  his  palace,  amusing  himself  with  musicians  and  dancing- 
girls,  while  six  favourite  eunuchs  of  the  household  relieved 
him  from  all  cares  of  state.  Great  indignation  was  excited 
among  the  nobles,  but  Basil  11.  had  humbled  them  too 
thoroughly  for  them  to  take  any  effective  action.  However, 
Constantine  died  in  1028,  before  he  could  do  much  harm. 
He  was  the  last  man  of  the  Macedonian  house,  and  his  only 
heirs  were  his  daughters  Zoe  and  Theodora,  under  whose 
weak  and  contemptible  rule  the  Basilian  dynasty  came  to  an 
end. 

From  1028  to  1054  the  husbands  and  dependants  of  Zoe 
governed  the  Byzantine  Empire.  First  came  Romanus  in. 
(1028-1034),  to  whom  she   had   been  married    ^ 

.7  1  1      J        T>  Zoe  and  her 

at  her  fathers  deathbed.     But  Zoe  was  hard,   husbands, 
greedy,  and  self-seeking,  and  allowed  her  hus-   ^^^nus  iii., 
band  little  real  share  of  power.     On  his  death 
she  married   a  handsome  young  courtier,  Michael  iv.  the 
Papblagonian  (1034-1041),  who,  though  an  epileptic  invahd, 


1 66  European  History^  918-1273 

did  good  work  against  the  Saracens  before  his  early  death 
in  1041.  His  brother  John  the  Orphanotrophos  [minister 
Michael  IV.,  of  charitable  institutions],  a  monk  and  a  eunuch, 
1Q34-1041.  vrho  had  procured  Michael's  marriage,  con- 
ducted the  internal  government  with  great  dexterity  and  cun- 
ning, but  the  time  of  his  rule  marks  an  epoch  of  deterioration 
in  Byzantine  finance.  By  constantly  increasing  the  taxes,  and 
devising  more  arbitrary  and  oppressive  methods  for  their 
collection,  he  did  much  to  sap  the  foundations  of  the  indus- 
trial supremacy  of  the  Empire. 

It  was  thought  necessary  always  to  have  a  male  Emperor. 
When  Michael  iv.  died,  Zoe,  already  more  than  sixty  years  of 
Michael  V.,  age,  took  three  days  to  decide  whether  she 
X041-1043.  should  wed  a  third  husband  or  adopt  a  son. 
She  chose  the  latter  course;  but  Michael  v.  (1041-1042), 
nephew  of  Michael  iv.,  whom  she  raised  to  this  great  posi- 
tion, speedily  proved  ungrateful  and  unworthy,  and  was 
deposed,  blinded,  and  shut  up  in  a  monastery.  Having 
Constantine  failed  with  her  son,  Zoe  chose  as  her  third  husband 
IX.,  io4a-io54-  Constantinc  Monomachus  (an  hereditary  sur- 
name), who  was  soon  crowned  as  Constantine  ix.  (1042-1054). 
The  new  Emperor  was  an  elderly  profligate,  who  had  only 
consented  to  wed  Zoe  on  condition  that  his  mistress  should 
be  associated  with  her  in  the  Empire.  Their  rule  was 
most  disastrous.  It  saw  the  expulsion  of  the  Greeks  from 
Italy  by  the  Norman  conquest  of  Apulia  and  Calabria.  It 
saw  the  consummation  of  the  fatal  policy  of  weakening 
Armenia,  at  a  moment  when  the  rise  of  the  Seljukian  Turks 
was  again  making  Islam  aggressive.  It  witnessed  the 
impolitic  imposition  of  taxes  on  the  eastern  subjects  and 
vassals,  who  had  hitherto  defended  the  frontiers  with  their 
swords,  but  who  henceforth  were  discontented  or  mutinous. 
It  saw  the  final  consummation  of  the  schism  of  Eastern  and 
Western  Churches. 

The  Synod  of  Constantinople  in  867  [see  Period  i.,  pp. 
453-4],  following  upon  the  quarrel  of  Pope  Nicholas  i.  and 


The  Eastern  Empire  and  the  Seljukian  Turks     167 

the  Patriarch  Photius,  had  already  brought  about  the  open 
breach  of  the  Orthodox  East  and  the  Catholic  West.    Despite 
new  rivalries  between  the  Greek  and  Latin  missions  The  Schism 
to  the   Slavs  and   Bulgarians,   efforts   had   been  °^**** 

,-  .  .  ,,,  ,.  ,     Eastern  and 

made  from  time  to  time  to  heal  the  schism,  and  western 
Basil  II.  negotiated  with  Rome,  hoping  to  Churches, 
persuade  the  Pope  to  allow  '  that  the  Church  of  Constanti- 
nople was  oecumenical  within  its  own  sphere,  just  as  the 
Church  of  Rome  was  oecumenical  throughout  Christendom.' 
But  in  1053  Michael  Cserularius,  the  Patriarch  of  Constanti- 
nople foolishly  shut  up  the  Latin  churches  and  convents  and 
wrote  to  the  Latin  bishops,  bitterly  reproaching  them  with 
their  schismatic  practices,  and  taking  new  offence  in  the  Latin 
use  of  unleavened  bread  in  the  Eucharist.  Mutual  excom- 
munications followed,  and,  at  the  very  moment  when  Christen- 
dom had  most  need  of  union,  the  schism  of  East  and  West 
became  inveterate.  ~~ 

Zoe  died  in  1050,  and  Constantine  ix.  in  1054.  On  his 
death,  Zoe's  sister  Theodora,  the  last  of  the  Macedonians, 
became  Empress.  Though  old,  she  was  strong  Theodora, 
and  vigorous,  and  her  long  incarceration  in  a  ^054-1057- 
cloister  gave  her  monastic  virtues  that  contrasted  strangely 
with  the  dissolute  habits  of  Zoe.  During  her  reign  of  three 
years  the  Empire  enjoyed  at  least  peace  and  repose.  Her 
death  in  1057  ended  not  ingloriously  the  famous  dynasty 
that  had  since  the  days  of  Basil  i.  held  the  imperial  throne. 
A  new  period  of  trouble  now  sprang  from  disputed  succes- 
sions and  weak  Emperors,  at  a  time  when  the  growth  of  the 
Seljukian  power  threatened  the  very  existence  of  the  Empire. 

The  Turkish  or  Mongol  tribes  of  Central  Asia  had  long 
troubled  from  time  to  time  the  tranquillity  of  Europe.   Among 
them  were  Attila  and  his  Huns,  but  these  fierce  uj,g  f^ix^z 
marauders    passed    away    without    leaving    any   Seljukian 
permanent   traces   of  their    influence.      Of    the  '^"'■''■' 
same  stock  were  the  Magyars,  who,  in  895,  finally  settled  in 
Pannonia,  and  the  Bulgarians,  who,  as  we  have  seen,  had 


1 68  European  History,  9 1 8  - 1 2  7  3 

even  earlier  taken  possession  of  a  large  part  of  the  Balkan 
peninsula.  But  the  Magyars  and  Bulgarians  by  accepting 
Christianity  made  themselves  permanent  members  of  the 
European  commonwealth.  While  Mongolian  invasions  such 
as  these  disturbed  from  time  to  time  the  peace  of  eastern 
Europe,  similar  invasions  had  terrified  all  the  civilised  nations 
of  Asia  as  far  as  the  Chinese  frontier.  But  it  was  the 
Caliphate  in  its  decline  that  began  to  stand  in  the  most 
intimate  relations  with  the  Turks.  The  growing  anarchy  of  the 
Arab  Empire  offered  to  the  Turks  a  career  as  mercenaries, 
and  a  field  for  plunder  and  devastation.  As  the  reward 
of  their  services,  the  Caliphs  gave  them  what  they  could 
conquer  from  the  Christians  on  the  eastern  frontiers  of 
the  Empire.  A  large  Turkish  immigration  soon  peopled  the 
marches  of  the  Caliphate  with  the  fierce  warriors  from  the 
north.  As  the  Caliphs  declined  in  power,  the  Turkish  condot- 
tieri  chieftains  grew  discontented  with  their  pay,  and  set  up 
military  despotisms  on  their  own  account.  Many  of  the 
petty  states  that  grew  out  of  the  dissolution  of  the  Caliphate 
had,  like  the  Ikshidites  in  Syria,  Turkish  lords,  and  were  kept 
together  by  Turkish  arms.  Early  in  the  eleventh, jjentury 
the  period  of  transition  was  over.  The  Turks  became 
converts  to  Islam,  and  religious  enthusiasm  bound  together 
their  scattered  tribes  and  directed  their  aims.  A  great 
Turkish  invasion  plunged  all  Asia  in  terror.  In  the  extreme 
east  Turks  or  Tartars  established  at  Peking  a  Manchurian 
kingdom  for  northern  China  (1004).  In  the  very  same 
year,  Mahmoud  of  Ghazni  set  up  a  great  Turkish  state  in 
Afghanistan  and  India.  A  generation  later,  the  'lurks  of  the 
house  of  Seljuk  began  to  threaten  the  thrones  of  western  Asia. 
The  fame  of  Seljuk,  the  founder  of  a  united  Turkish 
state  in  Central  Asia,  is  almost  mythical.  Under  his  son, 
the  Seljukian  house  became  great  by  crossing  the  Oxus 
and  effecting  the  conquest  of  Khorassan.  Under  his 
grandson  Togrul  Beg,  the  Seljukians  became  the  greatest 
power   in    Asia.      Togrul    first   broke  up   the  power  of  the 


The  Eastern  Empire  and  the  Seljukian  Turks     169 

descendants  of  Mahmoud  of  Ghazni,  and  then  attacked  the 
Bowides,  and  conquered  Persia.  In  1055  he  crowned  his 
career  by  the  occupation  of  Bagdad,  where  he  was  welcomed 
as  the  dehverer  of  the  phantom  Caliphs  from  the  tyranny 
of  their  Bowide  Ameers,  and  was  solemnly  invested  by  them 
with  their  temporal  power.  Henceforth  Togrul,  the  Sultan  of 
East  and  West,  posed  as  the  defender  of  the  faith,  and  the 
protector  of  the  successor  of  Mohammed. 

After  the  conquest  of  Bagdad,  Togrul  Beg  attacked  Armenia 
and  threatened  the  Byzantine  frontiers.  He  died  in  1063, 
and  in  the  very  next  year  Alp  Arslan,  his  nephew  and  suc- 
cessor (1063-1072),  completed,  by  the  capture  of  Ani,  the 
capital,  the  subjugation  of  the  unhappy  Armenians.  The 
Georgians  were  next  enslaved ;  and,  master  of  the  Christian 
outposts  of  the  East  Roman  realm,  Alp  Arslan  turned  his 
arms  against  the  Empire  itself. 

The  occupation  of  the   rich   plains  of  Asia  in  no  wise 
changed  the  character  of  the  Turks.     They  remained  as  they 
had  ever  been,  soldiers  and  nothing  more.    Their  old  religions 
had  died  away  as  they  came  into  contact  with  Islam,  and  in 
embracing  the  Mohammedan  faith  they  obtained  religious 
sanction  for  their  ferocity  and  greed.     But  they  never,  like 
the  Arabs,  entered  into  the  spiritual  side  of  the  faith.     They 
rather  received  and  retained  the  new  religion,  as  a  faithful 
soldier  keeps  the  word  of  command  of  his  general.     They 
had  no  eyes  for  the  brilliant  fascination  of  Arab  civilisation, 
such  as  was  at  that  very  time  attaining  its  highest  perfection  in 
Mohammedan  Spain.     They  appropriated  what  had  gone  be- 
fore, but  they  never  assimilated  it  or  added  anything  of  their 
own.    The  statecraft  of  the  Arabs  had  no  more  attraction  for 
them  than  the  poetry,  the  romance,  the  lawgiving,  the  archi- 
tecture, or  the  busy  commercial  life  of  Semitic 
Asia.     When  they  had  conquered  they  carelessly  between 
stood  aside,  and   contemptuously   allowed   their  Turks  and 
vassals  to  live  on  their  old  life,  save  when,  in  occa- 
sional fits  of  fury,  they  taught  that  they  were  masters  by  hideous 


1 70  European  History,  9 1 8- 1 273 

violence  or  promiscuous  massacres.  But  their  hardiness  won 
An  easy  triumph  ovei  ihe  soft  and  eflFeminate  Arabs,  and  was 
soon  to  win  fresh  laurels  at  the  expense  of  the  lax  and  corrupt 
Christians  of  the  East.  It  was  a  day  of  ill  omen  for  East  and 
West  alike  when  the  capture  of  Bagdad  'made  the  Turkish 
soldier  the  type  of  Mohammedan  conquest  In  the  cen- 
turies when  the  Arab  was  the  typical  representative  of 
Islam,  the  desolation  of  Africa  and  Syria  showed  how 
great  were  the  evils  that  followed  in  the  wake  of  Moham- 
medan conquest  of  Christian  lands.  But  in  East  and  West 
alike  the  triumphs  of  the  Turk  were  unmixed  evils,  and  the 
strife  of  East  and  West  assumed  a  new  aspect  when  a  bar- 
barous and  unteachable  soldier,  mighty  only  in  destruction, 
became  the  chief  agent  of  Eastern  advance.  It  was  no 
longer  the  continuance  of  the  struggle  between  Eastern  and 
Western  civilisation  that  was  as  old  as  Marathon.  Hence- 
forth it  was  a  strife  between  the  only  possible  civilisation  and 
the  most  brutal  and  hopeless  barbarism.  Yet  the  superior 
military  efficiency  of  the  Turk  put  an  irresistible  weapon  into 
his  hands.  Since  the  days  of  Leo  the  Isaurian  and  Charles 
Martel,  the  relations  of  the  Eastern  and  Western  worlds  had 
been  almost  stationary.  A  new  wave  of  Eastern  aggression 
now  set  in,  to  be  followed  in  its  turn  by  a  period  of  Western 
retaliation.  The  Seljukian  attacks  on  Armenia  and  the 
Empire  brought  about  the  Nemesis  of  the  Crusades  and  the 
Latin  kingdoms  of  the  East. 

The  period  of  revolution  and  confusion  that  had  followed 
the  extinction  of  the  Basilian  dynasty  made  the  Empire  little 
_,  ,.  ,  able  to  resist  the  Turkish  assault  It  is  as  weari- 
the  Eastern  some  as  Unprofitable  to  tell  in  any  detail  of  the 
Empire.  purposelcss  palace  intrigues  and  provincial  revolts, 

that  set  up  and  pulled  down  Emperors  in  the  dreary  years 
that  followed  the  death  of  Theodora.  The  first  successor  of 
Michael  VI.  ^^^  ^^'  ^^  ^^  Macedonians  was  of  her  own 
1057-  designation.     Michael  vi.,  surnamed  Stratioticus 

('<^57)i  w^  ^"  aged  and  incompetent  soldier,  who  within  a 


The  Eastern  Empire  and  the  Seljukian  Turks     1 7 1 

year  succumbed  to  a  revolt  of  the  Asiatic  nobles,  who  seated 
on  the  throne  one  of  the  most  powerful  of  their  j^^^^  j 
number,  Isaac  i.,  Comnenus  (1057-1059),  but  the  Comnenus, 
hopes  excited  by  him  were  rudely  dispelled  by  ^°57-io59- 
a  disease  that  drove  him  into  a  monastery  to  die.     Another 
great    Cappadocian    magnate,    Constantine    x.,   constantine 
Ducas    (1059-1067),    was    now  made   Emperor,   x.,  Ducas, 
He    was    a    pettifogging    financier,    who     dis-  ^°59-i«>7- 
banded    part   of  his  troops   and   disheartened  the  rest 
miserable    and   disastrous    economies.      In    his    reign    the 
Seljukian  assaults  first  became  formidable.    On  his  death  in 
1067,  his  widow  Eudocia  acted  as  regent  for  their  Michael  vii., 
son,  the  boy  Emperor  Michael  vii.  (i 067-1078).  1067-1078. 
Eudocia  chose  a  second  husband  and  co-regent  in  Romanus 
Diogenes  (1068-1071),  a  Cappadocian  noble,  whOj^  manusiv 
had   won   a   high    reputation    for  brilliancy   as  Diogenes, 
a  soldier,    but   lacked   the   prudence  and  policy  ^°^"^''' 
necessary  to  a  general.     Romanus  at  once  took  the  field 
against   the   Seljukian    hordes,   who   were    now   devastating 
Cappadocia   with   fiendish   cruelty,   and   had  just  captured 
Csesarea  and   plundered  the  shrine   of  St.  Basil.      But  the 
heavy  Greek  cavalry,  with  their  formal  drill  and  slow  tradi- 
tional tactics,  were  only  a  poor  match  for  the  daring  valour 
and  rapid  movements  of  the  swift  light  horse  that  constituted 
the  chief  strength  of  the  Turkish  army.     At  first  Romanus 
won   easy    triumphs   as   the   scattered  bands   of  marauders 
retreated  before  his  troops,  without   risking  a  battle.     Alp 
Arslan   changed    his    plans   and    lured   Romanus   into  the 
Armenian  mountains,  where   he  was  suddenly  attacked   by 
the  whole  Seljukian  power. 

The  decisive  battle  was  fought  in  1071  at  Manzikert,  an 
Armenian  town,  to  the  north  of  Lake  Van,  which  the  Sultan 
had  captured  in  1070,  and  which  Romanus  now  gauieof 
sought  to  reconquer.     The  Emperor  had  already   Manzikert, 
many  difficulties  from  the  mixed  army  of  merce-  ***^' 
Daries,  that  had  no  heart  for  the  cause  and  a  strong  dislike  to 


172  European  History,  918-1273 

discipline.  With  great  impolicy  he  divided  his  army,  and 
marched  with  but  a  fraction  of  it  against  Manzikert.  The 
city  was  soon  retaken,  but  by  this  time  the  whole  force  of 
the  Seljuks  had  drawn  near.  It  was  the  first  pitched  battle 
between  Turks  and  Greeks,  and,  having  misgivings  of  the  result, 
Alp  Arslan  showed  some  willingness  to  treat.  But  Romanus 
impatiently  prepared  for  battle.  The  fight  was  long  and 
fierce,  until  at  last  the  bad  tactics  of  the  Emperor  and  the 
treachery  of  some  of  his  generals  gave  the  Turks  a  hardly 
won  victory.  The  Greek  army  was  destroyed,  and  Romanus 
was  wounded  and  made  prisoner.  The  defeat  is  the  turning- 
point  of  Byzantine  history.  The  hardy  mountaineers  of 
Cappadocia  were  unable  to  hold  out  much  longer.  With  the 
loss  of  the  land  which  had  given  birth  to  Nicephorus  and 
Zimisces,  to  the  Comneni,  the  Ducasii,  and  to  Romanus 
himself,  the  best  part  of  the  Empire  surrendered  to  barbarism. 
Within  a  few  years  all  the  interior  of  Asia  Minor  had  become 
Turkish.  In  the  very  year  of  Manzikert,  the  capture  of 
Bari  by  the  Normans  cut  off  the  last  town  that  had  been 
faithful  to  the  East  Romans  in  Italy. 

Alp  Arslan  magnanimously  allowed  Romanus  Diogenes  to 
ransom  himself  from  captivity,  but  the  discredited  soldier 
only  returned  to  Constantinople  to  be  dethroned  and  im- 
prisoned by  John  Ducas,  uncle  of  Michael  vii.  His  eyes 
were  i)ut  out  so  roughly  that  he  died  a  few  days  later.  With 
him  perished  the  last  of  the  heroes  of  the  Eastern  EmpTr^. 
Confusion  and  weak  rule  at  Constantinople  facilitated  the 
Turkish  advance.  Many  provinces  revolted,  and  famine 
followed  in  the  train  of  war.  What  revenue  still  flowed  in  was 
spent  upon  court  luxuries  and  popular  games.  The  Turks  burnt 
the  Asiatic  suburbs  of  the  capital,  and  in  1074  Michael  vii. 
made  a  treaty  with  Suleiman,  the  general  of  Malek  Shah, 
who  had  now  succeeded  Alp  Arslan,  by  which  he  conferred 
on  him  the  government  of  all  the  imperial  provinces  which 
were  actually  in  his  possession.  Suleiman  established  himself 
ai  Nicaea,   the   most  westerly   of  his  conquests,  and   soon 


The  Eastern  Empire  and  the  Seljukian  Turks     173 

assumed  the  state  of  an  independent  prince.  In  1078  Michael 
was  dethroned,  and  meekly  abandoned  the  Empire  for  the 
bishopric  of  Ephesus.  His  supplanter,  Nice-  Nicephoms 
phorus  III.  (1078-1081),  was  the  most  brutal,  m.,  107s  1081. 
lustful,  and  helpless  of  all  the  Emperors  of  this  miserable 
time.  Rebellions  burst  out  on  every  side.  At  last  Alexius 
Comnenus,  a  shrewd  and  wily  soldier,  whose  sword  had  long 
protected  the  Emperor  from  other  rebels,  became  a  rebel 
himself.  The  army  declared  for  him  and  chose  him  Emperor, 
and  the  treachery  of  some  German  mercenaries  admitted  him 
and  his  troops  into  the  capital,  which  was  brutally  sacked. 
Nicephorus  was  driven  into  a  monastery,  and  Alexius  reigned 
in  his  stead. 

With    the   new   Emperor  the   worst    troubles   were   over. 
Some  sort  of  hereditary  succession  reappeared,  and  the  Com- 
nenian  dynasty  long  occupied  the  throne  of  the  Alexius 
Eastern  Empire.     But  the  Empire  was  reformed  Comnenus, 
on  a  narrower  and  less  heroic  mould.    The  ability  "^*""^^- 
of  Alexius  was  partly  seen  in  his  energy;  but  subtlety  and 
deceit,  which  often  took  the  shape  of  self-defeating  cunning, 
were  his  favourite  weapons,  and  in  his  dexterous  ^he  Com. 
pursuit  of  personal  and  family  aims,  he  often  lost  nenian 
sight  of  broader  issues.     It  was  characteristic  of  thTtranst" 
the  later  age  of  the  Byzantine  Empire  that  the  tiontothe 
founder  of  the  new  house  should  have  the  dis-  ^^  East*^  " 
similar  characteristics  of  courage  and  craft,  and   Roman 
that  Alexius'  literary  daughter,  Anna  Comnena,  in      ""p*™- 
eulogising  her  father's  exploits,  regards  his  courage  and  craft 
as  equally  laudable.     With  him  we  enter  that  latest  stage  of 
East  Roman  history  to  which  the  term  'Byzantine'  may  not 
unreasonably  be  applied  as  a  term  of  reproach,  and  which 
perhaps  justifies  the  contempt  with  which  Gibbon  and   the 
older  writers  regarded  all  stages  of  East  Roman  history.    The 
Empire  became  more  '  Greek '  in  the  narrower  sense,  and 
with  its   restricted  limits  became  in  a  sense  stronger   by 
t)eing  more  national  and  less  cosmopolitan.     But  it  lived  a 


1 74  European  History,  918-1273 

smaller,  meaner  life.  Henceforth  it  stood  <mi  the  defensive, 
equally  afraid  of  the  Turk  in  the  east  and  the  Frank  in 
the  west.  Its  territory  gradually  fell  away,  its  civilisation 
became  as  stereotyped  as  that  of  China,  its  Church  more 
superstitious  and  ignorant,  its  people  more  slavish  and  de- 
graded. It  is  no  small  praise  to  Alexius  and  his  successors 
that  they  had  the  skill  to  keep  some  sluggish  life  in  the  inert 
mass,  and,  amidst  the  greatest  difficulties,  offer  a  brave  and 
constant  resistance  for  two  more  centuries  to  the  greatest  foes 
of  civilisation  that  the  world  has  seen  in  modern  days. 

At  home,  the  first  years  of  Alexius'  reign  were  occupied  in 

putting  down  the  nobles  and  restoring  the  centralised  despotism 

Alexius        of  the  Macedonians.     A  whole  series  of  rebellions 

and  the        was  succcssfuUy  suppressed,  and  order  was  restored 

***■  even  to  the  finances,  though  at  the  price  of  an 

unwonted  depreciation  of  the  currency  that  further  imperilled 

the  declining  trade  of  the  Greeks.     Another  trouble  was  found 

in  the  growth  of  the  fantastic  heresies  of  the  Paulicians  and 

Bogomilians,  which  Alexius  stamped  out  with  the  rigour  of  a 

monk.     Meanwhile,  Alexius  fought  hard  against  the  Seljukian 

Turks,  and  for  the  time  prevented  their  further  advance.     But 

the  death  of  Malek  Shah  in  1092,  and  the  struggles  of  his 

children  for  the  succession,  did  more  to  remove  the  terror  of 

Turkish  conquest  than  the  arms  and  diplomacy  of  Alexius. 

Alexius  had  also  to  fight  against  the  Slavs,  and  the  Patzinaks 

of  the  north,  and  to  face  grave  trouble  from  the  west     With 

the  conquest   of  Bari  in    107 1,   Robert  Guiscard  and  his 

Alexius        Normans  had  absorbed  the  last  of  the  Byzantine 

and  Robert  dominions  in  Italy,    Robert  now  resolved  to  cross 

Guiscard.     ^j^^  Straits  of  Otranto  and  win  fresh  booty  and 

dominions  from  a  foe  that,  since  Manzikert  and  Bari,  seemed 

predestined  to  speedy  destruction.     Only  fifteen  years  before, 

William  the  Norman  had  crossed  the  English  Channel  and 

won   a  great  kingdom   from   a   warlike  usurper.      In  1081 

another   Norman   duke  crossed   another  narrow  strait,  and 

sought  to  win  the  crown  and  kingdom  of  another  successful 


The  Eastern  Empire  and  the  Seljukian  Turks     175 

soldier-prince.  Robert  laid  siege  to  Dyrrhachium  [Durazzo], 
the  chief  centre  of  the  Byzantine  power  on  the  Adriatic, 
and  Alexius  hastened  to  its  succour.  The  bad  generalship 
of  the  Greeks  made  easy  the  victory  of  the  invaders.  The 
Varangian  heavy-armed  infantry  of  the  imperial  guard  vigor- 
ously withstood  for  a  time  the  charge  of  the  feudal  cavalry 
from  the  west.  But  as  at  Hastings  the  Norman  archers  broke 
up  the  enemy's  ranks,  so  that  the  best  troops  of  Alexius  were 
defeated  before  the  rest  of  the  Greek  army  could  take  the 
field.  These  latter  were  soon  put  to  flight,  and  Alexius  rode 
off  from  the  scene  of  his  defeat.  Dyrrhachium  surrendered, 
and  the  Normans  crossed  the  mountains  into  Macedonia 
and  Thessaly.  Italian  politics  [see  pages  135-136J  took  Robert 
back  to  Italy,  but  his  son  Bohemund  efficiently  filled  his 
place.  Alexius  now  called  upon  his  cunning  to  remedy  the 
disasters  that  had  arisen  from  his  courage.  By  avoiding 
general  engagements  and  carrying  on  a  destructive  petty 
warfare,  he  managed  to  wear  out  the  Normans.  In  1084  he 
brilliantly  raised  the  siege  of  Larissa,  and  Bohemund  returned 
to  Italy.  In  1085  the  death  of  Robert  Guiscard  reheved 
Alexius  of  any  immediate  fear  of  Norman  aggression. 

The  war  with  the  Normans  had  taught  the  Eastern  Empire 
to  know  and  to  fear  the  warriors  of  the  West.     Within  ten 
years  of  the  end  of  the  struggle  with  the  Guiscards,   ^he  appeal 
Alexius  sent  envoys  to  the  West  imploring  Latin  for  western 
help  against  the  Turks,  and  in  1095  his  ambas-  ^^^'^' 
sadors  appeared  before  Urban  11.      Before  long.   East  and 
West  seemed  likely  to  unite  to  urge  a  holy  war  against  the 
Turks.    With  the  preaching  of  the  First  Crusade  a  new  epoch 
set  in  for  the  Byzantine  Empire. 


1 76  European  History,  918-1273 


GENEALOGY  OF  THE  MACEDONIAN  DYNASTY. 

BASIL  I.,  the  Macedonian. 
(867-886). 


..thePh 


RO.MANUS  Lecapcnus,  >«.  a.  ZoKsi.wf  LEO  VI..  the  Philosopher    ALEXANDER 
(919.9451.  I  (886.91a).  (9i3-9'3)- 

CONSTANTINE  VII..  Porphyiogenitus 
(913.959). 

ROMANUS  II.,  m.  i.  Theophano  a.  m.  NICEPHORUS  Phocaa 
(959-963)-  I  (963-9^^). 


Theophano           BASIL  II.        CONSTANTINE  VIIL  Theodora 
■>».  Otto  II.             (963*1025).                      (963-1028).                   m.  JOHN  Zimisces 
__! (969-976). 

ZO  E  (d.  1050).  T  H  EODO  R  a 

m.  (1)  ROMANUS  III.  (1054-1056). 

(1028-1034). 
(a)  MICHAEL  IV, 

(1034-1041). 
(3)  CO>(STANTINE  IX. 
(1043-1054). 


CHAPTER    VIU 

THE    EARLY    CRUSADES 
AND    THE    LATIN    KINGDOM    OF   JERUSALEM  (1095-1 1 87)  ^ 

Early  Pilgrimages  to  Palestine  —  The  Tiirkish  Conquest  —  Causes  of  the 
Crusades — Urban  11.  and  the  Council  of  Clermont — Leaders  of  the  First 
Crusade — Alexius  and  the  Crusaders — Results  of  the  Crusade — Organi- 
sation of  the  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem  and  its  dependent  States  —  The 
MiUtary  Orders— Kise  of  the  Atabeks — Fall  of  Edessa — The  Second 
Crusade — Decline  of  the  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem — Power  of  Saladin — Fall 
of  Jerusalem. 

The  piety  of  the  Middle  Ages,  ever  wont  to  express  its  spiritual 
emotions  in  concrete  shape,  had  lung  found  in  pilgrimages 
to  holy  places  a  favourite  method  of  kindling  its  ggriy 
religious  zeal  and  atoning  for  past  misdeeds.  Of  Pilgrimages 
all  pilgrimages,  the  most  meritorious  was  that  to  the  *°  Palestine, 
sacred  spots  where  Christ  had  lived  His  earthly  life  and  where 
the  Christian  faith  first  arose.  From  the  days  of  St.  Jerome, 
Jerusalem  was  the  chief  centre  of  holy  travel ;  and  from  the 
days  of  Helena,  the  mother  of  Constantine,  faithful  Christians 
had  sought  to  identify  and  consecrate  the  exact  places  of  the 
Lord's  birth,  suffering,  and  resurrection.     A  great  Christian 

^  The  best  short  book  on  ilie  Crusades  in  English  is  Archer  and 
Kingsford's  The  Crusades  ( '  Story  of  the  Nations ').  Kugler,  Geschichte 
der  KreuzzUge  (Oncken's  Series),  is  a  fuller  but  dry  survey  of  the  whole 
subject.  H.  von  Sybel's  History  and  Literature  of  the  Crusades  (trans- 
lated from  the  German)  is  one  of  the  earliest  of  modern  critical  works.  Mr. 
Archer's  article  in  the  English  Hist.  Review,  iv.  89-105,  determines  some 
points.  Gibbon's  Chapters  LViii.  andLlx.  should  always beread.  Rohricht's 
Geschichte  des  Konigreichs  Jerusalem  is  invaluable  for  the  internal  history. 

PERIOD  II.  M 


1/8  European  History^  9 1 8- 1 27 3 

Basilica,  built  by  Helena's  pious  care,  marked  the  site  of  the 
Holy  Sepulchre,  and  men  believed  that  divine  agency  had  led 
to  the  discovery  of  the  True  Cross  on  which  Jesus  had  suffered. 
As  long  as  the  Roman  Empire  remained  in  its  integrity,  pilgrim- 
ages to  the  Holy  Land  were  safe  and  easy.  Even  the  conquest 
of  Syria  by  the  Caliph  Omar  did  not  make  them  impossible. 
A  noble  mosque — the  mosque  of  Omar — was  built  on  the  site 
of  the  Jewish  Temple,  but  the  custody  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre 
and  the  other  sacred  spots  remained  in  Christian  hands,  and 
the  places  themselves  were  treated  with  respect  and  reverence 
by  the  tolerant  Arabs,  to  whom  Jerusalem  was  a  city  as  vener- 
able as  to  the  Jew  or  Christian.  All  through  the  early  Middle 
Ages  the  swarm  of  pilgrims  continued.  The  risks  of  the 
journey  through  the  lands  of  Islam  increased  the  merit  of 
the  act.  But  with  the  break-up  of  the  great  Caliphate,  the 
holy  places  became  for  the  first  time  dangerous  to  the 
Christian  wayfarer.  In  the  second  third  of  the  tenth  century 
Jerusalem  was  ruled  by  the  fanatical  Ikshidites  (934-969), 
but  in  969  the  Fatimite  Caliphs  of  Cairoan  conquered 
Egypt  and  Syria,  and  for  a  time  pilgrimages  again  became 
easy.  The  Fatimites  were  Shiites,  and  their  dissensions  from 
the  orthodox  Sunnites  made  them  perforce  tolerant  of  other 
creeds.  Only  the  mad  Caliph  El  Hakim  (996-1021),  who 
contemplated  the  destruction  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  stayed 
for  a  time  the  influx  of  the  faithful.  The  religious  revival  that 
flowed  from  Cluny,  and  the  greater  peacefulness  of  western 
Europe,  led  to  a  vast  throng  of  pilgrims  during  the  seventy 
years  that  succeeded  El  Hakim's  death.  The  fierce  Fulk 
the  Black  of  Anjou  thrice  visited  the  holy  places.  Robert, 
Duke  of  Normandy,  abandoned  his  son  William  to  go  on 
pilgrimage  in  1035.  In  1064  Archbishop  Siegfried  of  Mainz 
headed  a  band  of  7000  penitents  to  Jerusalem.  The  conver- 
sion of  the  Hungarians  under  St.  Stephen  again  opened  up 
the  land  route  through  the  Danube  valley  and  the  Greek  Em- 
pire, which  men  preferred  to  the  stormy  sea  swarming  with 
Saracen  pirates. 


The  Early  Crusades  179 

The  growth  of  the  Seljukian  power  again  stopped  the  flow 
of  Christian  pilgrims  to  Jerusalem.     Here  as  elsewhere  the 
Turkish  period  of  conquest  marked  the  beginning  ^he  Turkish 
of  the  worst  of  evils  for  the  once  Christian  lands  Conquest  of 
of  the  East.    Asia  Minor,  the  centre  of  the  East  p*'"*'°^- 
Roman  Empire,  became  a  desolate  waste  ruled  by  Turkish 
plunderers.     In    1076  the  expulsion   of  the  Fatimites  from 
Jerusalem  left  the  custody  of  the  holy  city  to  the  Turks.     The 
legend  of  Peter  the  Hermit  expresses  the  indignation  of  western 
Europe  when  the  few  wanderers  who  got  back  told  terrible 
tales  of  wrongs  suffered  and  blasphemies  witnessed  from  the 
infidel  lords  of  the  Sepulchre  of  Christ.     But  the  causes  of 
stories  of  pilgrims,  though  they  did  much  to  kindle  the  First 
the  indignation  of  Europe  against  Turkish  rule  in 
Palestine,  did  not  of  themselves  account  for  the  movement  to 
redeem    it.     The   preaching   of   Peter    the   Hermit,    fruitful 
though  it  was,  is  not  in  authentic  history  the  cause  of  the  First 
Crusade.     The  Crusades  were  the  work  of  the  Popes  at  the 
instigation  of  the  Eastern  Emperor 

Though,  after  the  death  of  Malek  Shah,  the  Seljukian 
monarchy  split  up  into  many  rival  powers,  the  danger  of 
Turkish  advance  was  still  great.  The  direct  rule  The  East  and 
of  the  Seljuks  was  henceforth  limited  to  Persia,   *}^^  w^est  at 

■'  .  the  end  of 

while  Sultans  of  Seljukian  blood  established  them-  the  eleventh 
selves  lords  of  Kerman,  Syria,  and  Roum.  The  century. 
Seljuks  of  Syria  now  ruled  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  The  descen- 
dants of  Suleiman,  the  conqueror  of  Nicaea,  carved  out  a 
separate  power  in  the  inland  parts  of  Asia  Minor,  called  the 
kingdom  of  Roum  \i.e.  Rome],  whose  capital  Nicsea  was  not 
one  hundred  miles  from  Constantinople,  and  whose  limits 
extended  to  the  waters  of  the  Sea  of  Marmora.  Some  frag- 
ments of  the  Armenian  race  profited  by  this  break-up  to 
re-establish  their  freedom  in  the  mountains  of  the  Taurus. 
But  Kilidj  Arslan,  the  Sultan  of  Roum,  was  almost  as  threaten- 
ing to  Alexius  as  Alp  Arslan  had  been  to  earlier  Emperors. 
Fear  of  the  lords  of  Nicaia,  rather  than  a  zeal  for  the  holy 


1 80  European  History y  918-1273 

places,  led  Alexius  to  apply  for  help  to  the  West,  and  rouse 
the  Westerns  to  defend  the  Greek  Empire,  by  dwelling  on 
the  desolation  of  Jerusalem. 

There  was  no  strong  political  power  in  western  Europe  to 
which  Alexius  could  appeal.  The  Empire  was  drifting  asunder 
under  the  rule  of  Henry  iv.,  and  France  was  hopelessly 
broken  up  into  a  mass  of  feudal  states,  hardly  recognising 
the  authority  of  Philip  i.  The  Roman  Church  alone 
was  sufficiently  vigorous  and  representative  to  help  him. 
Already  Michael  vii.  had  sent  similar  requests  to  Gregory 
VII.,  who  had  caught  eagerly  at  the  prospects  of  a  holy 
war  against  the  Turks,  but  the  expulsion  of  Islam  was 
so  united  in  his  mind  with  the  necessity  of  ending  the 
Greek  and  Armenian  schisms,  that  it  was  not  an  unmixed 
evil  to  the  Eastern  Empire  that  the  Pope  was  too  much 
occupied  at  home  to  embark  seriously  upon  the  undertak- 
ing. /^Yet  it  is  a  fact  of  no  small  significance  that  Gregory, 
who  created  the  mediaeval  Papacy,  was  also  the  first  Western 
to  whom  a  Crusade  seemed  a  practicable  thing.  His  ally, 
Robert  Guiscard,  shared  his  eastern  projects,  but  the  campaign 
at  Durazzo  showed  how  little  the  fierce  Norman  distin- 
guished between  the  schismatic  and  the  infidel. 
r  Alexius'  envoys  appeared  before  Urban  11.  at  the  Council  of 
Piacenza,  and  at  Clermont  a  few  months  later  the  active  French 
Urban  II.  Pope^pFealHied  with  extraordinary  force  and 
and  the        fervour  a  holy  war  against  the  infidel.     The  vast 

Council  of  •        1      1       V>  •  1  1 

Clermont,    crowd   rcceivcd  the  Pope   with  unmeasured  en- 
»*'95-  thusiasm.    '  It  is  the  will  of  God,'  resounded  from 

churchman  and  layman  alike  the  answer  to  Urban's  appeal. 
Thousands  pledged  themselves  to  fight  against  Islam,  and 
Urban  himself  distributed  the  crosses  which  the  armed  pilgrims 
were  to  bear  as  their  special  badge,  and  which  gave  the  holy 
wars  the  name  of  Crusades.)  Preachers,  like  Peter  the  Hermit, 
stirred  up  the  passion  of  the  multitude,  and  before  the 
lords  and  knights  were  ready,  huge  swarms  of  poor  pilgrims 
gathered  together  in  northern  France  and  the   Rhineland, 


The  Early  Crusades  i8i 

under  the  leadership  of  Peter  himself  and  of  a  French  knight 
called  Walter  the  Penniless.  These  disorganised  hordes 
either  perished  on  the  long  land  journey  through  Hungary 
and  Greece,  or  fell  easy  victims  to  the  first  encounter  with  the 
Turks  of  Roum,  but  their  misordered  zeal  showed  how  the 
movement  had  touched  the  heart  of  Europe. 
/The  great  kings  of  the  West  took  no  part  in  the  First 
Crusade.  The  Emperor  and  the  King  of  France  had  incurred 
the  papal  anathema,  the  King  of  England  was  a  ^j^^  leaders 
profligate  blasphemer,  and  the  Kings  of  Spain  had  of  the  First 
enough  crusading  work  at  their  own  gates.  The  C"^^****- 
highest  class  that  was  affected  by  the  Pope's  preaching  was  that 
of  the  fejudaLnugnates  of  the-second  rank,  and  especially  the 
barons  of  France  and  the  adjacent  French-speaking  Lothar- 
ingia  and  Burgundy,  ^hese  were  the  lands  which  had  been 
the  chief  home  of  the  Cluniac  movement,  and  this  was  the 
class  to  which  the  Pope  looked  for  allies  in  his  struggle  against 
the  mighty  kings  of  the  earth.  The  most  dignified  potentate  to 
take  the  cross  was  Raymond  of  Saint-Gilles,  Count  of  Toulouse 
and  Marquis  of  Provence,  the  greatest  of  the  lords  of  southern 
France.  Of  the  north  French  magnates,  Hugh,  Count  of 
Vermandois,  King  Philip's  brother,  was  the  highest  in  rank 
and  position.  After  him  came  Stephen,  Count  of  Blois 
and  Chartres,  the  son-in-law  of  William  the  Conqueror,  and 
the  father  of  an  English  king  and  of  a  line  of  Counts  of 
Champagne  and  Blois.  Robert,  Duke  of  Normandy,  left  the 
care  of  his  dominions  to  his  more  astute  brother,  and  accom- 
panied his  brother-in-law.  His  cousin,  Count  Robert  ii.  of 
Flanders,  the  son  of  an  old  pilgrim  to  Jerusalem,  followed  in 
his  father's  footsteps.  Of  the  princes  of  the  Empire  the 
most  important  was  Godfrey,  Duke  of  Lower  Lorraine,  the 
son  of  the  Count  of  Boulogne,  and  Ida,  sister  of  the  Duke 
Godfrey  of  Lower  Lorraine  who  had  so  zealously  supported 
the  cause  of  Henry  iv.  In  1089  the  Emperor  had  granted 
Godfrey  his  uncle's  duchy,  yet  he  is  better  known  as  Godfrey 
of  Boulogne,  and  still  oftener,  through  a  curious  misnomer,  as 


l82  European  History,  918-1273 

Godfrey  of  Bouillon.  His  brothers  Eustace  and  Baldwin, 
and  his  nephew  Baldwin  the  younger,  followed  him  to  the 
Crusade.  But  the  strongest  of  the  Crusaders  was  Bohemund, 
the  Italian  Norman,  the  old  enemy  of  Alexius  Comnenus, 
who,  after  his  father  Robert  Guiscard's  death,  being  only 
possessed  of  the  little  lordship  of  Otranto,  hoped  to  win  eastern 
lands  for  himself.  Other  Crusaders  besides  Bohemund  had 
an  eye  on  possible  principalities  to  be  conquered  from  the  in- 
fidel. But  with  him  went  his  nephew  Tancred,  a  more  chival- 
rous character.  No  great  number  of  the  higher  clergy  went  on 
the  Crusade.  Conspicuous  among  them  was  the  Pope's  legate, 
Adhemar  of  Monteil,  Bishop  of  Le  Puy  en  Velay. 

The  Crusaders  levied  their  followers  in  their  own  way, 
and  went  at  difTerent  times  and  in  different  directions  to 
Constantinople,  which  Bishop  Adhemar  had  indi- 
Comnenus  catcd  as  their  meeting-place.  As  swarm  after 
and  the  swarm  of  mail-clad  warriors  marched  through  his 
dominions  to  his  capital,  Alexius  Comnenus  be- 
came very  anxious  as  to  their  attitude  to  the  Greek  Empire.  His 
hope  had  been  to  get  an  auxiliary  Western  force  of  knights, 
but  the  vast  throng  of  Prankish  chivalry,  that  had  obeyed 
Pope  Urban,  alarmed  him  excessively,  especially  when  he 
found  his  old  enemy  Bohemund  among  them.  There  was 
real  danger  lest  the  Crusaders  should  turn  their  arms  against 
Constantinople  instead  of  Nicaea  and  Antioch,  and  realise 
by  force  Hildebrand's  ideal  of  a  union  of  the  churches,  before 
the  attack  was  made  on  the  infidel.  Greed  and  religious  zeal 
combined  to  inspire  them  to  turn  against  the  opulent  and 
schismatic  capital.  But  the  craft  and  ingenuity  of  Alexius 
served  him  in  good  stead,  and  in  the  end  he  persuaded  all 
the  leaders  to  take  oaths  of  fealty  to  him,  hoping  thus  to 
retain  the  overlordship  of  any  districts  they  might  conquer 
from  the  Turks.  He  then  gave  them  facilities  for  crossing 
into  Asia. 

The  Crusaders  now  entered  into  infidel  ground.     Nicaea, 
the  capital  of  Kilidj  Arslan,  was  taken  in  June  1097,  and 


The  Early  Crusades  183 

next  month  the  army  of  the  Sultan  was  defeated  at  Dory- 
loeum.  These  successes  secured  Asia  Minor.  After  a  long 
and  painful  march  the  Taurus  was  crossed,  and  _,  j^ 

in  June  1098  Antioch  was  forced  to  surrender,   through 
Even  after  that  the  Christians   were  in  a  sorry  Asia,  and  the 

•'     conquest  of 

plight  from  famine,  and  were  almost  blockaded  in  Jerusalem, 
their  new  conquest  by  the  army  of  Corbogha,  '°97-io99- 
Ameer  of  Mosul.  The  Bishop  of  Le  Puy  died,  and  after  his 
moderating  influence  was  removed,  disputes  broke  out, 
especially  between  the  Normans  and  the  south  French. 
Many  of  the  Crusaders,  chief  among  wliom  was  Stephen  of 
Blois,  went  home  in  despair.  But  the  fancied  discovery  of 
the  Holy  Lance,  with  which  the  Roman  soldier  had  pierced 
the  side  of  Christ,  revived  the  fainting  energies  of  the 
Crusaders,  though  at  first  the  Normans  declared  that  the 
'invention '  was  a  fraud  of  a  chaplain  of  Raymond  of 
Toulouse.  Corbogha  was  defeated  in  a  great  battle,  and  at 
last  the  Christians  entered  the  Holy  Land.  The  divisions  of 
Islam  facilitated  their  progress.  A  month  after  the  capture 
of  Antioch,  the  Fatimites  of  Egypt  had  conquered  Jerusalem, 
which  nevertheless  resisted  vigorously.  Finally,  on  15th  July 
1099,  Jerusalem  was  stormed  and,  amidst  hideous  scenes  ot 
carnage,  the  remnant  of  the  crusading  army  attained  its  goal. 
A  new  victory  at  Ascalon  in  August  secured  southern  Palestine 
feom  Egyptian  assault. 
/  The  whole  fate  of  the  East  seemed  changed  by  the  First 
(^  Crusade.  The  Sultanate  of  Roum  was  hemmed  up  in  the 
central  and  eastern  parts  of  Asia  Minor,  while  Results  of 
Nicaea  and  perhaps  a  third  of  Asia  Minor  went  the  Crusade, 
back  to  the  rule  of  Alexius.  The  little  Armenian  lordships  of 
the  Taurus  grew  into  a  new  Armenian  kingdom  in  Cilicia, 
strong  enough  to  keep  Turks  and  Saracens  at  bay.  The  Chris- 
tians predominated  in  Syria,  whence  they  soon  threatened  both 
the  Fatimites  of  Egypt  and  the  Seljukian  dynasty  in  Persia. 
The  Latin  lordship  of  Edessa  crossed  the  Euphrates,  and 
formed  in  the  upper  valley  of  that  river  a  permanent  check 


184  European  History,  918-1273 

to  the  lords  of  Mosul.  Despite  national  jealousies,  and  the 
still  deeper  ill-will  of  Catholic  and  Orthodox,  Christianity 
had  acted  with  wonderful  unity  of  purpose,  while  Islam  could 
not  forget  its  petty  feuds  even  in  the  face  of  the  enemy. 
The  ejfptotfs^f  Leo  the  Isaurian  and  Nicephorus  Phocas 
were  more  than  outdone  by  Alexius  and  his  Western  allies. 
Never  since  the  days  of  Heraclius  had  the  old  limits  or 
Rome's  power  in  the  East  been  so  nearly  maintained. 

It  remained  to  provide  for  the  government  of  the  conquered 
provinces.     All  Syria  was  portioned  among  the  victorious 

Latins.  Godfrey  of  Boulogne  accepted  the 
difficulties  of  government  of  Jerusalem ;  but  he  refused  to  wear 
the  Prankish   a  crown  of  gold  in  the  city  where  Christ  had 

worn  a  crown  of  thorns,  and  contented  himself 
with  the  modest  title  of  Baron  and  Advocate  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre.  Bohemund,  the  Norman,  ruled  northern  Syria 
as  Prince  of  Antioch,  and  Baldwin,  brother  of  Godfrey, 
became  Count  of  Edessa.  But  these  chieftains  had  at  first 
so  few  followers  that  they  held  little  more  than  the  cities 
and  castles  that  they  garrisoned.  Up  to  Godfrey's  death 
in  1 100,  the  hold  of  the  Christians  on  southern  Syria  was 
very  slight.  Jaffa  was  their  only  port,  and  the  road  from 
Jaffa  to  Jerusalem  was  beset  with  Saracen  brigands,  and 
marked  by  ruined  villages  and  unburied  bodies.  At 
Antioch,  Bohemund  was  in  even  worse  straits.  In  11 00 
he  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  Turks,  who  next  year  besieged 
Antioch,  where  Tancred  with  difficulty  defended  the  Christian 
cause.  Meanwhile  a  new  crusade,  mostly  from  Aquitaine, 
Germany,  and  Italy,  had  been  almost  annihilated  in  Asia 
Minor  by  long  marches,  thirst,  hunger,  and  the  arms  of  the 
Turks.  With  the  remnants,  Raymond  of  Toulouse  con- 
quered Tripoli,  and  established  himself  in  middle  Syria. 
Meanwhile  Bohemund  was  released,  on  an  Armenian  prince 
paying  his  ransom.  He  then  joined  with  Baldwin  of  Edessa  on 
a  distant  expedition  against  Harran,  but  was  badly  beaten  and 
forced  in  despair  to  reiurn  to  Europe,  where  he  again  attacked 


The  Early  Crusades  185 

his  old  enemy  the  Greek  Emperor.  Failing  at  a  new  siege  of 
Durazzo,  Bohemund  was  forced  to  become  the  vassal  of  the 
Eastern  Basileus  for  Antioch.  Baldwin  of  Edessa,  a  prisoner 
since  the  battle  of  Harran,  made  terms  with  the  Ameer  of 
Mosul,  and  joined  with  him  in  waging  war  against  the 
Normans  of  Antioch',  Yet,  if  the  Crusaders  were  divided, 
the  infidels  were  equally  at  cross  -  purposes.  A  constant 
stream  of  fresh  pilgrims  reinforced  the  scanty  armies  of  the 
Latins,  and  their  military  superiority,  both  in  pitched  battles 
and  in  building  and  defending  castles,  stood  them  in  good 
stead.  Financial  help  came  from  the  keen-witted  Italian 
traders  of  Pisa,  Genoa,  and  Venice,  who  found  in  the  Latin 
conquests  new  outlets  for  their  commerce,  and  who  were  now 
winning  the  trade  of  the  Levant  from  the  Greeks.  Baldwin 
of  Edessa,  called  after  Godfrey's  death  to  succeed  him  at 
Jerusalem,  did  not  share  his  scruple  against  bearing  the  title  of 
king,  and  showed  such  skill,  both  as  warrior  and  statesman,  that 
he  became  in  a  very  real  sense  the  founder  of  the  kingdom  of 
Jerusalem.  Bit  by  bit  the  Saracens  were  expelled  from  the 
open  country,  and  within  the  generation  succeeding  the  First 
Crusade,  an  ordered  political  system  was  set  up  among  the 
Latin  principalities  of  Syria. 

Under  Baldwin  i.  (1100-1118)  the  crusading  state  attained 
its  limits  and  its  organisation.  His  nephew  and  successor, 
Baldwin  11.  (1118-1130),  called  like  his  uncle  from  Edessa  to 
Jerusalem,  was  also  a  man  of  courage  and  character.  Dying 
without  sons,  his  daughter  Millicent's  husband,  Fulk,  Count  of 
Anjou  (1130-1143),  became  the  next  king.  Under  him  the 
Latin  state  reached  its  zenith,  and  gave  him  no  reason  to 
repent  his  preference  for  his  Eastern  kingdom  rather  than  his 
Western  county.  After  him,  his  son  by  his  first  wife,  Geoffrey 
(the  father  of  our  Henry  11.),  became  Count  of  Anjou,  while, 
unluckily  for  Jerusalem,  his  two  sons  by  Millicent,  Baldwin 
and  Amalric,  were  mere  children.  With  them  the  decline 
begins. 

The   crusading   lords,  accustomed   only   to   the  forms   of 


1 86  European  History,  918-1273 

government  that  prevailed  at  home,  reproduced  in  the  Latin 
states  of  Syria  the  strict  feudalism  of  western  Europe.  Feudal- 
ism required  a  nominal  head,  and  the  King  of  Jerusalem 
-.       .     .      stood    to    the    Latin    princes    as   the   King   of 

Organisation  ^  ° 

of  the  early  Capetian  France  stood  to  his  vassals,  having 

kingdom  of     outside  his  own  dominions  nothins;  more  than  a 

Jerusalem  ° 

and  its  vague   Supremacy   over   three    great    feudatories 

dependent  ruling  over  Substantially  independent  states.  The 
Prince  of  Antioch  and  the  Counts  of  Tripoli  and 
Edessa  thought  they  had  made  a  great  concession  in 
acknowledging  his  superiority  at  all,  and  were  constantly  at 
war  with  each  other  and  with  their  suzerain.  But  each  of 
the  four  Frankish  princes  had,  like  their  Western  counter- 
parts, by  no  means  unrestricted  authority,  even  within  their 
own  peculiar  territories.  All  four  states  were  divided  into 
fiefs,  whose  holders  exercised  the  regalian  rights  that  seemed 
proper  to  a  baron.  Within  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  proper 
there  were  twelve  such  lordships,  four  of  which  were  the 
'great  baronies'  of  Jaffa-Ascalon,  Kerak-Montreal,  Galilee, 
and  Sidon.  These  in  turn  had  their  feudatories,  and  the 
powerful  lordship  of  Ibelin,  though  but  a  mesne  tenancy, 
overshadowed  the  double  county  of  Jaffa  and  Ascalon. 
Beyond  the  royal  domain,  which  centred  round  the  capital 
and  the  towns  of  Tyre  and  Acre,  the  Kings  of  Jerusalem  had 
little  real  authority.  For  the  administration  of  their  realm 
a  customary  code  grew  up,  which,  in  days  when  the  Latin 
lordships  had  waned  almost  to  nothing,  was  embodied  in 
the  Assizes  of  Jerusalem,  more  valuable  as  an  ideal  picture  of 
a  perfect  feudal  state  than  as  a  description  of  what  really 
prevailed  at  any  one  time  in  Syria.  Being  an  artificial  creation, 
the  Latin  state  was  more  fully  feudal  than  the  kingdoms  of 
the  West,  where  the  system  had  grown  up  naturally,  and 
where  there  were  still  survivals  of  older  forms  of  polity. 
Each  lord  held  by  the  tenure  of  constant  military  service, 
and  every  effort  was  made  to  prevent  the  accumulation  of 
fiefs  in  the  same  hands  lest  it  should  diminish  the  military 


I  oAleppo 

GH 
_..J  DOMINION 

)amia  q   ^ 

A  T  A   B   E   K   S 

ns  Eerrandus  - 

des  Chevaliers 
'£m.esa 


THE  CRUSADIIIG  STATES 

in  SYRIA 

DURING   THE 

TWELFTH  CENTURY 

'Die  i/rcatest  extent  of  the  varimis  Latin 

flutes  we  fluided  time  : — 
Kingdom  of  Jerusalem.. ,,_J^^ 

Coiinli/  of  Tripoli .EHg 

I'rinclpalilu  of  Antioth BM  . 

f'oiintij  of  Edeaea ESS 

The  chief  tonms  of  the  i  yrcatiinronies 

of  the  Kingdom  underlined  ns  Keiak 
The  chief  towns  in  the  roi/al  domain 
underdotted  as  Jerusalem 


1 88  European  History,  918-1273 

forces  of  the  kingdom.  There  were  the  usual  feudal  officers 
of  state,  seneschal,  constable,  marshal,  chamberlain,  chan- 
cellor, and  the  rest.  There  were  the  great  feudal  Council 
of  the  Realm,  and  local  courts  presided  over  by  hereditary 
viscounts.  But  the  Franks  were  ever  a  small  minority  of 
warriors,  rulers,  priests,  and,  in  the  towns,  traders.  The 
priests  and  barons  were  practically  all  French  or  French- 
speaking,  and  the  tongue  of  northern  France  became  the 
ordinary  language  of  the  Latin  East,  while  '  Frank '  became 
the  commonest  name  by  which  Greeks  and  Arabs,  Turks  and 
Armenians,  alike  designated  the  Western  settlers.  It  was  a 
proof  of  the  commercial  importance  of  the  land  that  customs 
duties  became  from  the  beginning  a  chief  source  of  revenue. 
The  only  non-French  element  was  the  Italian  commercial 
colony,  which  lived  in  separate  quarters  in  the  towns  under 
governors  and  laws  of  its  own.  Venetians  settled  largely 
in  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalera,  where  the  Marseilles  mer- 
chants had  exceptionally  an  enclosed  factory  of  their  own 
in  the  capital.  Genoese  mainly  occupied  the  fiefs  of 
Antioch  and  Tripoli.  Pisa  was  already  rather  crowded  out 
by  her  younger  rivals.  Through  Italian  hands  the  commerce 
between  West  and  East  almost  exclusively  passed.  In  the 
country,  Syrian  peasants,  mainly  of  the  Orthodox  faith,  tilled 
the  lands  of  their  Latin  and  Catholic  masters,  and  like  the 
Mohammedans  and  Jews,  paid  taxes  from  which  the  Franks 
were  exempt.  The  paucity  of  numbers  of  the  Franks  led  to 
extreme  care  being  devoted  to  building  castles  and  fortifying 
towns.  The  feudal  stronghold  became  bigger,  harder  to  take, 
and  more  elaborate  than  ever  it  had  been  in  the  West,  and  to 
this  day  there  remain  ruins  of  eastern  castles  that  rival  in  dignity 
and  strength  Coucy,  Carnarvon,  or  Caerphilly.  Even  in  the 
desert  beyond  Jordan,  the  remnants  of  a  vast  fortress  like 
Kerak  shows  how  real  and  solid  was  the  crusading  state.  Side 
by  side  with  the  Latin  state  went  the  Latin  Church.  Catholic 
bishops  and  priests  were  brought  in  everywhere,  and  the 
various   sects   of    Oriental    Christians — Greeks,    Armenians, 


The  Latin  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem  189 

Nestorians,  and  the  rest — shared  in  a  common  condemnation 
as  schismatics,  though  at  first  common  interests  and  com- 
mon enemies  kept  the  churches  better  together  than  might 
have  been  expected.  Churches  and  monasteries  grew  up 
beside  the  new  castles.  The  Holy  Sepulchre  was  soon 
enclosed  in  a  newer  and  grander  sanctuary.  The  mediaeval 
ideal — half  martial,  half  ascetic — never  had  so  fair  a  chance  of 
development  as  in  this  land  of  Christians,  forced  to  fight  for 
their  lives  against  Islam.  It  found  its  most  characteristic 
expression  in  the  martial  monasticism  of  the  military  orders. 
For  the  present  all  looked  well.  Besides  the  constant  crowd 
of  pilgrims,  there  was  a  permanent  population  growing  attached 
to  its  new  home,  which  with  strange  quickness  of  sympathy, 
was  adopting  the  conditions  of  Eastern  life,  and  not  seldom 
intermarrying  with  Syrians,  Armenians,  and  Greeks.  'God 
has  poured  the  West  into  the  East,'  boasted  the  chronicler 
Fulcher  of  Chartres.  *We  who  were  Westerns  are  now 
Easterns.     We  have  forgotten  our  native  land.' 

When  the  Latin  kingdom  was  still  young,  a  knight  from 
Burgundy,  named  Hugh  de  Payens,  made  the  journey  to 
Jerusalem.  Seeing  that  poor  pilgrims  were  still  The  Military 
exposed  to  great  hardships  and  dangers,  he  formed  orders. 
a  society,  with  eight  knights  like-minded  with  himself,  devoted 
to  the  protection  of  distressed  wayfarers.  The  grant  of  a  house 
near    Solomon's   Temple   led    to   the   brethren  „.    „ 

1      •  11     1      1       T^    •    1  /•     1       rr^  ,  1  ~"*  Templars. 

being  called  the  Knights  of  the  Temple,  and  so 
successful  did  the  new  movement  become  that  St.  Bernard, 
then  omnipotent  in  the  Latin  world,  interested  himself  in  it, 
and  drew  up  a  rule  for  it,  which,  in  11 28,  was  authorised  by 
Honorius  ii.  It  was  a  new  departure  in  the  history  both 
of  war  and  of  religion.  The  knights  took  the  threefold 
monastic  vow  of  poverty,  chastity,  and  obedience;  and  in 
time  of  peace  ruled  their  life  after  the  fashion  of  the  canons 
regular,  that  were  becoming  so  popular  in  the  West  [see 
pp.  204-207],  Their  main  business  of  protecting  pilgrims  soon 
grew  into  a  general  duty  of  war  against  the  infidel.     Ascetic, 


190  European  History,  918-1273 

austere,  living  the  lives  of  monks,  taught  to  regard  hunting, 
games,  and  personal  adornment  as  frivolous  and  worldly,  they 
were,  as  their  panegyrist  says,  'lions  in  war,  lambs  in  the  house.' 
To  Christians  they  were  monks,  to  Islam  they  were  soldiers. 
'They  bear  before  them  a  banner,  half-white,  half-black:  this 
they  call  Beaus^ant,  because  they  are  fair  and  friendly  to  the 
friends  of  Christ,  to  His  enemies  stern  and  black.' 

The  needs  of  poor  pilgrims  had  led  the  citizens  of  Amalfi 
to  set  up  a  hospital  at  Jerusalem  for  their  refreshment,  in  the 
The  Knights  d'^ys  when  Palestine  was  still  ruled  by  the  Fatimite 
of  St,  John.  Caliphs.  This  institution,  dedicated  to  St.  John 
the  Baptist,  was  revived  and  reorganised  by  its  master  Gerard 
after  the  I_^tin  conquest.  Gerard's  successor,  Raymond  of  Le 
Puy,  struck  by  the  success  of  the  Templars,  obtained  about 
1 130  the  Pope's  permission  to  convert  this  charitable  founda- 
tion into  a  military  brotherhood  like  that  of  Hugh  de  Payens. 
Before  long  the  Hospitallers,  or  Knights  of  SL  John,  vied  with 
the  Templars  in  their  numbers,  wealth,  and  importance.  At 
later  times  other  military  orders  were  founded,  such  as  the 
Teutonic  Order  [founded  in  1197],  the  struggling  little 
English  community  of  the  Knights  of  St.  Thomas  of  Acre 
[1231],  and  the  three  famous  military  orders  of  Spain.  But 
in  the  Holy  Land  no  other  order  ever  took  the  position 
that  was  soon  attained  by  the  Templars  and  the  Knights  of 
St.  John.  Enormous  estates  gradually  accrued  to  them  in 
every  country  in  Europe,  and  their  houses  in  the  West  became 
recruiting  stations,  whence  a  regular  supply  of  knights  and 
servitors,  vowed  to  a  perpetual  crusade,  kept  alive  the  forces 
of  the  Latin  kingdom.  A  papal  grant  of  1162  exempted  the 
Templars  from  all  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  save  that  of  the 
Grand  Master  and  the  Pope.  Like  Cluny  or  Citeaux,  each 
order  formed  an  organised  unity,  ruled  in  the  last  instance 
by  General  Chapters,  whose  power  controlled  even  that  of  the 
Master  of  each  order.  In  the  East  each  order  formed  a  new 
little  state,  with  castles,  soldiers,  revenues,  and  government 
of  its  own.     Often  in  conflict  with  the  kings  and  each  other, 


The  Latin  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem  191 

the  two  chief  orders  nevertheless  formed  the  most  permanent 
and  indestructible  element  in  the  Latin  kingdom.  It  was  due 
to  their  well-drilled  enthusiasm  that  the  Latin  East  could  still 
hold  its  own  against  the  Saracen  and  Turk. 

The  organisation  of  the  Latin  East  was  hardly  completed 
when  the  period  of  decline  set  in.  Much  of  the  success  of 
the  First  Crusade  had  been  due  to  the  antagonism  Rise  of  the 
of  Turk  and  Arab,  and  the  break-up  of  the  Atabeks. 
Seljukian  kingdom.  In  the  generation  following,  a  new 
danger  arose  in  the  growth  of  a  consolidated  Mohammedan 
state  in  Syria.  Imad-ed-din  Zangi  was  a  Turk  whose  father 
had  been  a  trusted  follower  of  Malek  Shah,  and  who,  after  a 
stormy  youth,  had  been,  in  1127,  made  governor,  or  Atabek, 
of  Mosul.  In  the  course  of  the  next  fifteen  years  Zangi 
destroyed  all  the  rival  Mohammedan  powers  in  northern  Syria 
and  Mesopotamia,  and  then  turned  his  arms  against  Edessa, 
the  remote  crusading  county  that  encroached  upon  his 
territories  and  threatened  his  capital.  Jocelin  of  Courtenay, 
who  ruled  Edessa  after  Baldwin  became  King  of  Jerusalem, 
opposed  him  by  a  vigorous  resistance,  but  Jocehn's  son, 
Jocelin  11.,  was  a  cowardly  voluptuary,  who  left  Edessa  almost 
undefended.  In  1 144  Zangi  conquered  Edessa,  Fail  of 
and  put  the  Frankish  garrison  to  the  sword.  The  Odessa,  1144. 
whole  county  was  speedily  overrun,  and  the  Latin  East  ex- 
perienced its  first  great  disaster. 

[  The  fall  of  Edessa  filled  Europe  with  alarm,  and  St.  Bernard, 
raen  in  the  plenitude  of  his  influence,  preached  a  new  crusade 
with  extraordinary  fervour,  and  won  over  the  two 

c  ^         ■  •        /-ii     •   .        J  T        •  St.  Bernard 

foremost  princes   m   Christendom.      Louis    vii.,   and  the 
King  of  France,  had  already  taken  the  Crusader's    Second 
vow  to  expiate  an  early  crime  of  violence  [see 
page  284],  but  liis  barons,  and  his  minister  Suger,  urgently 
dissuaded  him.  i  At  Easter,  1146,  St.  Bernard  appeared  before 
a  great  gathering  at  V^zelai,  and  amidst  scenes  that  recalled 
the  first  enthusiasm  at  Clermont,  all  ranks  took  the  cross  from 
the  hands  of  the  great  Cistercian.    After  preaching  the  crusade 


192  European  History,  918-1273 

over  northern  France,  Bernard  went  to  Germany,  and  at 
Christmas,  in  the  cathedral  at  Speyer,  overcame  by  his 
eloquence  the  hesitation  of  Conrad  111. 

Two  large  armies  were  now  equipped.  Conrad  and  his 
Germans  were  first  on  the  march,  and  travelling  by  way  of 
Crusade  of  Hungary  and  Bulgaria,  were  well  received  by  ihe 
Conrad  III.  Greek  Emperor,  Manuel  Comnenus,  whose  wife, 
Bertha  of  Sulzbach,  was  Conrad's  sister-in-law.  Unwilling  to 
wait  for  the  arrival  of  the  French,  Conrad  started  at  once 
to  march  by  way  of  Nicaea  and  Iconium  to  Syria,  a  route 
that  led  him  through  the  heart  of  the  kingdom  of  Roum, 
where  the  light-armed  Turkish  horsemen  perpetually  assailed 
his  ill-disciplined  and  unwieldy  squadrons,  who  were  over- 
whelmed by  the  same  fate  that  befel  the  Crusaders  of  1101 
[September  1147].  A  mere  remnant  escaped  with  Conrad  to 
Crusade  of  Nicsea,  where  the  French,  under  Louis  vii.,  had 
Louis  VII.  at  last  assembled.  To  avoid  the  dangers  of  the 
upland  plateau,  the  French  proceeded  southward  along  the 
coast  of  Asia  Minor  as  far  as  Ephesus,  whence  they  ascended 
the  valley  of  the  Maeander  into  the  interior,  in  order  to  avoid 
the  rugged  shores  of  Caria  and  Lycia.  They  were  at  once  ex- 
posed to  constant  Turkish  attacks.  Conrad,  who  started 
with  them  on  a  second  attempt,  soon  lost  heart,  and  returned  to 
Constantinople.  When  the  wearied  army  at  last  reached  the 
little  port  of  Attalia  in  Pamphylia  [February  1 148],  the  leaders 
resolved  to  borrow  ships  from  the  Greeks,  and  effect  the  rest 
of  their  journey  by  sea.  But  so  small  a  number  of  ships  was 
forthcoming,  that  only  the  knights  were  enabled  to  embark. 
The  rest  of  the  army  was  forced  to  resume  its  dangerous  land 
march,  and  few  indeed  ever  reached  their  destination. 

In  March  1148  Louis  vii.  and  his  wife,  Eleanor  of 
Aquitaine,  landed  at  Antioch  with  the  little  band  of  knights, 
that  now  alone  represented  the  two  greatest  military  powers  of 
Christendom.  He  hurried  at  once  to  the  south,  where  he 
was  joined  by  Conrad  iii.,  who  had  now  reached  Acre  by  sea. 
It  was  unwisely  resolved  to  march  against  Damascus,  though 


The  Latin  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem  193 

its  ruler  was  the  chief  enemy  of  Noureddin,  Zangi's  son  and 
successor,  and  would  have  willingly  stood  aside  had  the  attack 
been  concentrated  on  the  conquerors  of  Edessa.  As  it  was, 
Mosul  and  Damascus  made  common  cause,  and  the  attack 
on  the  latter  city  proved  an  utter  failure.  Conrad- at  once 
went  home,  and  Louis  followed  him  a  year  later.  ^The  result 
of  the  Second  Crusade  was  to  promote  the  unity  of  Islam, 
and  to  divert  the  enemy  from  the  qorth  to  Jerusalem,  where 
the  Christian  position  was  weakest.  ) 

The  thirty  years  succeeding  the  Second  Crusade  were  a 
period  of  fair  but  somewhat  stationary  prosperity  for  the  Latin 
East  The  long  minority  of  Baldwin  iii.  (1143-1163)  was  a 
great  calamity  in  itself,  but  his  mother,  Millicent,  was  a 
capable  regent,  and  Baldwin,  when  he  grew  up,  proved  a 
vigorous  warrior  both  against  the  Egyptians  and  Noureddin, 
while  his  affability,  generosity,  and  bright  ready  wit  made  him 
the  most  popular  of  all  his  line.  By  his  marriage  with  Theo- 
dora, daughter  of  the  Emperor  Manuel,  Baldwin  iii.  did  some- 
thing to  promote  active  co-operation  between  the  Greeks  and 
the  Latins  against  Islam,  and  his  death  in  1 163  was  ^j^^  Kingdom 
a  great  loss  to  the  Latin  kingdom,  Amalric  1.,  of  Jerusalem 
his  brother  (1163-1174),  also  married  a  Byzantine  second'and 
wife,  and  even  visited  Constantinople.  But  with  the  Third 
all  his  policy  he  failed  to  unite  effectively  the  ^™"*"^*»- 
Christian  forces,  or  to  check  seriously  the  growth  of  the 
power  of  Noureddin,  and  with  his  death  the  decline  of  the 
kingdom  rapidly  set  in.  His  son  and  successor,  Baldwin  iv. 
(1174-1185),  began  to  reign  as  a  boy  of  twelve,  and  as  he 
grew  up  proved  a  hopeless  leper.  On  his  death  another  child, 
Baldwin  v.  (1185-1186),  his  sister  Sibyl's  son  by  her  first 
husband,  succeeded,  but  he  died  the  next  year.  The  crown 
was  now  disputed  between  Guy  of  Lusignan,  Sibyl's  second 
husband,  and  Raymond,  Count  of  Tripoli,  who  had  acted  as 
regent  for  the  leper  king.  In  the  short  but  sharp  civil  war 
that  followed,  the  last  hopes  of  the  kingdom  perished. 

A  state  ruled  in  turn  by  a  leper,  a  child,  and  an  intriguing 

PERIOD    II.  N 


194  European  History,  918-1273 

woman  was  in  no  fit  state  to  carry  on  a  perpetual  struggle 
for  existence,  and  the  disorders  of  the  royal  house  were  only 
typical  of  the  disorganisation  of  the  realm.  There  was 
always  a  corrupt  element  among  the  Crusaders.  A  momen- 
tary religious  enthusiasm  could  not  change  the  nature  of  the 
criminals  and  desperadoes,  who  had  sought  a  refuge  in  the 
East  from  the  errors  they  had  committed  in  the  West.  But 
even  the  descendants  of  the  warrior  saints  lamentably  degen- 
erated under  the  fierce  sun  of  Syria,  and  the  luxury  and  moral 
corruption  of  Oriental  life.  The  best  and  bravest  perished  in 
the  ceaseless  wars  against  the  infidel,  and  the  crusading  lord- 
ships were  constantly  diminishing  in  numbers,  and  too  often 
a  single  heiress,  an  imbecile  or  a  minor,  represented  a  great 
aggregation  of  fiefs,  formerly  owned  by  many  warriors  able  to 
make  head  personally  against  the  Turks.  Things  were 
almost  worse  with  the  Franks  in  the  towns,  whose  frequent 
intermarriage  with  native  women  led  to  a  mixed  race  called 
'  PuUani,'  with  Eastern  habits  and  ways  of  thought.  Under 
these  circumstances  the  military  orders  became  indispensable. 
Their  castles  were  always  commanded  by  grown  men  accus- 
tomed to  affairs,  and  from  their  numerous  conimanderies 
throughout  Christendom  came  a  succession  of  warriors,  whose 
strength  had  not  been  sapped  by  an  almost  tropical  climate. 

The  physical  and  moral  decline  of  the  Latins  was  made 
more  fatal  by  their  divisions.  The  princes  of  Antioch  and 
their  Armenian  neighbours  stood  apart  from  the  states  of 
southern  Syria,  and  the  Greek  Empire  was  increasingly 
hostile.  While  Roger  of  Sicily  repeated  the  policy  of  Robert 
Guiscard  and  Boliemund,  and  the  Italian  allies  of  the 
Crusaders  robbed  the  Empire  of  its  trade,  real  co-operation 
against  Islam  was  impossible.  Within  the  crusading  realm 
there  was  constant  strife.  The  Templars  quarrelled  with  the 
Hospitallers,  the  French  with  the  Provencals,  English,  and 
Germans,  and  the  Genoese  with  the  Pisans  and  Venetians. 
The  new-comers  from  the  West  quarrelled  with  the  older 
settlers.     Among  the  baronial  houses  hereditary  feuds  arose, 


The  Latin  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem  195 

as  in  every  feudal  country.  The  purely  feudal  organisation 
of  the  kingdom  made  a  strong  central  power  impossible,  and 
nothing  but  a  vigorous  despotism,  like  that  of  Henry  11.  in 
England,  could  have  long  kept  the  motley  state  together.  As 
time  went  on,  the  Telations  between  the  Franks  and  their 
Eastern  subjects  grew  worse,  and  neither  the  unwarlike 
Armenian  nor  the  slavish  Syrian  was  of  any  avail  to  supple- 
ment their  armies.  It  speaks  well  for  the  energy  of  such  parts 
of  the  polity  as  remained  sound,  that  a  century  was  still  to 
elapse  before  the  crusading  kingdoms  entirely  disappeared. 

The  growth  of  a  great  Moslem  monarchy  in  Syria  was  the 
last  and  worst  of  the  many  misfortunes  of  the  Latin  Christians. 
After  Zangi's  death  in  1146,  Noureddin  had  carried  the  power 
of  the  Atabeks  to  much  loftier  heights.  He  _^  . 
captured  Damascus,  and  pushed  his  dominions  to  the  power 
the  sea-coast,  thus  isolating  Antioch  from  Tripoli  °^  saudin. 
and  Jerusalem.  In  1171  his  nephew,  Saladin,  conquered 
Egypt,  and  practically  put  an  end  to  the  schismatic  Caliphate 
of  the  Fatimites.  Noureddin  died  in  11 74,  recognised  even 
by  the  Christians  as  a  'just  man,  wise  and  religious,  so  far  as 
the  traditions  of  his  race  allowed.'  His  sons  were  quite 
unable  to  hold  their  own  against  their  cousin.  In  a  few 
years  the  lord  of  Cairo  and  Alexandria  soon  became  also 
the  lord  of  Aleppo  and  Damascus.  The  Latins  were  enclosed 
by  a  single  united  Moslem  state,  ruled  by  a  generous  soldier 
and  a  crafty  statesman. 

After  Guy's  coronation,  most  of  the  Frankish  barons  ac- 
cepted him  as  king,  though  Raymond  of  Tripoli,  indignant  at 
his  usurpation,  intrigued  with  Saladin.     Next  year  the  pillage 
of  a  Mussulman  convoy  by  the  lord  of  Kerak  gave  Saladin  a 
pretext  for  proclaiming  a  holy  war   against  the  ^he  Battle 
Christians,  and  invading  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem,   of  Hattin 
On  4th  July  1 187  a  great  battle  was  fought  at  ""^^^^^ 
Hattin,  in  which  Saladin  won  a  complete  victory,  Jerusalem, 
King  Guy  was  taken  prisoner,  and  the  True  Cross   "^' 
fell  into  the  infidels'  hands.      On   and  October    Jerusalem 


196 


European  History,  918-1273 


fell,  and  Tyre,  Tripoli,  and  Antioch  alone  succeeded  in 
driving  Saladin  from  their  walls.  Thus  the  great  kingdom  of 
the  Franks  of  Syria  was  reduced  to  a  few  towns  near  the  sea- 
coast,  and  a  few  sorely  beleaguered  castles.     '  The  Latins  of 


the  East,'  said  William  of  Tyre,  *  had  forsaken  God,  and  God 
now  forsook  them.'  Unless  Europe  made  another  such 
effort  as  Urban  11,  had  made,  the  crusading  state  would  soon 
disappear  altogether. 


The  Latin  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem 


197 


GENEALOGY  OF  THE  EARLY  KINGS  OF  JERUSALEM. 


Godfrey  the  Bearded, 

Duke  of  Lower  Lorraine,  d.  io6g, 

m.  T.  Doda ;  2.  Beatrice,  mother  of  Countess  Matilda 


Godfrey  the  Hunchback, 

Duke  of  Lower  Lorraine, 

d.  1076 


Godfrey  of  Boulogne, 

Duke  of  Lower  Lorraine,  and 

Baron  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre, 

d.  iioo 


I 
Ida, 
m.  Eustace  11., 
Count  of  Boulogne 
I 


Eustace  III. 
of  Boulogne 


Baldwin  i., 

Count  of  Edessa  and 

King  of  Jerusalem 

(1100-1118) 


Baldwin  iv. 
Ui74-"85) 


B 

Baldwin  ii.. 

Cousin  of  Baldwin  i. 

(1118-1130) 

Millicent, 
m.  FuLK  OF  Anjou 

(II30-II43) 


Baldwin  hi. 
(1143-1163) 


Amalric  I. 
(1163-1174) 


Sibyl, 

tn.  I.  William  of  Montferrat 

3.  Guy  of  Lusignan 

(1186-1192) 


(=») 


Baldwin  v. 
(1185-1186) 


Isabella, 

tn.  2.  CoNKAD  OF  Montferrat 

(1192) 

3.  Henry  of  Champagne 

(1192-1197) 

4.  Amalric  ii.  of  Cyprus 

(1197-120S) 


(4) 


Mary, 

m.  John  of  Bribnnb 

(1210-1222) 

lolande, 
tn.  Emperor  Frederick  u. 

(rf.   I 8 so) 


Amalric  hi. 
(d.  1206) 


CHAPTER    IX 

THE  MONASTIC  MOVEMENT 
AND  THE  TWELFTH  CENTURY  RENASCENCK  * 

Aspects  of  the  Hildebrandine  Movement — The  new  Religious  Orders — Bruno 
and  the  Carthusians — The  Beginnings  of  the  Cistercians  and  Robert  of 
Molfime— The  Charter  of  Charity — The  Canons  Regular — Norbert  and 
Pr^montr6 — The  Military  Orders — Influence  of  St.  Bernard— The  Specu- 
lative Revival — Beginnings  of  Scholasticism — Abelard  and  his  influence — 
Abelard  and  Bernard — Popular  Heresies — Peter  de  Bruys — The  Poor 
Men  of  Lyons — The  Albigenses — The  Legal  Revival — Imerius  and  the 
Civil  Law — Gratian  and  the  Canon  Law. 

With  all  their  importance,  the  Crusades  were  only  one  aspect 
of  the  great  religious  and  intellectual  movement  that  heralded 
the  twelfth  century  throughout  the  length  and 
aspects  of  the  breadth  of  Western  Europe,  and  was  as  directly 
Hildebrandine  ^  rcsult  of  the  triumph  of  the  Hildebrandine 

movement.  ,  ^ 

ideal  as  the  new  theories  themselves  were  an 
emanation  from  the  Cluniac  revival.  Beginning  with  the 
strenuous  careers  of  Gregory  vii.  and  Urban  il,  this  new  spirit 

^  Besides  the  dry  pages  of  Moller  and  Gieseler,  reference  can  be  made 
to  Montalembert's  picturesque  Monks  of  the  West,  and  Maitland's  Dark 
Ages,  while  J.  H.  Newman's  Lives  of  English  Saints  tells  the  story  of 
some  of  the  monastic  heroes  with  rare  sympathy  and  power.  An  idea  of 
the  monastic  life  can  be  got  from  good  biographies,  such  as  Church's  Life 
of  St.  Anselm,  or  Morison's  Life  of  St.  Bernard.  Poole's  Illustrations  of 
the  History  of  Mediaval  Thought,  and  Rashdall's  Universities  of  the 
Middle  Ages  (chap.  ii.  'Abelard  and  the  Renaissance  of  the  Twelfth 
Century,'  and  chap.  iv.  §§  i  and  2)  give  admirable  accounts  of  the  mtel- 
lectual  movements  of  the  time.  Hardwick's  History  of  the  Christian 
Church  in  the  Middle  Ages  is  a  succinct  one-volume  summary  of  general 
Church  history. 
106 


The  Monastic  Movement  199 

at  once  began  to  work  powerfully  on  Europe,  and  reached 
its  height  in  the  days  of  peace  that  succeeded  the  end  of  the 
Investiture  Contest 

A  monastic  revival  succeeded,  as  it  preceded,  the  reforma- 
tion of  the  Papacy.     At  first  the  movement  was  on  the  old 
lines,  and  Cluny  still  maintained  its  reputation,   -fhe 
and  increased  its  number  of  offshoots.     But  the  monastic 
*  Congregation  of  Cluny '  was  too  unelastic  to  be  "^^*  " 
capable  of  indefinite  expansion,  and  its  influence  was  perhaps 
widest  felt  in  those  houses  which  adopted  its  ideal  without 
giving   up   their  ancient   Benedictine  independence.      Con- 
spicuous among  such  was  Hirschau,  a  convent 
situated  on  the  north-eastern  slopes  of  the  Black 
Forest,  in  Swabia,  where  Abbot  William  introduced  the  rule 
of  Cluny  in  1077,  and  which  immediately  became  a  centre 
of  monastic  reformation  in  southern  Germany,  though  the 
congregation  of  Hirschau  never  attained  the  organisation  or 
permanence  of  that  of  Cluny. 

The  weak  point  of  the  Cluniac  system  was  that  everything 
depended  upon  the  abbot.  Under  the  unworthy  Pontius 
(1109-1125),  whom  kinship  to  Paschal  11.  had  ^. 
brought  to  the  headship  of  Cluny  at  an  exceed- 
ingly early  age,  discipline  declined,  the  old  simplicity  dis- 
appeared, and  the  abbot,  whose  virtues  were  those  of  a  feudal 
noble  rather  than  a  true  monk,  wasted  his  energies  in 
conflicts  with  the  Bishop  of  Macon,  who,  in  spite  of  papal 
exemptions,  strove  to  reform  the  decHning  house  as  diocesan. 
But  under  the  famous  abbot,  Peter  the  Venerable,  Cluny 
again  became  a  power  in  Europe,  though  its  old  influence 
was  never  restored.  Younger  houses,  organised  on  newer 
lines,  divided  among  themselves  the  reverence  once  felt  for 
it,  and  even  Peter  of  Cluny  was  overshadowed  by  Bernard  of 
Clairvaux. 

The  times  were  still  so  stormy,  and  secular  life  so  rough, 
that  the  impulse  which  drove  pious  minds  into  the  cloister 
was   as    strong    as    ever.      The    feudal    anarchy    that    still 


200  European  History,  918-1273 

prevailed  in  France,  perhaps  continaed  to  give  that  country 
the  leading  part,  both  in  spreading  hierarchical  ideas  and  in 
Further  bringing  about  further  monastic  revivals.      The 

*^*^*°P™*°*  great  question  for  the  new  race  of  monastic  re- 
congrega-  formers  was  how  to  keep  up  the  spirit  of  the 
tionai  Idea,  older  rule  while  avoiding  its  dangers.  Cluny  had 
not  quite  solved  the  problem,  though  the  congregational 
idea,  the  more  disciplined  austerity,  and  the  admission  of 
conversi  or  lay  brothers,  were  steps  capable  of  wider  develop- 
ment. How  to  avoid  the  wealth,  pride,  and  idleness  that 
came  from  success  was  a  still  harder  problem.  The  import- 
ance of  the  new  orders  that  arose  in  the  end  of  the  eleventh 
and  the  early  years  of  the  twelfth  century  depended  upon 
the  skill  with  which  the  founders  answered  these  fundamental 
questions. 

The  first  new  order  was  the  order  of  Grammont.  Its 
founder,  St.  Stephen,  an  Auvergnat  noble,  settled  in  1076 
Order  of  with  a  fcw  Companions  at  Muret,  north  of 
Grammont.  Limogcs,  though  after  his  death  the  house  was 
removed  to  the  bleak  granitic  plateau  of  the  neighbouring 
Grammont  A  large  number  of  daughter  houses  grew  up 
in  Aquitaine,  Anjou,  and  Normandy,  all  of  which,  after 
the  Cluniac  fashion,  were  subject  to  the  prior  of  Grammont 
St  Stephen's  wish  was  to  follow  no  fixed  definite  system,  but 
to  be  content  with  the  Gospel  rules  of  poverty,  humility,  and 
long-suffering,  and  his  successors  embodied  this  aspiration 
in  a  form  of  life  which  forbade  the  order  to  possess  land, 
cattle,  or  churches,  to  exclude  seculars  from  its  services, 
and  allowed  it,  if  no  alms  came,  to  beg  for  sustenance.  This 
was  a  remarkable  anticipation  of  the  chief  characteristic  of 
the  mendicant  orders  of  the  thirteenth  century,  but  it 
did  not  prevent  the  early  decay  of  these  disorderly 
idealists.  A  stern  fixed  rule  was  necessary  to  a  mediaeval 
monastery. 

A  happier  fate  attended  St.  Bruno,  the  founder  of  the 
Carthusians.      A    German   from    Cologne,    Bruno,    became 


The  Monastic  Movement  20 1 

scholasticus  of  the  famous  chapter  school  at  Reims,  where 
he  numbered  Urban  ii.  among  his  disciples.  Driven  with 
disgust  from  Reims  by  the  violence  of  Archbishop  ^j^^ 
Manasses,  he  hid  himself  in  a  wild  mountain  Carthusian 
valley  near  Grenoble  in  Dauphiny,  the  site  of  the  st?B™no. 
still  famous  Grande  Chartreuse,  where  he  gathered 
round  him  a  band  of  hermits  living  in  separate  cells.  Bruno 
was  called  to  Rome  by  his  old  pupil  Urban  ii. ;  but  the  love 
of  retirement  soon  took  him  to  Calabria,  where  he  founded 
another  Charterhouse,  and  died  in  iioi.  Charterhouses 
now  grew  up,  though  not  very  rapidly,  all  over  Europe, 
and  the  order  took  its  final  shape  in  the  statutes  of  1258. 
The  possession  of  land,  forbidden  by  Bruno,  was  strictly 
limited,  as  were  all  other  sources  of  wealth.  Ruled  by  a 
general  chapter,  the  order  followed  up  still  further  the  idea 
of  the  congregation.  But  the  special  characteristic  of  the 
Carthusians  was  the  union  of  the  hitherto  separated  coenobitic 
and  eremitic  ideals.  The  Carthusian  belonged  to  an  order 
and  convent,  with  its  common  church  and  other  buildings ; 
but  instead  of  living  without  privacy  in  common  dormitory 
and  refectory,  he  lived  in  a  separate  cell  a  life  of  meditation, 
study,  and  silence,  while  the  conversi  practised  agricul- 
ture. The  Carthusian  life  was  novel;  but  the  magnificent 
churches  and  buildings  of  the  order  show  that  it  took  a  deep 
root.  Better  than  many  of  the  purely  coenobitic  orders,  the 
Carthusians  maintained  their  purity  with  few  traces  of  the 
inevitable  decay  that  beset  most  monastic  types  when  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  founders  had  abated.  Another  order,  that 
of  Fontevrault,  founded  by  the  Breton,  Robert  of  Arbrissel 
(iioo),  was  distinguished  by  combining  monasteries  for 
men  and  women  in  one  establishment  after  the  primitive 
plan,  and  by  making  the  abbess  superior  of  the  whole  com- 
munity, since  Robert  reverenced  in  her  the  representative 
of  the  Virgin.  Outside  France  this  order  had  no  great 
importance. 

The    most    important   influence    among    the    new    orders 


202  European  History,  giZ-\27Z 

undoubtedly  fell  to  the  Cistercians,  who  rose  rapidly  from 

humble  beginnings  to  a  unique  position.     In  1075  a  monk 

The  named  Robert  founded  a  small  convent  at  MolSme 

Cistercian    jjj  northern  Burgundy,  where  he  strove  to  carry  out 

Order  and  .  ,        ,       ,  ,r        /  ,,.,,.,  ,         r 

Robert  of  >^th  absolute  hteralness  and  fidelity  the  rule  of 
Moieme.  St.  Benedict.  The  monks  found  the  austerities  of 
their  abbot  so  painful  that  they  rebelled,  and  in  1098  Robert 
left  Moleme  in  despair,  accompanied  by  the  few  zealots, 
conspicuous  among  whom  was  the  Englishman  Stephen  or 
Harding.  The  little  band  settled  down  at  Citeaux,  between 
Dijon  and  Chalon,  a  desolate  spot  which  derived  its  name 
from  the  surrounding  pools  of  standing  water.  There  was 
founded  the  famous  abbey,  which  was  to  give  its  name  to  a 
new  departure  in  monastic  history.  At  first  the  brethren  lived  in 
excessive  poverty  and  isolation.  But  the  fame  of  their  holiness 
gradually  brought  them  adherents,  and  from  11 13,  when  the 
young  Burgundian  nobleman,  Bernard  of  Fontaines,  applied 
for  admission  with  thirty  of  his  kinsmen,  the  growth  of  Citeaux 
was  rapid.  The  monastery  overflowed,  and  swarm  after  swarm 
of  monks  established  daughter  houses  elsewhere.  In  11 15 
Bernard  himself,  whose  strong  will  and  saintly  character  had 
won  for  him  in  two  years  a  leading  position,  led  one  of  these 
migrations  to  Clairvaux,  of  which  house  he  became  abbot. 
Stephen  the  Englishman  was  now  abbot  of  Citeaux,  and 
showed  a  capacity  for  organisation  which  soon  made  the 
single  poor  monastery  that  he  ruled  the  mother  of  a  great 
order.  In  11 19  he  obtained  Calixtus  ii.'s  approval  for  the 
Carta  famous    'Charter   of  Charity,*    the    constitution 

Caritatis,      which  he  had  devised  for  Citeaux  and  its  daughter 
*"'■  houses.     The  movement  soon  spread  like  wild- 

fire, and  hundreds  of  Cistercian  monasteries  were  founded 
throughout  Christendom. 

The  leading  characteristics  of  the  Cistercians  marked  the 
new  order  clearly  off  from  its  fellows.  Starting  from  their 
first  principle  of  absolute  asceticism,  they  pushed  the  doctrine 
of  self-renunciation  as  far  as  human  capacity  allowed.    They 


The  Monastic  Movement  203 

rejected  soft  and  costly  garments,  lived  on  the  plainest  and 
simplest  food,  and  would  not  tolerate  splendour  even  in  their 
churches,  where,  instead  of  gold  and  silver  crosses,  they  con- 
tented themselves  with  painted  wood.  The  very  vestments 
of  their  priests  were  of  coarse  stuff  without  gold,  or  silver, 
or  costly  embroidery.  Their  churches  and  monasteries  were 
built  as  simply  as  was  possible.  Towers  and  belfries  were 
rejected  as  useless  luxuries.  Choosing  for  their  abode  remote 
valleys  and  wildernesses  far  from  the  haunts  of  men,  they 
carefully  avoided  the  proximity  to  town-life,  which  was  a 
stumbling-block  in  the  way  of  the  older  orders.  Even  the 
cure  of  souls  was  prohibited  as  likely  to  lead  the  monks  into 
the  world  and  its  sins,  and  to  celebrate  Masses  for  money 
was  denounced  as  simony.  Thus  the  old  Benedictine  rule 
was  upheld,  and  the  monk  reminded  that  he  was  no  clerk 
but  a  pious  recluse,  whose  business  was  to  save  his  own 
soul.  For  the  occupation  of  the  brethren  labour  was  enjoined ; 
and  a  large  number  of  conversi  carried  on  the  hard  agricultural 
work  that  soon  made  the  wilderness  blossom  like  a  garden, 
and  filled  with  sheep  the  downs  and  deserts.  It  thus  resulted 
that  the  Cistercians,  despite  their  principles,  had  considerable 
influence  in  promoting  the  civilisation  of  the  regions  in  which 
they  settled.  The  interconnection  of  their  houses  made  it 
easy  for  them  to  spread  a  tendency  or  an  idea  from  land  to 
land,  as  when  they  transmitted  the  first  rudiments  of  Gothic 
architecture  from  its  north  French  home  to  Italy,^  While 
wealth  and  idleness  were  thus  kept  at  bay,  elaborate  efforts 
were  made  to  keep  watch  over  backsliders.  While  the 
example  of  Cluny  had  led  all  the  great  monasteries  to  strive 
to  get  from  the  Pope  exemption  from  episcopal  authority, 
Clteaux  ostentatiously  professed  canonical  obedience  to  the 
Bishop  of  Chalon,  and  every  daughter  house  was  founded  with 
the  consent  of  the  diocesan,  to  whom  its  abbot  submitted 
himself  as  a  subject     Moreover,  the  constitution  sketched  in 

^  See  on  this  subject  Enlart's  Origines  de  V Architecture  gothique  en 
lUlit  (Biblioth^ue  de  r£cole  franfaise  de  Rome). 


204  European  History,  918-1273 

the  'Carta  Caritatis '  provided  within  the  order  itself  means  for 
perpetual  visitation  and  reproof  of  weaker  brethren,  that  was 
far  more  effective  than  episcopal  control.  Like  the  Cluniacs, 
the  Cistercians  formed  a  congregation  over  which  the  Abbot 
of  Citeaux  exercised  the  powers  of  a  king.  But  an  elaborate 
series  of  checks  on  the  abbot's  power  imparted  an  aristocratic 
or  popular  element  to  the  government  of  the  new  order. 
The  abbots  of  the  four  first  daughters  of  Citeaux  [La 
Fert^  (founded  1113),  Pontigny  (11 14),  Clairvaux  (1115), 
and  Morimond  (i  1 15)],  and  the  General  Chapter  of  the  abbots 
of  the  order,  while  liable  to  be  visited  and  corrected  by  their 
superior,  had  the  power  of  correcting,  administering,  and 
depriving  the  head  of  the  order  himself.  The  monasteries 
were  to  be  visited  yearly.  Each  new  house  was  affiliated  to 
the  earlier  one  from  which  it  had  sprung,  and  the  mother- 
house  exercised  a  special  watchfulness  over  it.  So  different 
did  the  Cistercians  feel  themselves  from  other  regulars  that 
they  significantly  discarded  the  black  garment  of  the  Benedic- 
tines in  favour  of  a  coarse  white  dress,  from  which  they  got  the 
name  of  the  white  monks.  Their  elaborate  organisation  gave 
them  a  corporate  feeling  and  unity  of  purpose  to  which 
few  other  orders  could  aspire.  They  represent  the  last  and 
most  complete  effort  to  give  real  effect  to  the  ideal  of 
St.  Benedict,  by  enjoining  an  austerity  even  beyond  that  of 
Benedict,  and  by  an  elaborate  organisation  to  which  his  rule 
for  a  single  house  was  quite  a  stranger. 

Other  new  orders  started  on  a  different  purpose.  Various 
hospital  orders,  which  laid  special  stress  on  the  care  of  the 
sick  and  suffering,  were  set  up  for  those  who  sought  salvation 
in  good  works  for  the  world,  rather  than  in  isolation  from 
human  intercourse.  But  the  great  contribution  of  the  twelfth 
century  towards  bridging  over  the  great  gulf  between  clerk 
and  monk  was  the  institution  of  the  so-called  Austin  Canons, 
The  Canon*  o'  Canons  Regular.  It  was  agreed  that  the  higher 
Regular.  Hfe  was  the  monastic  life,  and  that  the  secular 
priest,  possessing  private  property,  living  in  his  own  house 


TJte  Monastic  Movement  205 

and  immersed  in  worldly  affairs,  stood  on  a  lower  plane  than 
the  regular,  but  the  cure  of  souls  was  left  to  the  secular 
clergy,  and  it  was  no  part  of  the  Hildebrandine  ideal  to 
neglect  the  pastoral  work  of  the  Church.  Hence  came  a 
movement  for  reforming  the  secular  clergy  by  making  them 
live  the  life  of  a  monk,  while  they  carried  on  the  duties  of  a 
clerk.  It  was  impossible  to  enforce  monastic  life  on  the 
isolated  and  ignorant  parish  clergy,  among  whom  it  was  hard 
work  enough  to  enforce  the  new  obligation  of  celibacy.  The 
great  colleges  and  cathedrals,  served  by  many  priests,  offered 
an  easier  and  more  fruitful  field  for  reform. 

In  the  fifth  century  St.  Augustine  of  Hippo  had  sought  to 
establish  a  'monastery  of  clerks  in  the  bishop's  household.' 
In  the  days  of  the  Carolingian  reformation.  Bishop  Chrodegang 
of  Metz  had,  in  the  spirit  of  the  great  African  father,  set  up  a 
rule  of  life,  by  which  canons  of  a  cathedral  should  live  in 
common  along  with  their  bishops.  In  Hildebrand's  days 
Peter  Damiani  appealed  to  the  example  of  St.  Augustine  as 
the  ideal  pattern  for  the  cathedral  clergy.  Many  chapters  were 
reformed,  and  from  the  twelfth  century  onwards  a  sharp  dis- 
tinction was  drawn  between  'regular  canons,'  subject  to  a 
rule  of  life,  and  'secular  canons'  of  the  old-fashioned  sort. 
The  great  property  and  the  political  influence  of  the  cathedral 
chapters  made  it  hard  to  keep  out  of  them  members  of  the 
great  territorial  families,  who  looked  on  their  prebends  as 
sources  of  income,  and  who  soon  found  a  regular  life  too 
austere,  so  that  few  cathedrals  became  permanently  served 
by  them.  But  new  churches  of  Regular  Canons,  where 
there  were  no  secular  traditions  to  interfere  with  the  strict- 
ness of  their  rule,  began  to  rise  up  all  over  Christen- 
dom. The  general  name  of  '  Austin  Canons '  suggested  that 
the  whole  of  the  class  strove  to  realise  the  old  ideal  of 
St.  Augustine. 

Various  congregations  of  Regular  Canons  were  now  set  up, 
conspicuous  among  which  was  that  of  the  Victorines,  whose 
abbey  of  St.  Victor  in  Paris  became,  as  we  shall  see,  a  prominent 


2o6  European  History^  918-1273 

centre  of  conservative  theology.  But  it  was  the  establishment 
of  the  Premonstratensian  congregation  by  Norbert  of  Xanten 
which  gave  the  Austin  Canons  so  great  a  position  in  Christen- 
Norbert  and  ^°™  ^^^^  '^^X  ^^i^ost  rivalled  the  Cistercians  in 
the  Premon-  popularity.  Norbert  was  a  man  of  high  family,  who, 
stratensians.  ^^^^^  having  held  canonrics  of  the  old-fashioned 
sort  at  his  native  town  and  at  Cologne,  gave  up  the  world 
and  wandered  as  a  preacher  of  penitence  throughout  Gaul, 
carefully  avoiding  intercourse  with  clerks  or  monks.  In  11 20 
he  settled  in  a  desert  place  in  the  forest  of  Coucy,  not  far 
from  Laon,  where  the  bishop  was  his  friend,  and  established 
there  a  house  of  Canons  Regular,  calling  the  spot  Prdmontr^ 
[Pratum  Monstratum],  in  the  belief  that  the  site  had  been 
pointed  out  to  him  by  an  angel.  The  rule  of  Pr^montr^  soon 
became  famous,  and  its  canons,  clad  in  the  white  garment  of 
the  Cistercians,  showed,  by  their  energy  and  zeal,  that  clerks 
bound  by  a  rule  could  live  lives  as  holy  as  monks  and  do  as 
much  pastoral  work  as  seculars.  As  an  '  order  of  clerks '  they 
exercised  cure  of  souls,  preached,  taught,  and  heard  confes- 
sions, and  where  possible  made  their  churches  parochial.  In 
1 1 26  Norbert  became  Archbishop  of  Magdeburg.  Finding 
the  secular  chapter  utterly  opposed  to  his  policy,  he  planted  a 
new  colony  of  Premonstratensians  hard  by  in  the  collegiate 
church  of  St  Mary  (1129).  Through  his  influence  the  Pre- 
monstratensians took  the  leading  share  in  the  civilising  and 
Christianising  of  the  Slavonic  lands  beyond  the  Elbe.  In  a 
later  chapter  we  shall  see  how  Norbert  soon  became  the 
Emperor  Lothair's  chief  adviser  and  helper.  Before  his  death 
his  order  had  spread  throughout  Western  Christendom.  While 
Clteaux  had  for  its  ambition  the  perfection  of  an  ancient 
system,  Pr^montr^  made  a  new  departure  in  religious  history. 
Later  regular  orders  have  in  nearly  all  cases  striven  to  carry 
out  the  ideal  of  Norbert,  of  combining  the  religious  life  with 
that  pastoral  care,  which  to  the  older  type  of  monasticism  was 
but  a  subtle  and  attractive  form  of  that  worldliness  which 
they  were  pledged  to  avoid.     Within  Norbert's  own  lifetime 


The  Monastic  Movement  207 

the  rule  of  the  Austin  Canons  received  a  very  great  accession 
to  its  strength.  The  military  orders  of  the  Latin  East  all 
lived  when  at  peace  the  life,  and  took  the  vows  The  Military 
of  Austin  Canons,  while  the  older  military  orders  O'"*^*"- 
of  Spain  [Calatrava,  1158,  Alcantara,  1152]  stood  in  close 
connection  with  the  Cistercians.     [See  chapter  xx.] 

The  great  development  of  new  orders  had  a  many-sided 
influence  on  the  character  of  the  twelfth  century.     The  monks 
and  the  Regular  Canons  were  everywhere  the  best   influence  of 
servants  of  the  Papacy,  while  their  international  the  new 
organisation  was  a  new  link  between  the  national  i°fe  o7the  *  * 
churches.     The  local  jealousy  of  Roman  influence,  twelfth 
the  aspirations  of  the  bishops  to  an  independent  '=^"*"'v- 
position,  were  energetically  withstood  by  the  enthusiasm  of 
the  young  orders.     Their  asceticism  and  zeal  for  good  works 
won  for  them  the  passionate  attachment   of  the  laity,  and 
stimulated  the  sluggish  seculars  to  greater  activity  and  holi- 
ness.     Their   influence   over  public  opinion  was  enormous. 
Not  Louis  of  France  or  Conrad  of  Germany,  but   Norbert 
of  Magdeburg  and  Bernard  of  Clairvaux,  were  the  real  leaders 
of  European   thought   towards   the    middle   of   the   twelfth 
century. 

The  practical  authority  of  Norbert  was  mainly  limited  to 
Germany,  but  the  influence  of  Bernard,  confined  to  no  class  or 
country,  proved  something  almost  unique  in  the 
whole  of  Christian  history.  While  Bernard  lived 
the  simple  and  self-denying  life  of  a  Cistercian  in  his 
Burgundian  monastery,  his  activity  took  in  the  whole  of 
Christendom.  His  correspondence  was  enormous,  his  works 
numerous  and  varied,  and  his  authority  hardly  questioned. 
Through  his  influence  the  white  robe  of  the  Cistercians  be- 
came familiar  in  the  remotest  valleys  of  Christendom,  and 
the  simple  and  struggling  order,  which  he  had  joined  but  a 
few  years  before,  attained  a  world-wide  celebrity.  Every  sort 
of  dispute  and  difference  was  brought  before  his  tribunal. 
The  rulers  of  Church  and  State  flocked  to  the  rude  huts  0/ 


208  European  History,  918-1273 

Clairvaux  as  to  an  oracle.  In  his  frequent  journeys  throughout 
France,  the  Rhineland  and  Italy,  he  was  welcomed  as  Pope  or 
Emperor  was  never  welcomed.  It  was  Bernard  who  drew  up 
the  rule  for  the  Knights  Templars,  who  ended  the  papal  schism 
of  1 130,  and  procured  the  recognition  of  Innocent  ii.  as  Pope. 
Innocent  11.  set  the  example  of  deference  to  his  authority 
which  subsequent  Popes  obsequiously  continued,  till  at  last 
a  simple  Cistercian  became  Pope  Eugenius  in.,  merely 
because  he  was  the  friend  of  Bernard.  Bernard  joined  with 
Norbert  in  reprobating  the  rationalism  that  sprang  from  the 
teaching  of  an  Abelard  or  Gilbert  de  la  Porrde  or  Arnold  of 
Brescia,  and  strove  with  sublime  unreasonableness  to  put 
down  the  new  questioning  spirit.  More  open  heresy,  like  that 
of  Peter  de  Bruys,  found  in  him  an  equally  implacable  foe. 
He  upheld  every  doctrine  of  hierarchical  power,  and  scrupled 
not  to  rebuke  kings  and  emperors  if  they  gainsaid  him.  He 
rekindled  the  crusading  spirit  when  it  seemed  growing  cool, 
and  persuaded  the  two  greatest  princes  of  Christendom  to 
set  forth  on  the  ill-fated  Second  Crusade.  Stern,  unyielding, 
rigid,  dogmatic,  blind  to  all  things  which  in  his  view  did  not 
immediately  promote  the  kingdom  of  God,  Bernard  represents 
the  very  triumph  of  the  older  monastic  spirit  with  its  com- 
pleteness of  self-renunciation,  its  terrible  asceticism,  its  strange 
and  almost  inhuman  virtues.  Even  in  his  own  day,  his  spirit 
was  not  that  of  the  whole  Church,  and  bold  voices  were  found 
to  lament  his  obstinacy,  his  narrowness,  his  obscurantist 
hatred  of  secular  learning.  But  with  all  his  faults  he  is  a 
great  and  noble  figure,  and  as  the  supreme  representative  of 
a  dying  type,  his  career  marks  a  transition  to  a  newer,  brighter 
and  more  progressive  world,  than  the  gloomy  realm  over  which 
he  had  reigned  so  long  as  unquestioned  sovereign.  Yet  it 
shows  that  the  days  of  brute  force  were  over,  when  a  simple 
monk,  whose  singleness  of  purpose  and  zeal  for  righteousness 
were  never  so  much  as  questioned,  could  rule  with  such 
astounding  power  over  the  minds  of  men.  Even  more  than 
the  authority  of  the  great  Popes,  the  power  of  Bernard  supplies 


The  Twelfth  Century  Renascence  209 

a  striking  justification  of  the  universal  monarchy  of  the  Church 
of  the  twelfth  century. 

From  the  religious  revival  there  sprang  a  revived  interest 
in  literature  and  speculation.  Monastic  life  was  strictly 
conservative,  and  the  old  doctrine  of  Gregory  The  literary 
the  Great,  that  secular  literature  was  unworthy  and  specuia- 
the  attention  of  a  good  Christian,  was  the  position  **^*  reviva . 
of  St.  Bernard  himself.  But  the  monks  were  at  least  interested 
in  theology ;  and  not  even  Bernard's  influence  could  prevent 
pious  souls  from  seeking  in  nature  and  literature  the  justifica- 
tion of  the  ways  of  God  to  man.  As  the  necessary  preliminary 
of  theological  study,  the  'seven  arts'  of  the  old-fashioned 
'Trivium'  and  'Quadrivium'  had  again  to  be  cultivated. 
Monastic  schools  once  more  stimulated  the  intel- 

,  ,  .  .  _,  ^,  _     ,  Its  relation 

lectual  mterest  of  Europe.  Many  of  the  greater  to  the 
houses  became  centres  of  education.  So  far  back  monastic 
as  the  tenth  century  monks  like  St.  Bruno  of 
Cologne  and  Gerbert  of  Aurillac  had  restored  the  Carolingian 
educational  discipline,  which  had  fallen  into  ruin  in  the  dark 
days  of  barbarian  invasion  and  internal  anarchy.  German 
cloisters,  like  St.  Gallen  and  Reichenau,  became  famous  for 
their  learning.  Cluny  forged  the  theories  that  Hildebrand 
wielded.  Lanfranc  of  Bee  made  the  Norman  monastery  one 
of  the  great  centres  of  dialectical  and  theological  study  in 
northern  Europe.  Side  by  side  with  the  cloister  schools  were 
the  schools  of  the  great  cathedrals,  such  as  that  of  Reims, 
where  Gerbert  taught.  In  these  the  teachers  were  partly 
seculars,  and  there  was  perhaps  more  freedom  and  breadth  of 
interests  than  in  the  purely  monastic  academies.  When  the 
revival  of  speculation  brought  out  differences  of  opinion, 
Berengar,  the  scholasticus  of  the  cathedral  school  of  Tours, 
used  the  weapon  of  logic  to  attack  the  newly  formulated 
doctrine  of  transubstantiation.  It  was  Lanfranc,  the  monk  of 
Bee,  that  employed  all  the  resources  of  his  skill  to  demolish 
the  arguments  of  the  hardy  heretic.  But  though  Berengar 
was  first  condemned  by  Leo  ix.  in  1050,  it  was  not  until 

PERIOD  II.  o 


2 1 o  European  History,  918-1273 

1078  that  Gregory  vii.  practically  settled  the  controversy  by 
insisting  upon  his  complete  retractation.  So  slow  were  the 
methods  against  heresy  in  times  when  its  danger  was  hardly 
realised. 

In  the  next  generation  two  distinct  tendencies  present 
themselves.  Anselm  of  Aosta,  Lanfranc's  successor  alike  at 
Bee  and  Canterbury,  defended  the  traditional 
tion  to  the  position  of  the  Church  with  a  wider  learning  and 
scholastic  deeper  insight  than  his  predecessor.  Anselm  has 
p  I  osop  y.  j^^^^  called  both  the  last  of  the  fathers  and  the 
first  of  the  schoolmen.  But  while  his  motive  was  the  same 
as  that  of  the  later  schoolmen,  his  methods  were  somewhat 
different,  and  his  enduring  fame  is  not  for  the  acuteness  of 
Anselm  and  ^is  dialectic,  SO  much  as  for  his  broad  insight  into 
Rosceiin.  the  deeper  problems  of  philosophy  and  his  antici- 
pation of  positions  that  were  not  fully  taken  up  until  the 
reign  of  scholasticism  was  over.  The  Realism  of  which  he 
was  the  upholder  was  part  of  the  earlier  tradition  of  the 
ecclesiastical  schools.  Much  more  epoch-making,  though 
not  in  itself  altogether  original,  was  the  Nominalism  of 
Rosceiin,  the  true  parent  of  scholastic  philosophy.  While 
Anselm  only  saw  in  philosophy  the  way  of  justifying  the 
Church's  teaching,  Roscelin's  logical  nominalism  led  him 
to  deny  the  possibihty  of  the  Trinity  in  Unity  and  teach 
undisguised  Tritheism.  But  he  argued  as  a  logician  and  not 
as  a  divine,  and  in  1092  acquiesced  in  the  recantation  which 
was  presented  to  him  by  a  council  at  Soissons.  From  the 
controversies  of  Anselm  and  Rosceiin  all  the  later  intellectual 
activity  sprang. 

Early  in  the  twelfth  century  there  were  many  schools  and 
masters  scattered  through  central  Europe  and  particularly  in 
northern  GauL  Of  one  of  the  least  of  these  schools  and 
scholars  it  could  be  said  that  'clerics  flocked  from  divers 
Activity  of  countrics  to  hear  him  daily;  so  that  if  thou 
the  schools,  shouldst  Walk  about  the  public  places  of  the  city 
and  behold  the  crowds  of  disputants,  thou  wouldst  say  that  the 


The  Twelfth  Century  Renascence  211 

citizens  had  left  off  their  other  labours  and  given  themselves 
to  philosophy.'!  There  was  no  order  or  method  in  study. 
Any  one  could  teach  who  had  learnt  under  an  accredited 
master  and  had  received  the  Church's  licence.  The  students 
followed  the  masters,  and  the  centres  of  study  fluctuated  as 
reputations  were  made  and  destroyed.  But  at  this  period 
there  were  three  chief  schools  in  northern  France,  all  closely 
connected  with  the  cathedrals  of  the  respective  towns.  The 
teaching  of  Anselm  of  Laon  (a  scholar  of  St.  Anselm)  made 
that  city  a  great  centre  of  theological  lore.  The  dialectical 
renown  of  William  of  Champeaux  brought  crowds  of  students 
to  the  cathedral  schools  of  Paris.  The  literary  enthusiasm  of 
the  Breton  Platonist,  Bernard  Sylvester,  and  of  his  successor, 
William  of  Conches,  made  the  cathedral  school  of  Chartres 
*  the  most  abundant  spring  of  letters  in  Gaul.'  ^ 

Peter  Abelard  (1079-1142),  a  Breton  from  Palais,  near 
Nantes,  was  the  most  striking  manifestation  of  the  new  spirit. 
He  was  the  eldest  son  of  a  gentleman  of  good  estate,  but  he 
early  renounced  his  inheritance,  and  devoted  himself  with 
extraordinary  enthusiasm  to  study.  He  first  learnt  dialectic 
under  Roscelin  at  Loches,  near  Tours,  and  afterwards  under 
William  of  Champeaux  at  Paris.  But  his  sublime  self-confi- 
dence and  acute  sceptical  intellect  speedily  brought  Abeiard  and 
him  into  conflict,  both  with  the  novel  Nominalism  his  influence, 
of  Roscelin  and  with  the  old-fashioned  extreme  Realism  of 
William  of  Champeaux.  He  soon  despised  and  strove  to 
supplant  his  masters.  While  William  of  Champeaux  taught 
with  declining  authority  at  the  cathedral  school,  and  after- 
wards in  the  Abbey  of  St.  Victor,  his  audacious  disciple 
gathered  an  opposition  band  of  pupils  round  him  in  neigh- 
bouring towns,  and  finally  on  the  hill  of  Ste.  Genevibve,  where 
he  became  so  famous,  that  William  retired  in  disgust  to  his 

^  Poole,  Illustrations  of  the  History  of  Mediaeval  Thought,  p.  io6, 
quotes  the  local  chronicle's  account  of  the  teaching  of  Odo  of  Cambrai 
at  the  Abbey  of  St.  Martin's,  Tournai. 

'  See  oa  this  subject  Cleiv&l,  Les  icoles  de  Chartres  au  moyen  dge. 


2 1 7  European  History ^  918-1273 

bishopric  of  Chalons.  Abelard's  acuteness,  rhetorical  skill, 
and  attractive  personality,  soon  drew  to  Paris  crowds  of 
students,  who  gave  the  city  a  unique  position  among  the 
schools  of  Europe.  The  Conceptualism,  which  he  perhaps 
learnt  from  Aristotle,  seemed  more  scientific  than  Realism,  and 
less  revolutionary  than  Nominalism.  But  it  is  not  so  much 
what  he  taught,  as  the  spirit  in  which  he  taught,  that  gave 
Abelard  his  position  in  history.  His  method  was  essentially 
rationalistic.  He  based  his  orthodoxy  on  its  reasonableness. 
'  A  doctrine  is  not  to  be  believed,'  he  is  reported  to  have  said, 
'  because  God  has  said  it,  but  because  we  are  convinced  by 
reason  that  it  is  so.'  Moved  by  religious  zeal  as  well  as  greed 
for  applause,  he  went  to  Laon  to  study  theology  under 
Anselm,  but  very  soon  came  to  despise  his  teacher,  whom 
he  denounced  as  a  phrase-monger.  '  Anselm  kindled  a  fire,' 
he  said,  '  not  to  give  light  but  to  fill  the  house  with  smoke.' 
He  forsook  the  pretender's  school,  and  at  once  proceeded  to 
prove  the  audacious  thesis  that  a  man  could  learn  theology 
without  a  master.  He  was  soon  back  at  Paris,  where  his 
teaching  attracted  greater  crowds  than  ever,  until  the  tragic 
conclusion  of  his  relations  with  Heloisa  drove  him  to  take 
the  monastic  vows  at  Saint-Denis.  Even  in  the  cloister  he 
was  restless  and  insubordinate.  He  published  a  treatise  on 
the  Trinity,  which  was  denounced  by  the  aged  Roscelin  as 
savouring  of  Sabellianism,  and  burnt  at  a  Council  at  Soissons 
in  1 1 21.  He  left  Saint- Denis  after  rousing  the  fury  of  his 
fellow-monks  by  demonstrating  the  unhistorical  character  of 
the  accredited  legend  of  St.  Dionysius  the  Areopagite,  their 
imaginary  founder.  After  some  years  spent  in  his  new 
monastery  of  the  Paraclete  in  Champagne,  Abelard  sought 
absolute  retirement  as  abbot  of  St.  Gildas  de  Rhuys,  in  the 
Abelard  and  wildest  part  of  his  native  Brittany.  But  he  fled  at 
St  Bernard,  last  from  the  savage  monks  of  St.  Gildas,  and  again 
appeared  as  a  teacher  in  Paris.  As  the  incarnation  of  the 
new  critical  spirit,  he  had  long  been  obnoxious  to  the  stout 
upholders  of  ecclesiastical  tradition  like  Norbert  and  Bernard. 


The  Twelfth  Century  Renascence  213 

Bernard  now  denounced  him,  and  induced  the  bishops,  who 
registered  his  will,  to  assemble  in  council  at  Sens  to  condemn 
his  heresies  (1141).  Despairing  of  justice  from  such  a  body, 
Abelard  appealed  to  the  Pope.  But  Innocent  11.  was  as  much 
under  Bernard's  influence  as  the  French  bishops,  and  con- 
demned him  to  lifelong  confinement  in  a  monastery.  Abelard 
fell  sick  at  Cluny  while  on  his  way  to  Rome,  and  obtained 
from  Peter  the  Venerable  a  sympathy  and  kindness  that  stood 
in  strong  contrast  to  Bernard's  inveterate  hostility.  He  was 
received  into  the  Cluniac  fold,  and  made  some  sort  of  recanta- 
tion of  his  heresies.  In  1 142  he  died  at  Chalon.  The  spirit  of 
his  teaching  did  not  die  with  him.  The  schools  The  Schools 
of  Paris  retained  the  fame  with  which  he  had  first  of  Pa"s. 
invested  them.  While  the  Regular  Canons  of  St.  Victor  made 
their  abbey  the  home  of  traditional  theology  tempered  by 
mysticism,  the  secular  school  of  the  cathedral  retained  the 
spirit  of  inquiry  and  criticism  which  secured  for  it  a  per- 
manence of  influence  that  not  even  the  patronage  of  St. 
Bernard  could  give  to  the  school  of  St.  Victor.  If  the  stigma 
of  heresy  was  attached  to  some  of  Abelard's  disciples,  others 
became  lights  of  orthodoxy  without  any  great  departure  from 
Abelard's  doctrines.  Arnold  of  Brescia,  denounced  by  St. 
Bernard  as  the  armour-bearer  of  the  Goliath  of  misbelief  his 
master,  incurred  by  his  rash  entrance  into  politics  the  fate 
of  a  heretic  who  was  also  a  rebel  [pages  239-243  and  250]. 
But  Peter  the  Lombard  (died  11 60),  was  not  only 
Abelard's  pupil,  but  a  pillar  of  orthodoxy,  bishop  th'e^ch^^racter 
of  Paris,  and  author  of  that  Book  of  Sentences  of  Schoiastic- 
which  was  the  accredited  text-book  of  all  later  Abei^^r" 
scholasticism.  Gilbert  de  la  Porree  (died  1 154),  a 
disciple  of  the  humanistic  school  of  Chartres,  and  bishop  of 
Poitiers,  was  denounced  by  St.  Bernard  as  a  heretic.  In 
1148  Pope  Eugenius,  a  creature  of  Bernard's,  presided  at  a 
council  at  Reims  to  deal  with  Gilbert's  errors.  But  the  very 
cardinals  refused  any  longer  to  follow  Bernard's  leading. 
When  Gilbert  escaped  uncondemned,  the  new  theology  had 


2 1 4  European  History,  9 1 8- 1 273 

won  its  way  to  a  recognised  position  in  the  Church.  With  its 
wider  diffusion,  the  new  learning  lost  the  character  of  revolt 
which  in  Abelard's  time  was  associated  with  it.  It  became 
more  systematic,  more  specialised,  less  original.  The  dis- 
covery of  the  whole  of  Aristotle's  Organon,  in  the  latter  part 
of  the  century,  crushed  the  critical  spirit  by  the  weight  of 
its  authority.  The  conflict  of  studies  drove  out  the  liberal 
pursuit  of  literature  in  favour  of  specialised  dialectic  and 
theology,  while  the  majority  showed  most  favour  to  bread- 
winning  studies  like  the  canon  and  civil  laws.  The  dialectic 
of  Paris  prevailed  over  the  humanism  of  Chartres.  But  if 
some  of  the  first  freshness  of  the  new  birth  was  thus  lost,  the 
end  of  the  century  saw  the  scholar  class  a  recognised  element 
in  the  European  commonwealth.  So  numerous  were  the 
'  masters '  who  taught  in  the  Paris  schools  that  they  formed 
themselves  into  guilds  or  corporations,  from  which  the 
germ  of  the  University  of  Paris  and  of  all  other  transalpine 
universities  grew. 

Monasticism  and  philosophy  combined  to  strengthen  the 
Church,  but  the  spirit  of  revolt  that  had  been  conquered  in 
the  schools  now  took  more  popular  shapes.     All  through  the 
eleventh   century  there  were  found  wandering  teachers  of 
strange  doctrines.    From  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  century 
Popular      definitively  heretical  sects  were  crystallising  round 
heresies,     different  principles  of  innovation.    For  more  than 
twenty  years  an  unfrocked  priest,  Peter  de  Bruys,  taught  with 
Peter  de     powerful  effect  in  Dauphiny  and  Provence.     He 
Bruys.        y^-^g  an  enthusiast  like  the  old  Montanists,  reject- 
ing all  forms,  discipline,  and  tradition,  in  favour  of  the  living 
spirit,  and  denouncing  the  sacerdotal  system  and  many  of 
the   most   treasured   dogmas   of  the   Church.     In   1137   or 
1 1 38,  Peter  was   burnt   alive   at   Saint-Gilles   by   the   mob, 
whose  fury  he  had  excited  by  making  a  bonfire  of  crosses 
and  pious  emblems.     But  his  followers  kept  together  after 
his  death,  under  the  guidance  of  Henry,  an  outcast  monk  of 
Cluny.     Peter  the  Venerable  wrote  against  the  Petrobrusians, 


The  Twelfth  Century  Renascence  2 1 5 

and  St.  Bernard  saw  in  the  popularity  of  the  young  sect 
the  mah'gn  influence  of  the  spirit  of  Abelard.  '  The  CathoUc 
faith,'  he  lamented,  *  is  discussed  in  the  streets  and  market- 
places. We  have  fallen  upon  evil  times.'  His  energy 
secured  the  conversion  of  many  of  the  Petrobrusians.  The 
remnant  joined  themselves  to  the  new  sect  of  the  Waldenses 
or  Vaudois. 

Peter  Valdez,  a  rich  merchant  of  Lyons,  gave  up  all  his 
property,  and  began  about  11 77  to  wander  about  the  country 
preaching  repentance  and  the  imitation  of  the  pgterVaidez 
Apostles.  He  procured  the  translation  of  the  Bible  and  the 
into  the  vulgar  tongue,  and  soon  began  to  gather  ofL°ons^° 
followers.  After  a  few  years  of  toleration  he 
was  excommunicated  in  11 84  by  Pope  Lucius  iii.  Thus 
cut  off  from  the  orthodox,  Peter  joined  the  Petrobrusians  and 
became  more  frankly  heretical.  Before  his  death  in  1197, 
his  followers  were  to  be  found  in  Bohemia,  in  Lorraine,  in 
southern  France,  in  Aragon,  and  in  northern  Italy.  These 
*Poor  Men  of  Lyons,'  as  they  were  called,  rejected  all  priestly 
ministration,  and  included  in  one  sweeping  denunciation  prayer 
for  the  dead,  six  of  the  seven  sacraments,  military  service, 
and  property.  But  grave  differences  soon  broke  them  up 
into  hostile  sects.  The  Lombards  sought  to  organise  them- 
selves separately  from  the  Church,  while  the  French  were 
content  to  remain  a  school  within  the  Church.  The  wise 
policy  of  later  Popes  allowed  the  more  moderate  to  combine 
their  own  way  of  thinking  with  acceptance  of  the  Church's 
authority,  and  they  remained  for  the  most  part  humble- 
minded  quietists,  whose  highest  aspiration  was  to  live  in 
peace. 

Other  sects  assumed  a  more  dangerous  complexion  than  the 
Poor  Men  of  Lyons.  From  the  eleventh  century  onwards, 
obscure  bodies  of  heretics  appear  under  the  names  of 
Manicheans,  Paulicians,  Cathari,  Bulgarians,  Patarini,  and 
Publicani.  Their  strength  was  at  first  in  the  Rhineland, 
whence   they  infected   the   north   of  France.      Finally   they 


2 1 6  European  History,  918-1273 

found  a  more  sympathetic  field  in  southern  France,  where 
heresy  had  long  flourished  in  various  forms.  The  origin 
The  Mani-  of  thcsc  sects  is  obscure.  The  ancient  opinion 
chean  sect,  {jj^j  ^j^gy  yygj-g  direct  descendants  of  the 
ancient  Gnostics  and  Manichees  cannot  be  upheld,  and  it  is 
difficult  even  to  prove  their  affiliation  with  the  Paulicians  and 
Bogomili  of  the  Balkan  peninsula,  whose  heresy  had  troubled 
the  Eastern  Empire  in  the  days  of  the  Macedonian  and 
Comnenian  dynasties.  Their  doctrines  are  as  hard  to  define 
as  their  origin,  and  we  have  for  the  most  part  to  rely  upon 
the  statements  of  their  enemies.  But  it  is  clear  that  they 
represent  neither  a  definite  sect  nor  an  organised  body  of 
heretical  doctrine.  Like  the  early  Gnostics,  they  indicate  a 
vague  general  tendency  rather  than  any  precise  teaching,  and 
differed  widely  among  each  other.  The  more  thorough- 
going of  them  were  dualists  like  the  Manichees,  believing  that 
there  existed  two  equal  and  co-eternal  deities,  the  one  evil 
and  the  other  good.  The  rest  seem  to  have  held  the  modified 
dualism  of  the  Bogomili,  admitting  the  good  principle  to  be 
the  only  God,  and  the  author  of  the  New  Testament,  and 
regarding  the  evil  principle  as  a  fallen  spirit,  the  creator  of  the 
world,  the  source  of  the  Old  Testament  revelation,  essentially 
the  Demiurgus  of  the  Gnostics.  The  practical  teaching  of 
these  heretics  was  as  various  as  their  doctrine.  They  utterly 
despised  all  things  of  the  flesh,  and  from  this  contempt 
flowed  moral  doctrines  both  ascetic  and  antinomian.  They 
distinguished  sharply  between  the  elect  and  the  reprobate. 
They  rejected  the  authority  both  of  the  Church  and  of  the 
State.  Instead  of  the  ordinary  offices  of  the  Church,  they  had 
a  sort  of  spiritual  baptism  called  Consolamentum,  which  was 
reserved  to  the  perfect  believers.  Apart  from  their  religious 
heresies,  they  were  frankly  hostile  to  the  whole  order  of  society. 
The  south  of  France  soon  swarmed  with  these  innovators. 
The  who  took  the  name  of  Albigenses,  Albigeois,  from 

Aibjgensei.     Q^g  qj-  jjjgj^  strongholds,  the  town  of  Albi  on  the 
Tarn,     Besides  the  avowed  heresies,  a  general  spirit  of  revolt 


The  Twelfth  Century  Renascence  217 

against  the  Church  seized  alike  upon  lords  and  people.  Before 
the  end  of  the  century,  the  Albigenses  had  obtained  a  firm  hold 
over  the  county  of  Toulouse  and  its  dependencies,  and  defied 
the  efforts  of  the  Church  to  root  them  out.  Elsewhere  the 
speculations  of  the  twelfth  century  had  no  very  prolonged 
vitality.  A  few  burnings  of  leaders,  a  crusade  of  energetic 
preaching,  and  a  dexterous  effort  to  turn  the  undisciplined  zeal 
of  the  heretic  into  more  orthodox  channels,  were  generally 
enough  to  prevent  their  further  progress.  The  offspring  of 
vague  discontent,  twelfth  century  heresy  took  as  a  rule  such 
vague  and  fantastic  shapes  that  it  almost  condemned  itself. 
After  all,  the  spirit  of  Henry  of  Cluny  or  Peter  Valdez  was 
not  very  different  from  that  of  Norbert  or  Robert  of  Arbrissel. 
But  however  ill-regulated,  it  was  another  sign  that  the  human 
mind  had  awakened  from  the  sleep  of  the  Dark  Ages.  If 
the  popular  heretics  could  not  reason,  they  could  at  least 
feel. 

We  have  still  to  deal  with  one  of  the  great  intellectual 
forces  of  the  twelfth  century.  The  revival  of  the  scientific 
study  of  law,  which  grew  up  alongside  the  new  -j-he  revival 
birth  of  dialectic  and  philosophy,  had  almost  as  of  the  study 
powerful  an  influence  as  these  studies  in  stimu-  °  ^^' 
lating  intellectual  interests,  and  had  practical  results  of  an  even 
more  direct  and  palpable  kind.  The  study  of  Roman  Law  had 
never  been  quite  forgotten,  especially  in  Italy.  The  revival 
of  the  Roman  Empire  by  the  Ottos,  the  development  of  the 
power  of  the  secular  state  all  over  Europe,  the  growth  of 
ordered  municipal  government  in  southern  Europe,  and 
particularly  in  Italy,  all  contributed  to  make  this  study  more 
popular,  more  necessary,  and  more  universal.  But  side  by 
side  with  the  development  of  the  civil  power  the  even  greater 
growth  of  the  ecclesiastical  authority  set  up  a  law  of  the 
Church  in  rivalry  with  the  law  of  the  State.  The  legal  revival 
was  thus  two-sided.  There  was  a  fresh  interest  in  both  the 
Civil  Law,  which  Rome  had  handed  down,  and  in  the  Canon 
Law,  which  had  slowly  grown  up  in  the  ecclesiastical  courts, 


2i8  European  History,  918-1273 

The  same  age  that  witnessed  the  work  of  Irnerius  saw  the 
publication  of  the  Decretum  of  Gratian. 

The  early  Middle  Ages  had  an  almost  superstitious  reverence 
for  the  written  law  of  Rome.  Its  decisions  were  still  looked 
Irnerius  and  "P^"^  ^^  eternal  and  universally  binding,  even  when 
the  revival  of  practically  it  had  been  superseded  by  a  mass  of 
Civil  Lavi^.  fluctuating  feudal  custom.  In  Italy  the  elemen- 
tary texts  of  the  Roman  Law  had  always  been  studied,  and 
its  principles  always  upheld  in  the  courts.  The  eleventh 
century  battle  of  Papacy  and  Empire  became  before  long 
a  conflict  of  political  principles  and  theories.  Both  sides 
sought  weapons  in  the  legal  treasures  of  ancient  Rome. 
Accordingly  the  eleventh  century  saw  flourishing  schools  of 
law  at  Pavia,  at  Ravenna,  and  perhaps  at  Rome.  Early  in 
the  twelfth  century  the  fame  of  Irnerius  led  to  the  establish- 
ment of  a  still  greater  school  of  law  at  Bologna,  already 
the  seat  of  flourishing  schools  of  dialectic  and  literature,  and 
where  the  teaching  of  law  had  already  been  begun  by  Pepo. 
Irnerius  was  a  jurist  in  the  service  of  the  Countess  Matilda, 
who,  at  her  request,  lectured  on  the  laws  of  Justinian,  and 
particularly  the  Pandects,  at  Bologna.  The  fact  that  he  was 
afterwards  in  the  service  of  Henry  v.  shows  that  both  the 
papal  and  imperial  powers  agreed  in  welcoming  his  work. 
But  with  the  appearance  of  Irnerius  upholding  the  election  of 
a  schismatic  Pope  in  11 18,  the  new  school  of  Civil  Lawyers 
became  frankly  imperialist,  looking  upon  the  law  as 
furnishing  an  armoury  of  texts,  from  which  the  divine  rights 
and  universal  claims  of  the  Roman  Emperor  could  be 
deduced,  though  also  treating  it  as  an  intellectual  discipline, 
and  almost  as  a  literary  exercise.  Wealth,  honour,  and 
political  importance  were  showered  on  men,  who  possessed 
at  once  the  key  to  theoretical  knowledge  and  to  success  in 
practical  life.  Even  earlier  than  at  Paris,  the  law  schools 
of  Bologna  became  organised  and  permanent  Before  the 
end  of  the  century,  the  crowds  of  mature  foreign  students 
who  flocked  to  hear  the  famous  successors  of  Irnerius  had 


The  Twelfth  Century  Renascence  219 

set  up  the  student-university  of  Bologna,  whose  establishment 
is  as  much  of  an  epoch  in  the  history  of  European  thought 
as  that  of  the  university  of  masters  at  Paris. 

The  Church  had  long  had  its  own  courts  and  its  own 
law ;  but  the  victory  of  the  Hildebrandine  system  gave  a  new 
importance  to  the  Courts  Christian  and  to  the  The 'Deere- 
Canon  Law  which  they  upheld.  It  was  the  aim  tum*  of 
of  the  Church  reformers  to  draw  a  hard  and  fast  ihcg^ovnh 
line  between  Church  and  State,  and  to  bind  of  Canon 
together  the  scattered  and  often  antagonistic  ^^' 
corporations,  out  of  which  the  Church  was  constituted, 
into  a  single  self-governing,  self-sufficing,  independent  body, 
of  which  the  Pope  was  the  absolute  monarch.  All  through 
the  eleventh  century  efforts  were  made  by  leading  ecclesi- 
astical lawyers  to  do  for  the  law  of  the  Church  what  was 
already  being  done  for  the  law  of  the  State.  Italy  witnessed 
most  of  these  attempts,  but  the  canonists  of  Germany  and 
Gaul  were  not  behindhand,  and  the  most  famous  of  the  early 
compilations,  which  appeared  in  1 1 15,  was  the  work  of  a  north- 
French  churchman,  Ivo,  Bishop  of  Chartres,  a  pupil  of  Lanfranc 
of  Bee.  But  these  preliminary  efforts  were  superseded  by 
the  Decrefum,  or  more  accurately  the  Concordantia  discordan- 
tium  Canonum,  of  Gratian,  which  probably  appeared  in  1142. 
Gratian  was  a  monk  of  the  new  order  of  Camaldoli,  living  in  a 
convent  at  Bologna.  The  book  which  he  published  was  a 
text-book,  the  effort  of  a  private  student,  with  no  other 
authority  than  what  it  could  command  from  its  own  merits. 
But  its  merits  were  such  that  it  swept  all  its  predecessors 
out  of  the  field,  and  soon  won  something  of  the  authority 
that  belonged  to  a  definite  codification  of  previous  ecclesi- 
astical jurisprudence.  It  appeared  at  the  right  place  and 
at  the  right  moment.  From  that  time  onwards  the  study 
of  Canon  Law  stood  side  by  side  with  that  of  the  Civil  Law 
at  Bologna,  and  the  town  of  Irnerius  and  Gratian  became 
the  intellectual  centre  of  the  great  controversies  of  Church  and 
State,  which  then  distracted  Europe.     Before  long  the  Canon 


2 20  European  History,  918-1273 

Law  became  as  elaborate  and  comprehensive  a  system  as  that 
Civil  Law,  which  it  copied,  developed  and  sometimes  reacted 
against.  The  canonists  became  a  band  of  specialists,  separated 
from  the  civilians  on  the  one  hand  and  the  theologians  on  the 
other.  Just  as  the  practical  advantages  of  the  study  of  Civil 
Law  called  away  the  votaries  of  the  unprofitable  secular  study 
of  literature,  so  did  the  practical  uses  of  Canon  Law  divert 
active  and  ambitious  churchmen  from  the  academic  study 
of  theology.  Law  became  the  attractive  science  as  well  for 
ardent  ecclesiastics  as  for  men  of  the  world.  If  it  involved 
less  speculative  activity  than  the  studies  it  superseded,  it  had 
the  advantage  of  helping  to  bridge  over  the  gulf  between 
the  little  world  of  isolated  students  and  the  broad  world  of 
everyday  life.  As  the  revival  of  dialectic  renewed  men's 
interests  in  abstract  science,  so  did  the  revival  of  law 
broaden  men's  practical  interests.  If  in  the  long-run  it 
gave  weapons  to  Empire  as  well  as  to  Papacy,  the  first  result 
was  to  complete  the  equipment  of  the  hierarchy  for  the 
business  of  ruling  the  world.  While  the  civilian's  Empire 
was  a  theory,  the  canonist's  Papacy  was  a  fact.  As  living 
head  of  a  living  system,  the  Pope  became  a  constant  fountain 
of  new  legislation  for  the  Canon  Law,  while  the  Civil  Law 
remained  as  it  had  been  in  Justinian's  time,  with  little 
power  of  adaptation  to  the  needs  of  a  changing  state  of  society. 
Stimulated  by  the  religious  revival  and  the  mon- 

The  new  .  . 

movements     astic  movement,  victorious  over  nascent   heresy, 
strengthen      ygj  invigorated  by  the   new  activity   of  human 

the  Church.       ■',  ,     °  ,    ,         ,  ,.,-,,, 

thought,  protected  by  the  enthusiasm  which  had 
brought  about  the  Crusades,  a  state  within  the  state,  with  her 
own  law,  her  own  officers,  and  her  own  wonderful  organisation, 
the  Church  of  the  twelfth  century  stood  at  the  very  height  of 
her  power,  and  drew  fresh  strength,  even  from  the  sources  that 
might  well  have  brought  about  her  ruin. 


CHAPTER    X 

GERMANY   AND    ITALY,    1125-1152^ 

Origin  of  the  Hohenstaufen — Election  of  Lothair  11.  and  consequent  rivalry  of 
Welf  and  Weiblingen — The  reign  of  the  Priests'  Emperor — Norbert  and 
Albert  the  Bear — Lothair  and  Italy — Roger  unites  Sicily  and  Naples — 
Honorius  11. — Schism  of  Innocent  11.  and  Anacletus — Lothair's  privilege 
to  the  Church — Election  of  Conrad  in. — His  contest  with  the  Guelfs — 
The  Eastward  march  of  German  civilisation — Final  triumph  of  Innocent 
II. — Roger's  organisation  of  the  Norman  kingdom — Growth  of  municipal 
autonomy  in  northern  and  central  Italy. 

Two  thousand  feet  above  the  sea,  on  the  very  summit  of  one 
of  the  northern  outliers  of  the  rugged  Swabian  Alp  that 
separates  the  valley  of  the  upper  Neckar  from  q^^  inofth 
that  of  the  upper  Danube,  stood  the  castle  of  Hohen- 
Hohenstaufen,  that  gave  its  name  to  the  most  ^**"'^="- 
gifted  house  that  ever  ruled  over  the  mediaeval  Empire.  The 
hereditary  land  of  the  family  lay  around,  and  a  few  miles  east, 
nearer  the  Neckar  valley,  lies  the  village  of  Weiblingen  from 
which  came  the  even  more  famous  name  of  Ghibelline.  The 
lords  of  this  upland  region  were  true  Swabian  magnates,  who 
were  gradually  brought  into  greatness  by  their  energy  and  zeal 
in  supporting  the  Empire.  In  the  darkest  days  of  his  struggle 
with  the  Church,  Henry  iv.  had  no  more  active  or  loyal  partisan 
than  Frederick  of  Buren  or  Hohenstaufen,  whom  he  married 
to  his  daughter  Agnes,  and  upon  whom  he  conferred  the 
duchy  of  Swabia.     It  was  after  the  ancient  fashion  that  the 

1  To  the  books  enumerated  in  chapter  i.  may  now  be  added,  Busk's 
discursive  but  detailed  Mediceval  Popes,  Kings,  Emperors  and  Crusaders, 
from  112$  to  1268.  Bernhardi's  Lotharvon  Supplinburg  a.nd  Konrad  III. 
deal  specially  with  the  two  reigns  covered  in  this  chapter- 


222  European  History ^  918-1273 

new  Duke  of  Swabia  should  find  his  chief  enemy  in  the  Duke 
of  Bavaria.  But  besides  many  a  bitter  feud  with  the  papaUst 
house  of  Welf  or  Guelf,  Frederick  had  to  deal  with  no  less 
formidable  enemies  within  his  own  duchy.  The  same  dis- 
integrating influences  that  were  affecting  all  Germany  were 
at  work  in  Swabia.  Berthold  of  Zahringen,  a  mighty  man 
in  the  upper  Rhineland,  sought  to  attain  the  Swabian  duchy 
by  zealous  championship  of  the  papal  cause.  After  long 
fighting  with  the  Staufer,  the  lord  of  Zahringen  was  able  to 
effect  a  practical  division  of  the  duchy.  In  1097  he  was 
allowed  all  ducal  rights  in  those  Swabian  lands  between 
Rhine  and  Alps,  which  in  a  later  age  became  the  centre  of 
the  Swiss  confederation.  He  did  not  lose  even  the  title  of 
duke,  so  that  with  the  Dukes  of  Zahringen  as  effective  rulers 
of  Upper  Swabia,  the  Hohenstaufen  influence  was  limited  to 
the  north.  The  first  Hohenstaufen  Duke  of  Swabia  had, 
by  the  Emperor's  daughter,  two  sons,  whose  names  were 
Frederick  Frederick  and  Conrad.  These  nephews  of 
and  Conrad.  Henry  V.  were  always  marked  out  by  their  uncle 
as  his  successors.  They  inherited  as  a  matter  of  course  the 
private  possessions  of  the  Salian  house.  They  had  already 
given  proof  that  they  were  worthy  of  a  high  destiny. 
Frederick,  the  elder,  succeeded  to  his  father's  duchy  of  Lower 
Swabia,  He  was  now  thirty-five  years  old,  strong,  courageous, 
ambitious,  and  well  conducted.  He  had  further  strengthened 
his  position  by  marrying  Judith,  daughter  of  Henry  the  Black, 
the  Guelfic  Duke  of  Bavaria  (died  11 26),  a  match  which 
seemed  likely  to  bridge  over  the  natural  antagonism  of  the 
two  great  southern  'nations*  of  Germany.  Conrad,  the 
younger  brother,  had  obtained  from  his  uncle  the  duchy  of 
Franconia.  All  south  Germany  might  well  seem  united  in 
support  of  Frederick's  succession  to  the  Empire.  But  the 
hierarchical  party  feared  lest  the  traditional  attitude  of  the 
Staufer  might  imperil  the  triumph  of  the  Church.  The 
feudal  nobles  were  alarmed  lest  too  vigorous  a  ruler  might 
limit  their  independence.     The  Saxons  as  ever  were  opposed 


Germany  and  Italy,  1125-1152  223 

to  a  southern  Emperor,  likely  to  renew  the  Salian  attack  upon 
their  national  liberties. 

Saxony  was  still  almost  as  vividly  contrasted  to  the  rest  of 
Germany  as  in  the  days  when  it  gave  Henry  the  Fowler  and 
Otto  the  Great  to  save  the  kingdom,  that  the  last 
degenerate  Frankish  rulers  had   brought  to  the   Duchy  and 
verge  of  ruin.    Despite  many  defeats  and  constant  Lothair  of 

1        .  r  1  11-1        Supplinburg. 

attacks,  it  was  as  free,  restless,  strong  and  warlike 
as  ever.  In  the  later  years  of  Henry  v.'s  reign  a  new  and 
vigorous  duke  had  restored  and  reorganised  its  fighting  power. 
Lothair  of  Supplinburg  was  the  son  of  that  Count  Gerhard  who 
had  fallen  in  battle  against  Henry  iv.  on  the  banks  of  the 
Unstrut.  By  his  marriage  with  Richenza,  niece  of  Egbert  of 
Meissen,  and  grand-daughter  of  Otto  of  Nordheim,  he  had 
acquired  the  Saxon  duchy,  which  under  his  hands  had  lost 
nothing  of  its  ancient  character.  While  the  Dukes  of  Swabia 
had  yielded  the  jurisdiction  of  the  south  to  the  Dukes  of 
Zahringen,  while  Franconia  was  hopelessly  split  between  rival 
houses,  Lorraine  divided  between  upper  and  lower  Lorraine, 
and  the  Margraves  of  the  East  Mark,  who  had  already  the 
power  and  were  soon  to  have  the  title  of  Dukes  of  Austria,  had 
cut  deep  into  the  integrity  of  the  Bavarian  duchy,  while  in  all 
the  duchies  alike  a  swarm  of  counts  and  barons  had  absorbed 
most  of  the  effective  attributes  of  sovereignty.  Saxony  alone 
maintained  its  unity  and  independence.  Whatever  the 
encroachments  of  the  feudal  principle,  the  Saxon  duke  still 
headed  and  represented  a  nation  proudly  conscious  of  its  great- 
ness and  fiercely  resentful  of  all  southern  influence.  Lothair 
had  grown  old  in  long  and  doubtful  struggles  against  Henry  v., 
and  the  Emperor  had  never  ventured  to  deprive  his  unruly 
subject  of  his  duchy.  The  Duke  had  found  his  position 
much  strengthened,  since  the  setting-up  of  a  Danish  arch- 
bishopric at  Lund  in  1104  had  barred  the  prospects  of  the 
Archbishop  of  Bremen  obtaining  that  northern  patriarcliate 
that  Adalbert  had  of  old  desired,  and  had  in  consequence  de- 
stroyed the  importance  of  the  chief  ecclesiastical  makeweight 


224  European  History,  918-1273 

to  his  authority.  He  was  no  servile  friend  of  the  hierarchy, 
but,  after  the  Saxon  fashion,  he  wished  well  to  the  Church, 
as  the  best  check  upon  the  power  of  the  imperialistic  south. 
Long  experience  had  made  him  cautious,  moderate,  and 
politic.     He  was  the  strongest  noble  in  Germany. 

In  August  1 1 25  the  German  magnates  met  together 
at  Mainz  to  chose  their  new  kmg.  The  antagonism  of 
Election  of  '"^^  nations  was  so  fierce  that,  while  Saxons  and 
Lothairii.,  Bavariaus  encamped  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
*"^*  Rhine,  Swabians  and  Franks  took  up  their  quarters 

on  the  opposite  side  of  the  stream.  A  committee  of  forty 
princes,  ten  chosen  from  each  of  the  four  nations,  was  set  up 
to  conduct  the  preliminary  negotiations,  and  if  possible,  to 
agree  upon  a  candidate.  Frederick  of  Swabia,  Lothair  or 
Saxony,  and  Leopold  of  Austria  were  all  proposed  as  can- 
didates. The  craft  of  Adalbert  of  Mainz,  as  ever  the  foe 
of  Henry  v,  and  his  house,  prevented  the  election  of  the 
Staufer,  by  representing  to  the  princes  that  P'rederick's  choice 
would  be  interpreted  as  a  recognition  of  an  hereditary  claim. 
For  the  first  time  since  the  election  of  Conrad  11.,  the  magnates 
had  a  free  hand,  and  they  could  not  resist  the  temptation 
to  use  it.  Adalbert  isolated  Frederick  by  breaking  up  his  new 
alliance  with  the  Guelfs.  Conrad  of  Franconia  was  away  on 
Crusade.  The  alliance  of  Saxons  and  Bavarians,  backed  up 
by  the  skill  of  Adalbert,  the  zeal  of  the  Papalists  and  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  Rhineland,  led  to  the  election  of  Lothair. 

Lothair  11.  reigned  from  11 25  to  1138.  He  was  already 
sixty  years  old,  at  his  accession,  but  he  ruled  with  energy  and 
reien  of  vigour.  By  marrying  his  only  daughter,  Gertrude, 
Lothairii.,  to  Hcnry  the  Proud,  son  of  Duke  Henr>'  the 
II25I138-  Black,  he  united  his  fortunes  with  those  of  the 
house  of  Guelf,  and  prepared  the  way  for  that  union  of  Saxony 
The  Hohen-  ^"^  Bavaria  which  had  long  been  the  Guelfs' 
staufen  dream.      In  these  days  the  struggle  of  the  rival 

•ubdued.  families  of  Welf  and  Weiblingen,  of  Guelf  and 
Chibelline,  first  brought  out  the  famous  antagonism  that  in 


Germany  and  Italy,  1125-1152  225 

later  times  was  extended  over  the  Alps,  and  grew  from  a  strife 
of  hostile  houses  to  a  warfare  of  contending  principles,  and 
finally  degenerated  into  the  most  meaningless  faction  fight  that 
history  has  ever  witnessed, 

Lothair  deprived  Frederick  of  Swabia  of  part  of  the  Salian 
lands  inherited  from  Henry  v.  This  was  the  signal  of  war 
between  Swabian  and  Saxon,  Weiblingen  and  Welf.  In  11 27 
Conrad,  the  younger  Hohenstaufen  brother,  was  set  up  as 
anti-king,  and  in  11 28  crossed  the  Alps  in  quest  of  the 
imperial  crown  and  the  heritage  of  the  Countess  Matilda. 
Milan  welcomed  him,  and  crowned  him  with  the  Iron  Crown. 
But  the  Pope,  Honorius  11.,  excommunicated  him,  and  he 
could  make  no  way  south  of  the  Apennines.  Meanwhile 
King  Lothair  and  his  son-in-law,  Henry  the  Proud,  took  pos- 
session of  the  Rhenish  towns  that  were  the  Hohenstaufen 
strongholds,  and  devastated  Swabia  with  fire  and  sword.  In 
1 134  Frederick  gave  up  the  contest,  and  next  year  Conrad 
also  made  his  submission.  Lothair  showed  politic  magna- 
nimity apd  left  them  their  hereditary  possessions. 

In  a  Diet  at  Bamberg  in  1135  Lothair  proclaimed  a 
general  peace  for  Germany.  To  Saxons  and  churchmen  his 
reign  was  a  golden  age.  '  It  is  with  right,'  wrote  a  Lothair  and 
contemporary  annalist,  'that  we  call  Lothair  the  German 
father  of  his  country,  for  he  upheld  it  strenuously  ^*^'''^*t'0'>- 
and  was  always  ready  to  risk  his  life  for  justice's  sake.'  'He 
left  behind  him,'  said  another,  '  such  a  memory  that  he  will 
be  blessed  until  the  end  of  time :  for  in  his  days  the  Church 
rejoiced  in  peace,  the  service  of  God  increased,  and  there 
was  plenty  in  all  things.'  He  has  been  accused  of  sacrificing 
the  greatness  of  the  Empire  for  the  sake  of  immediate 
advantages.  But  there  is  little  evidence  that  he  was  ever 
false  to  the  Concordat  of  Worms,  and  it  is  hard  to  condemn 
a  prince  who,  by  accepting  the  ideas  of  the  rights  of  the 
Church  that  found  favour  at  the  time,  was  able  to  put  down 
domestic  strife,  and  allow  his  people  to  advance  in  civilisa- 
tion and  poVcr. 

PERIOD  11.  p 


226  European  History,  918-1273 

As  the  true  heir  of  the  Ottos,  Lothair  occupied  himself  with 
extending  German  political  supremacy  and  culture  into  Scandi- 
The  Slavs  navian  and  Slavonic  lands.  His  earlier  efforts 
and  the  against  the  Bohemians  were  not  successful,  but 

even  before  peace  was  restored  in  Germany,  he 
forced  King  Niel  of  Denmark  and  his  son  Magnus  to  do 
homage  and  pay  tribute.  He  turned  his  arms  against  the 
neighbouring  Slavs,  and  brought  back  to  his  obedience  the 
chiefs  of  the  Wagrians  and  the  Abotrites.  Duke  Boleslav 
of  Poland  recognised  him  as  his  lord,  and  agreed  to  hold 
Pomerania  and  Riigen  as  fiefs  of  the  Empire.  Duke  Sobeslav 
of  Bohemia  and  King  Bela  11.  of  Hungary  referred  their  dis- 
putes to  his  arbitration.  At  his  court  were  seen  the  envoys  of 
the  Eastern  Emperor  and  of  the  Venetians.  Everywhere  his 
influence  was  recognised. 

Lothair  busied  himself  greatly  with  the  revival  of  religion  in 
his  rude  Saxon  duchy,  and  with  the  extension  of  Christianity 
Norbertand  ^"^  German  political  influence  amidst  the 
Albert  the  heathens  and  haJf-heathens  beyond  the  hmits  of 
®**'"  his  Empire.     Side  by  side  with  the  soldiers  of 

Albert  the  Bear,  Margrave  of  the  North  Mark,  went  the 
Christian  missionaries  and  revivalists.  At  the  bidding  of  the 
Emperor,  Norbert  left  Pr^montr^,  and  became  Archbishop  of 
Magdeburg,  and  founded  there  a  new  house  that  became  the 
second  great  centre  of  Premonstratensian  ideas.  Through 
his  influence  secular  canons  were  removed  from  most  of 
the  cathedrals  of  eastern  Saxony  and  the  Marches,  and 
replaced  by  Premonstratensians.  Norbert  wished  to  make 
Magdeburg  the  centre  of  missions  to  the  East  and  a  patriarchate 
over  Polish  and  Wendish  Christianity.  New  bishoprics  were 
founded  in  Poland  and  half-heathen  Pomerania,  and  the 
Polish  Archbishop  of  Gnesen  lost  for  a  time  his  metropolitical 
power.  For  a  time  the  ideas  of  Adalbert  of  Bremen  were 
again  in  the  ascendant,  and  the  Pope  restored  the  rights  of 
Bremen  over  Lund  and  the  churches  of  Scandinavia,  From 
Bremen  Vicelin  brought  Christianity  to  the  conquered  Wagrians 


Germany  and  Italy,  1 125-1 152  227 

and  Abotrites.  The  fortress  of  Siegburg,  built  by  Lothair  on 
the  Trave,  both  assured  his  supremacy  and  protected  the 
famous  monastery  that  grew  up  at  its  walls. 

The  alliance  between  Lothair  and  the  Papacy  did  not  in- 
volve the  abdication  of  any  imperial  rights  in  Italy,  but  the 
pressure  of  German  affairs  put  Italy  somewhat  in  Lothair  and 
the  background.  A  great  series  of  changes  was  ^**'y- 
now  being  brought  about  in  Italy.  In  the  north  and  centre 
the  communal  revolution  was,  as  we  shall  soon  see,  in  full  pro- 
gress. In  the  south  the  Norman  power  was  being  consolidated, 
while  a  fresh  schism  soon  distracted  the  Papacy. 

Since  the  conquest  of  Sicily  from  the  Mohammedans  by 
Roger,  the  youngest  brother  of  Robert  Guiscard,  the  chief 
Norman   lordship   of   southern   Italy   had   been 
divided  between  the  two  branches  of  the  house  of  siciiy  and 
Tancred.     Roger  ruled  Sicily  as  its  count  until   ApuUaby 
his  death  in   iioi,  when  he  was  succeeded  by  ' 

his  son  and  namesake,  Roger  11.,  a  child  of  four.  Mean- 
while the  stock  of  Robert  Guiscard  bore  rule  in  Calabria 
and  Apulia.  Roger,  son  of  Robert,  was  Duke  of  Apulia 
from  his  father's  death  in  1085  to  his  own  decease  in  ini. 
His  son  and  successor,  William,  was  a  weakling,  and  upon 
his  death  without  issue  in  1127,  the  direct  line  of  Robert 
became  extinct.  Roger  of  Sicily  had  now  long  attained 
man's  estate,  and  had  shown  his  ability  and  energy  in  the 
administration  of  his  county.  After  his  cousin's  death,  he  at 
once  got  himself  accepted  as  Duke  of  Apulia  and  Calabria 
by  the  mass  of  the  Norman  barons,  and  then  directed  his 
resources  towards  conquering  the  states  of  southern  Italy 
that  were  still  outside  the  power  of  his  house.  With 
the  subjugation  of  the  rival  Norman  principality  of  Capua, 
and  of  the  republics  of  Amalfi  and  Naples,  the  unity  of 
the  later  kingdom  of  Naples  and  Sicily  was  substantially 
established. 

Since  11 24  A^ambert,  Bishop  of  Ostia,  the  Bolognese  lawyer 
who  had  ended  the  Investiture  Contest,  had  held  the  papal 


228  European  History,  918-1273 

throne,  with  the  title  of  Honorius  11.,  but  he  failed  to  show  the 
decision  of  character  necessary  to  dominate  the  unruly  local 
Honorius  II.,  factions  of  Rome,  or  to  resist  the  usurpations  of 
iia4-ti3a  {^g  Count  of  Sicily.  The  union  of  Apulia  and 
Sicily  threatened  the  Italian  balance,  but  Honorius  strove  in 
vain  to  form  a  league  of  Italian  princes  against  Roger.  In 
II 28  he  was  forced  to  accept  Roger  as  lord  of  Apulia.  The 
Norman  soon  scorned  the  titles  of  count  and  duke,  which  had 
contented  his  predecessors,  and  soon  had  an  opportunity  of 
gratifying  his  ambition  to  become  a  king. 

On  the  death  of  Honorius  11.,  the  cardinals  with  due  obser- 
vance of  all  proper  forms,  chose  as  their  Pope  Peter  Pier- 
leone,  a  former  monk  of  Cluny,  who  took   the 

Schism  of  r   »  i  t^  i  •  i  ^    .       < 

Innocent  II.  name  of  Anacletus  11.  But  nothmg  could  be  less 
and  Anacie-  Quniac  than  this  Cluniac  Pope,  the  son  of  a  Jewish 
banker  who  had  turned  Christian,  and  made  a 
great  fortune  at  Rome  during  the  Investiture  Contest.  The 
house  of  Pierleone  had  taken  a  considerable  place  aipong 
the  great  families  of  Rome,  and  one  of  the  worst  troubles  of 
Honorius  11.  had  been  its  violent  opposition  to  his  rule. 
Peter  had  shamelessly  used  his  father's  money  to  buy  over  the 
majority,  and  the  worst  and  best  motives  led  to  the  question- 
ing of  his  election.  The  houses  of  Corsi  and  Frangipani, 
who  had  had  the  ear  of  the  last  Pope,  were  dismayed  at 
the  triumph  of  the  head  of  the  rival  faction.  The  strong 
hierarchical  party  had  no  faith  in  the  Jewish  usurer's  son. 
Accordingly,  five  cardinals  offered  the  Papacy  to  Gregory, 
Cardinal-deacon  of  St.  Angelo,  who  took  the  name  of  Innocent 
II.,  and  was  at  once  hailed  as  the  candidate  of  the  stronger 
churchmen.  But  in  Rome  he  found  himself  powerless.  He 
fled  to  Pisa,  and  thence  to  Genoa,  Provence,  Burgundy,  and 
France.  Anacletus  meanwhile  reigned  in  Rome  and  Italy, 
where,  by  granting  the  title  of  king  to  Roger  of  Sicily,  he 
secured  the  support  of  the  Normans. 

Anacletus  and  Innocent  both  appealed  to  Lothair.    But  the 
real  decision  of  their  claims  rested  with  Bernard  of  Clairvaux. 


Germany  and  Italy ^  I125-1152  2 29 

Bernard  had  no  faith  in  the  splendour  and  pride  of  Cluny, 
and  showed  little  respect  for  the  forms  of  a  papal  election. 
He  quickly  perceived  that  the  interests  of  the  hierarchy  were 
involved  in  recognising  Innocent,  and  with  characteristic 
enthusiasm  declared  for  his  cause,  and  soon  won  over  France 
and  its  king.  Like  Urban  11.,  Innocent  11.  traversed  France, 
crowned  Louis  vii.  at  Reims,  and  presided  over  a  synod  at 
Clermont.  England,  Castile,  Aragon  followed  France  in 
recognising  him.  Norbert  accepted  eagerly  the  guidance  of 
St.  Bernard,  and  prevailed  upon  Lothair  to  recognise  Innocent. 
Italy  alone  resisted,  and  Lothair  crossed  the  Alps  to  win 
Italy  for  Innocent,  and  receive  from  him  the  imperial  crown. 
Germany  took  little  interest  in  his  expedition,  and  Lothair  in 
the  scanty  band  that  followed  him  was  almost  i**'y- 
exclusively  Saxon.  Innocent  availed  himself  of  his  coming 
to  return  to  Italy,  and  enter  into  the  possession  of  the  long- 
contested  inheritance  of  the  Countess  Matilda.  In  April 
1 1 33,  Lothair  and  Innocent  entered  Rome.  But  Anacletus 
held  the  Leonine  city  and  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo,  and 
Innocent  could  only  get  possession  of  the  Lateran,  where 
he  crowned   the  Emperor  on  4th   Tune.     Four  . 

J  1  T  ■  1         T    1  ,-        •    •      His  corona- 

days  later  Innocent  11.  issued  a  diploma  of  pnvi-  tion  and 

lege  to  Lothair,  in  which  the  Pope,  '  not  wishing  '^^"^  °^ 

,...,,  .  ,  .  ,.     1        -r-.  privileges 

to  diminish  but  increase  the  majesty  of  the  Em-  to  the 
pire,  granted  the  Emperor  all  his  due  and  canonical   church, 
rights,  and  forbade  the  prelates  of  Germany  laying 
hands  on  the  temporalities  [regalia]  of  their  offices,  except 
from  the  Emperor's  grant.'    An  agreement  was  also  arrived  at 
with  regard   to  the   inheritance   of    the   Countess   Matilda. 
Lothair  consented  to  receive   Matilda's  fiefs  from  the  Pope, 
and  to  pay  tribute  for  them.     At  his  death  they  were  to  go  to 
Henry  of  Bavaria,  hisk  son-in-law.     By  thus  appearing  before 
the  world  as  receiving  from  the  Pope  rights  which  he  could 
well  claim  as  his  own,  Lothair  secured  for  his  family  estates 
that  might  otherwise  have  gone  to  the  Hohenstaufen.     But 
the  Papalists  were  much  exalted  at  the  submission  of  the 


230  European  History^  918-1273 

Emperor.  A  German  chronicler  tells  how  Innocent  caused  a 
picture  to  be  painted,  in  which  the  Pope  was  represented 
sitting  on  a  throne,  and  the  Emperor  humbly  receiving  the 
crown  from  his  hands.  Two  insolent  verses  inscribed  beneath 
it  told  how  the  king  had  come  to  the  gates  of  Rome,  and 
had  sworn  to  protect  the  privileges  of  the  city,  and  how  he 
became  the  man  of  the  Pope  who  gave  him  the  crown.^ 

Innocent  had  still  much  trouble  with  the  Antipope,  and 
his  chief  supporter,  Roger  of  Sicily.     He  soon  withdrew  from 

Rome  to  Pisa,  where,  in  1134,  he  held  a  synod, 
the  Normans  vvhich  Bernard  left  Clairvaux  to  attend.  But  not 
of  Sicily,         even  the  animating  presence  of  the  saint  could 

make  Anacletus  and  Roger  submit.  Innocent 
was  forced  to  continue  at  Pisa  until,  in  1136,  Lothair  crossed 
the  Alps  a  second  time  to  help  him.  On  this  occasion  the 
Emperor  came  with  an  army,  and  St.  Bernard's  fervid  denun- 
ciations of  the  Norman  tyrant,  who  alone  upheld  to  any  pur- 
pose the  schismatic  cause,  gave  the  expedition  the  character  of 
a  crusade.  Lothair  performed  exploits,  said  Otto  of  Freising, 
in  Calabria  and  Apulia  such  as  no  Prankish  king  had  done 
since  the  days  of  Charles  the  Great.  He  captured  some  of  the 
chief  Norman  towns,  such  as  Bari  and  Salerno,  while  the  fleets 
of  Pisa  made  precarious  the  communication  between  Calabria 
and  Sicily.  Roger,  after  striving  in  vain  to  bribe  the  Emperor 
into  retreat,  did  not  scruple  to  arm  his  Saracens  against  the 
two  lords  of  the  Christian  world.  He  retreated  into  the 
mountains  of  Calabria,  while  the  Pope  and  Emperor  united 
in  deposing  him  and  conferring  Apulia  on  Reginald,  a  pro- 
minent Norman  baron  of  that  region.  But  at  the  moment  of 
victory  Innocent  and  Ix)thair  quarrelled.  Both  claimed  to  be 
the  suzerains  of  Apulia,  and  both  claimed  the  sole  right  of 
investing  the  new  duke  with  his  office.     After  a  hot  dispute, 

*  '  Rex  venit  ante  fores,  jurans  prius  Urbis  honores. 
Post  homo  fit  papse,  sumit  quo  dantc  coronam.' 
Ann.   Colon.  Max.  s.a.  1133,  in  Pertz,  Mon.  Hist.  Germ.  SS.  vol.  xvii.  ; 
Ragewiiius,  Gtsta  Fred.  Imp.  ib.  xx.  422. 


Germany  and  Italy,  1125-1152  231 

they  agreed  to  hand  over  jointly  to  Keginald  the  banner, 
which  was  the  symbol  of  his  dignity ;  but  before  long  Lothair 
hurried  home,  disgusted  with  his  Papal  ally,  and  leaving 
Anacletus  again  in  possession  of  Rome.  The  fatigues  of  war 
and  travel  told  upon  him,  and  he  died  at  a  Tyrolese  village  on 
4th  December  1137,  saved  only  by  death  from  entering  upon 
the  footsteps  of  the  Salian  enemies  of  the  Church. 

Henry  the  Proud,  Duke  of  Bavaria,  aspired  to  succeed  his 
father-in-law,  having,  besides  large  hereditary  possessions, 
the  duchies  of  Bavaria  and  Saxony,  while  his  Election  of 
enjoyment  of  the  heritage  of  Matilda  gave  Conrad  iii., 
him  an  equally  important  position  in  northern  "^^' 
Italy  and  Tuscany.  He  boasted  that  his  authority  stretched 
from  the  North  Sea  to  the  Mediterranean.  But  the  arro- 
gance which  gave  him  his  nickname  deprived  him  of 
personal  popularity,  and  his  extraordinary  resources  made 
his  accession  disliked  by  all  who  feared  a  strong  monarchy, 
while  the  Church  party,  that  had  procured  the  election  of 
Lothair,  was  now  alienated  from  him.  The  result  of  all 
this  was  that  the  same  circumstances  that  had  led  to 
Lothair's  being  made  king  in  11 25,  resulted,  in  1138,  in  the 
rejection  of  his  son-in-law.  Adalbero,  Archbishop  of  Trier,  a 
creature  of  Innocent  11.,  played,  in  the  vacancy  of  both  Mainz 
and  Cologne,  the  part  which  Adalbert  of  Mainz  had  so  cleverly 
filled  on  the  previous  occasion.  He  summoned  the  electoral 
diet  to  meet  in  his  own  town  of  Coblenz.  Though  Saxony  and 
Bavaria  sent  no  representatives,  the  magnates  of  Swabia  and 
Franconia  gathered  together  at  the  appointed  spot.  Frederick, 
Duke  of  Swabia,  was  no  longer  a  candidate,  but,  on  7th 
March,  his  younger  brother,  Conrad,  the  old  enemy  of  Lothair, 
was  chosen  king. 

The  struggle  of  Welf  and  Weiblingen  soon  broke  out  anew. 
Henry  delivered  up   the   imperial   insignia,  and  c^ntegtof 
offered  to  acknowledge  Conrad,  if  confirmed  in   Conradwith 
his    possessions  ;   but  the   new   king  would  not  ^^^  °"''  *" 
accept  these  terms,  and  before  long  deprived  Henry  of  both 


232  European  History,  9 1 8- 1 273 

his  duchies.  The  margrave,  Albert  the  Bear,  who,  Hke  Henry 
the  Proud,  claimed  descent  from  the  Billung  stock,  was  made 
Duke  of  Saxony,  and  Leopold  of  Austria,  Conrad's  half-brother, 
received  Bavaria.  Civil  war  inevitably  followed.  All  Saxony 
rallied  round  the  Guelfs,  and  Albert  was  driven  from  his  new 
duchy.  But  in  October  11 39,  Henry  the  Proud  was  carried 
oflF  by  a  sudden  attack  of  fever,  and  a  child  ten  years  old 
succeeded.  With  the  help  of  his  brother  Frederick  and  the 
faithful  Rhineland,  Conrad  invaded  Saxony  in  1140,  and  won 
a  victory  at  Weinsberg  that  secured  him  his  throne,  but  did 
not  ensure  the  reduction  of  the  Saxons.  Next  year  the  death 
of  the  Austrian  Duke  of  Bavaria  made  compromise  more  easy. 
In  February  1142  a  treaty  was  signed  at  Frankfurt,  by  which 
the  Saxons  recognised  Conrad  as  king,  and  Conrad  admitted 
the  young  Henry  the  Guelf  to  the  duchy  of  Saxony.  Before 
long  Gertrude,  his  mother,  married  Henry,  the  Count  Palatine, 
brother  of  Leopold  of  Austria,  and  another  half-brother  of 
Conrad,  who  next  year  received  his  brother's  duchy  of  Bavaria. 
Thus  the  great  struggle  ended  in  a  compromise,  in  which,  if 
Conrad  retained  the  throne.  Saxony  and  Bavaria  still  remained 
under  the  influence  of  the  house  of  Guelf. 

Conrad  was  a  gallant  knight,  liberal,  attractive,  and  popular, 
but  he  had  little  statecraft,  and  no  idea  how  best  to 
The  Second  establish  his  position.  The  preaching  of  the 
Crusade,  Second  Crusade  soon  called  him  from  the  dull  and 
^^^'  ungrateful  work  of  ruling  the  Germans  to  adven- 

tures more  attractive  to  his  spirit  of  knight-errantry.  At 
Christmas  11 46  he  took  the  cross  from  Bernard  of  Clairvaux 
in  the  cathedral  of  Speyer.  Next  spring  he  proclaimed  a 
general  peace,  and  procured  the  coronation  of  his  httle  son 
Henry  as  joint  king.  Between  1147  and  1149  he  was  away 
from  Germany  on  Crusade.  With  him  went  his  gifted  nephew 
Frederick,  who,  in  1147,  had  succeeded  on  the  death  of  his 
father,  the  elder  Frederick,  to  the  Duchy  of  Swabia.  The 
Crusade  was  a  failure,  and  the  long  absence  of  the  monarch 
still  further  increased  the  troubles  of  Germany. 


Germany  and  Italy,  ii2<)- 11^2  233 

The  crusading  spirit  rose  so  high  under  Bernard's  preaching 
that  those  who  could  not  follow  Conrad  to  the  Holy  Land 
organised  fresh  Crusades  against  the  heathen  who,   The  east- 
despite  the   work  of  Norbert  and  Lothair,  still  ^f '^ 

'■  '  advance  of 

closely  fringed  the  Empire  on  the  east.  The  the  German 
Saxons  naturally  took  a  prominent  share  in  this  '''"g^om. 
Crusade.  But  the  rivalry  of  Albert  the  Bear  and  Henry 
of  Saxony,  whom  men  now  began  to  style  Henry  the  Lion, 
prevented  any  very  immediate  results  flowing  from  these 
movements.  Yet  the  definitive  conversion  of  Pomerania,  and 
the  acquisition  by  Albert  of  Brandenburg,  were  important 
steps  forward  in  the  Germanisation  of  the  lands  between  Elbe 
and  Oder.  From  the  victories  of  Albert  the  Bear  begins  the 
history  of  that  Mark  of  Brandenburg,  which  in  nearly  every 
after-age  was  to  take  so  prominent  a  part  in  German  history. 
In  later  years,  when  the  strong  rule  of  Frederick  Barbarossa 
kept  local  feuds  within  bounds,  Albert  the  Bear  and  Henry 
the  Lion  vied  with  each  other  as  pioneers  of  German  civili- 
sation in  the  north-east.  At  the  moment  it  was  enough 
.for  Henry  the  Lion  to  consolidate  his  power  in  Saxony. 
When  Conrad  came  back  from  Syria  he  found  that  Count 
Welf,  a  kinsman  of  Henry  the  Lion  who  had  returned  early 
from  the  Crusade,  had  raised  a  rebellion.  When  this  was 
suppressed,  Henry  the  Lion  again  claimed  Bavaria  and 
prepared  for  revolt.  The  young  King  Henry,  in  whose  name 
the  country  had  been  ruled  during  his  father's  absence,  now 
died  prematurely,  and  on  15th  February  1152  Conrad  followed 
him  to  the  tomb. 

Never  did  the  affairs  of  Papacy  and  Empire  run  in  more 
separate  courses  than  during  the  reign  of  Conrad  in.  While 
Europe  as  a  whole  paid  unquestioning  obedience  to  the  Papal 
power,  the  last  period  of  the  Pontificate  of  Innocent  11.,  and 
nearly  the  whole  of  the  reigns  of  his  immediate  successors, 
were  occupied  in  sordid  struggles  with  the  Roman  nobility, 
with  disobedient  neighbours,  and  with  rebellious  vassals. 
After    the   retreat  of  Lothair   over  the   Alps,    Innocent   11 


234  Ettropean  History ^  918  1273 

was  again  left,  in  1137,  to  contend  against  the  Antipope 
and  his  partisans.  His  position  was,  however,  stronger 
than  it  had  been,  and  he  was  able  to  maintain  himself  in 
Rome,  despite  Anacletus'  continued  presence  in  the  castle 
of  St.  Angelo.  But  the  loss  of  the  imperial  presence  was  soon 
far  more  than  balanced  by  the  arrival  of  a  man  whose  support 
outweighed  that  of  kings  and  princes.  In  the  spring  of  1137 
Bernard  crossed  the  Alps,  resolved  to  make  a  last  desperate 
effort  to  root  out  the  remnants  of  the  schism  that  he  had 
laboured  against  for  seven  years.  He  reached  Rome,  and 
instead  of  falling  back  on  his  usual  methods  of  violent  and 
indiscriminate  denunciation,  he  prudently  had  recourse  to 
private  conferences  with  the  few  despairing  partisans  of  the 
schismatic  Peter.  There  is  perhaps  no  more  convincing  testi- 
mony to  Bernard's  powers  of  persuasion  than  his  victory 
over  the  rude  Roman  barons  and  greedy  self-seeking  priests, 
who  upheld  the  Antipope  through  family  tradition  or  through 
fear  of  losing  their  revenues.  He  had  talked  many  of  them 
over  when  the  opportune  death  of  the  Antipope  in  January 
1 138  precipitated  his  inevitable  triumph.  The  schismatics* 
chose  a  new  Antipope,  who  took  the  name  of  Victor  iv., 
but  his  policy  was  to  negotiate  terms  of  surrender,  not  to 
prolong  the  division.  In  a  few  weeks  Bernard  persuaded 
him  to  surrender  his  dignity  to  Innocent.  Bernard  at  once 
returned  to  Clairvaux,  the  crowning  work  of  his  life  success- 
fully accomplished. 

In  April  1139  Innocent  11.  consummated  his  triumph  by 
holding  a  General  Council  in  the  Lateran,  which  was  attended 
The  Second  t>y  ^  thousand  bishops.  This  second  I^teran 
General  CouHcil   was   reckoned   by  the   Westerns  as  the 

Council,  Tenth  General  Council.  It  removed  the  last 
**39-  traces  of  the  schism,  and  re-enacted  more  formally 

the  canons  already  drawn  up  in  the  Pope's  presence  at 
the  Council  of  Reims  of  1131.  It  is  significant  of  the 
future  that  the  Council  condemned  the  errors  of  Arnold  of 
Brescia. 


Germany  and  Italy,  1125-1152  235 

Innocent  thus  restored  the  Papacy  to  its  old  position  in 
things  spiritual,  but  not  even  St.  Bernard  could  give  him  much 
"aelp  against  Roger  of  Sicily.  After  the  quarrel  of  innocent  11 
Pope  and  Emperor,  the  Norman  king  speedily  won  and  Roger  of 
back  his  position  in  Apulia  and  Calabria,  and  even  ^''^''y- 
at  the  very  end  of  the  schism  his  influence  had  forced  Monte 
Casino,  the  mother  of  all  Western  monasticism,  to  acknowledge 
Anacletus.  Spiritual  weapons  were  useless  against  Roger. 
No  sooner,  therefore,  was  the  council  over  than  Innocent  took 
the  field  in  person  against  his  rebellious  vassal.  The  fate  of 
Leo  IX.  was  speedily  repeated.  The  papal  army  was  no  match 
against  Roger's  veterans,  and  Innocent,  shut  up  in  San 
Germano,  was  forced  to  yield  himself  prisoner.  Roger  showed 
the  head  of  the  Church  the  same  respect  which  Robert  had 
shown  his  predecessor.  But  the  Pope  could  only  win  back 
his  liberty  by  confirming  to  the  Norman  all  the  advantages 
which  he  had  formerly  wrested  from  the  weakness  of  Anacletus. 
The  treaty  of  Mignano  again  restored  the  old  alliance  between 
the  Papacy  and  the  Italian  Normans.  Roger  did  homage  to 
Innocent  for  Sicily,  Apulia,  and  Capua.  A  great  south  Italian 
kingdom  was  thus  definitely  legalised  which,  in  the  varied 
changes  of  subsequent  history,  obstinately  maintained  its  unity 
with  itself  and  its  separateness  from  the  rest  of  the  peninsula. 

Roger  governed  the  state  which  he  had  founded  with  rare 
ability  and  energy.    He  was  a  true  Norman,  and  many  features 
of  his   character  suggest  a   comparison  between  Theorganisa- 
him  and  William  the  Conqueror.    He  now  showed  tion  of  the 
as  much  capacity  in  statecraft  as  he  had  previously  sicny°under 
shown  as  a  warrior.     Fierce,  relentless,  and  unfor-  Roger  i., 
giving,    he    ruthlessly   crushed    the   barons   that  *"^'^^54- 
had  profited  by  the  period  of  struggle  to  consolidate  their 
independence,  and  built  up  a  well-ordered  centralised  despot- 
ism, that  was  able  to  give  examples  in  the  art  of  government 
to  Henry  of  Anjou.     With  rare  sympathy  and  skill,  he  per- 
mitted the  motley  population  of  his  new  kingdom  to  live  their 
old  lives  under  their  old  laws.     The  Saracens  of  Sicily  that 


236  European  History,  918-1273 

had  faithfully  supported  him  in  the  days  of  his  adversity, 
continued  in  their  former  abodes,  occupying  separate  districts 
in  the  cities,  worshipping  without  hindrance  in  their  mosques, 
and  still  governed  in  the  petty  matters  of  every-day  life  by 
their  own  judges  after  the  laws  of  Islam.  The  Byzantine 
Greeks,  still  numerous  in  the  towns  of  Calabria,  enjoyed 
similar  immunities  for  their  schismatic  worship,  and  still 
followed  the  Roman  law.  Arabic  and  Greek  were  equally 
recognised  with  Latin  as  official  languages  in  the  public  acts, 
and  Roger's  coins  bore  Arabic  devices.  The  court  of  the 
king  took  a  character  of  Eastern  pomp  and  luxury  that 
anticipated  the  times  of  Frederick  11.  A  Greek  general  led 
Roger's  armies,  and  a  Greek  churchman,  who  wrote  a  book 
against  the  Roman  primacy,  shared  with  Arab  physicians, 
geographers,  and  astronomers  the  patronage  of  the  Norman 
king.  The  very  monuments  of  art  show  the  same  strange  juxta- 
position of  the  stern  romanesque  of  Neustria  with  the  mosaics 
of  the  Byzantines,  and  the  brilliant  decorations  of  Arabic 
architects.  Roger  made  Naples  and  Sicily  one  of  the  best- 
governed  states  in  Europe,  and  with  the  happy  quickness  of 
sympathy  and  readiness  to  learn  and  borrow,  which  was  the  bes* 
mark  of  the  Norman  genius,  combined  elements  the  most 
diverse  and  unpromising  into  a  happy  and  contented  whole. 

Despite  his  energy  at  home,  Roger  pursued  an  active  external 
policy.  He  remained  a  faithful  but  an  unruly  ally  of  the  Papacy. 
Roger's  later  Ll^c  Robert  Guiscard  he  turned  his  ambition 
wars.  against  Constantinople,  and  Europe  saw  the  strange 

spectacle  of  Manuel  Comnenus  allied  with  Conrad  in.  in 
withstanding  the  aggressions.  But  Roger's  most  important 
wars  were  those  against  the  Saracens,  whom  he  pursued 
into  Africa.  His  first  and  most  permanent  conquest  was 
Malta,  which  remained  until  the  sixteenth  century  a  part  of 
.  ,    the  Sicilian  realm.    The  Mohammedan  princes  of 

Conquest  of  .  .     "^ 

North  North  Africa  recognised  him  as  their  lord  and 

Africa.  opened  their  ports  to  his  merchants.     In  1146  his 

admiral  conquered  Tripoli,  and  in  1148  Roger  himself  led  a 


Germany  and  Italy,  1125-1152  237 

large  expedition  to  Africa.  After  the  capture  of  Tunis,  the 
whole  coast  line  from  Cape  Bon  to  Tripoli  was  subject  to 
the  Norman  king,  who  boasted  that  the  African  obeyed  him 
as  well  as  the  Apulian,  the  Calabrian,  and  the  Sicilian.  After 
a  long  reign,  he  died  in  11 54,  with  the  reputation  of  one  of 
the  greatest  kings  of  his  time. 

While  southern  Italy  settled  down  into  a  well-ordered  state, 
a  very  different  process  was  at  work  in  the  north,  where  the 
feudal  nobility  had  never  been  strong,  and  the 

,      ,      /  ,  .  »         ,  Growth  of 

towns  had  always  been  important.  As  the  con-  municipal 
test  between  Papacy  and  Empire  became  chronic,  autonomy  »n 
the  general  tendency  was  for  the  feudal  nobility 
to  uphold  the  Empire,  and  the  townsmen  the  cause  of  the 
Church.  As  in  the  days  of  the  early  Church,  each  Italian 
town  of  any  importance  was  the  seat  of  a  bishop,  who  became 
the  natural  leader  of  the  citizens  in  their  struggle  against 
the  rustic  nobility.  This  tendency  was  particularly  strong  in 
Lombardy,  where  the  logic  of  facts  and  lavish  grants  of 
imperial  privilege  had  conferred  on  the  bishops  the  power  of 
the  ancient  counts,  or  had  subordinated  the  imperial  officers 
under  the  episcopal  authority.  In  Lombardy  therefore  the 
municipal  revolution  broke  out,  though  it  soon  spread  to  all 
northern  and  central  Italy. 

The  municipal  government  of  Lombardy  grew  up  gradually 
and  almost  imperceptibly  under  the  shade  of  the  episcopal 
power.  The  townsfolk  became  more  numerous  and  more 
wealthy.  The  inland  cities  became  great  seats  of  manufactur- 
ing industry,  important  market  centres,  or,  like  Bologna  and 
Padua,  famous  for  their  schools.  The  towns  on  or  near  the  sea 
found  even  greater  prosperity  through  foreign  trade.  The  neces- 
sity of  common  action  in  business,  no  less  than  juxtaposition 
in  common  residence  behind  strong  walls,  brought  together  the 
citizens  in  a  common  unity  of  feeling.  The  very  subordinate 
agents  of  the  bishops'  power  supply  the  rudiments  of  a 
common  organisation.  The  eleventh  century  very  commonly 
saw  the  citizens  in  revolt  against  their  episcopal  protectors. 


238  European  History,  918-1273 

Milan,  when  on  the  side  of  its  archbishop,  had  been  strong 
enough  to  enable  Aribert  to  wage  war  against  the  Emperor 
himself  [see  pages  58,  59].  In  the  next  generation  Milan  and 
its  archbishops  were  generally  at  war.  The  quarrel  of  Pope 
and  Emperor  made  it  easy  for  the  dexterous  townsmen  to 
play  the  ecclesiastical  and  the  temporal  authority  against  each 
other,  and  Popes  and  Emperors  alike  were  prepared  to  bid 
heavily  for  its  support.  Thus  the  '  regalia,'  which  the  bishops 
had  usurped  from  the  counts,  passed  in  some  way  from  them 
to  the  citizens.  By  the  beginning  of  the  twelfth  century  the 
great  towns  of  the  north  had  become  self-governing  munici- 
palities. 

At  the  head  of  the  municipal  organisation  stood  the 
consuls,  the  chief  magistrates  of  the  town,  varying  widely  in 
numbers,  authority,  and  method  of  appointment,  but  every- 
where the  recognised  heads  of  the  city  state.  The  consulate, 
which  began  in  Italy  towards  the  end  of  the  twelfth  century, 
was  in  its  origin  a  sworn  union  of  the  citizens  of  a  town  bent 
upon  obtaining  for  themselves  the  benefits  of  local  autonomy. 
Private,  and  often,  like  the  North  French  Commune, 
rebellious  in  its  early  history,  the  consulate  in  the  end 
obtained  the  control  of  the  municipal  authority.  With  its 
erection  or  recognition  begins  the  independent  municipal 
organisation  of  the  Italian  cities.^  Besides  the  ruling  consuls 
was  a  council,  or  credentia,  of  the  'wise  men'  of  the  city, 
acting  as  a  senate.  Beyond  these  governing  bodies  was 
the  communitas,  meeting  on  grave  occasions  in  a  common 
parlamentum  or  conference.  The  local  life  of  the  muni- 
cipalities was  intensely  active,  but  there  were  fierce  jealousies 
and  perpetual  faction  fights  between  the  different  orders  of 
the   population.      The   even    more   violent   local    hatred   of 

*  On  the  whole  subject  of  the  constitution  of  the  Italian  towns  see 
H^el,  Geschichte  der  Stddteverfassung  von  Ilalien  (1847),  Heinemann, 
Zur  Entstehung  der  Stddteverfassung  in  Ilalien  (1896),  whose  views 
Hegel  contests ;  or  for  their  more  general  history,  Lanzi,  Slon'a  del 
communi  ilaliani  (1881-1884),  ^"^  Sismondi's  old-fashioned  Hiitoire  dei 
Ripubliques  Italiennes. 


Germany  and  Italy,  i\2yi\t,2  239 

neighbouring  cities  made  common  action  almost  impossible, 
and  led  to  constant  bloody  wars.  But  despite  these  troubles, 
the  Lombard  cities  grew  in  wealth,  trade,  numbers,  and 
reputation. 

The  Tuscan  cities  followed  at  a  distance  the  example  of 
their  northern  neighbours.  It  was  their  chief  concern  to 
wrest  municipal  privileges  from  the  feudal  mar-  The  Tuscan 
quises,  who  had  up  to  this  point  ruled  town  cities, 
and  country  alike.  Even  more  conspicuously  than  the  inland 
towns,  the  maritime  cities  attained  wealth  and  freedom. 
Pisa,  Genoa,  and  Venice  obtained,  as  we  have  seen,  a  great 
position  in  the  East  from  the  time  of  the  First  Crusade. 
While  Venice  stood  apart,  proud  of  its  dependence  on  the 
Eastern  Emperor,  the  life  of  the  other  maritime  cities  was 
much  the  same  as  that  of  the  inland  towns,  save  that  it  was 
more  bustling,  tumultuous,  and  varied.  Before  the  end  of 
eleventh  century,  Pisa  and  Genoa  had  driven  the  Saracens 
out  of  Corsica  and  Sardinia,  and  set  up  their  own  authority 
in  their  stead. 

The  free,  restless  life  of  the  Italian  commune  offered  a 
splendid  field  for  the  intellectual  revival  which  we  have 
traced  in  the  preceding  chapter.  Side  by  side  with  the 
development  of  Italian  municipalities,  went  the  growth  of  the 
famous  schools  of  Italy.  The  Italian  scholars  were  for  the 
most  part  townsmen,  laymen,  and  lawyers.  While  the  students 
north  of  the  Alps  became  a  little  cosmopolitan  aristocracy  of 
talent,  living  in  a  world  of  their  own,  and  scarcely  influenced 
by  the  political  life  around  them,  tlie  Italian  students  easily 
became  politicians  and  leaders  of  men.  Abelard  led  no  revolt 
save  against  the  tyranny  of  authority  and  teachers  of  obsolete 
doctrine.  His  chief  Italian  disciple  became  the  first  educated 
popular  leader  known  to  the  mediaeval  world.  With  the 
influence  of  Arnold  of  Brescia  the  gulf  between  the  new 
life  of  action  and  the  new  life  of  speculation  was  bridged 
over. 

Arnold  of  Brescia  was  born  in  the  town  from  which  he 


240  European  History ^  918-1273 

took  his  name.  At  Paris  he  became  an  ardent  disciple  and 
personal  friend  of  Abelard.  Returning  to  his  native  city, 
Early  life  of  ^^  became  provost  of  a  foundation  of  Canons 
Arnold  of  Regular,  and  a  conspicuous  influence  both  in  the 
spiritual  and  poHtical  life  of  the  town.  He  had  the 
love  of  novelty,  the  restless  vanity,  the  acute  sceptical  intellect 
of  his  brilliant  teacher.  He  preached  that  priests  were  to  live 
on  the  tithes  and  free  offerings  of  the  faithful,  that  bishops 
were  to  renounce  their  'regalia,'  and  monks  their  lands, 
and  the  laity  only  were  to  rule  the  state.  Under  his 
leadership,  Brescia,  like  the  other  Lombard  cities,  cast  off 
the  bishop's  rule,  but  Innocent  11.  took  up  the  bishop's 
cause,  and,  as  we  have  seen,  the  Lateran  Council  of  11 39 
deprived  Arnold  of  his  benefice  and  banished  him  from  Italy. 
He  again  crossed  the  Alps,  stood  by  the  side  of  Abelard 
at  the  Council  of  Sens,  and  returned  to  Paris,  and  taught 
at  Abelard's  old  school  on  Mont  Ste.  Genevibve.  But  his 
doctnne  of  apostolic  poverty  was  too  extreme  to  please  the 
ambitious  clerks  who  thronged  the  Paris  schools,  and  he  was 
pursued  by  the  inveterate  malice  of  Bernard,  who  persuaded 
Louis  VII.  to  drive  the  heretic  from  France.  Arnold  retired 
to  Ziirich,  whence  he  soon  wandered,  preaching,  through  the 
valleys  of  upper  Swabia,  protected  against  Bernard's  anger  by 
the  papal  legate  Cardinal  Guido,  his  old  Paris  comrade. 
The  abbot  of  Clairvaux  was  furious  with  the  cardinal. 
'  Arnold  of  Brescia,'  he  wrote,  '  whose  speech  is  honey,  whose 
doctrine  poison,  the  man  whom  Brescia  has  vomited  forth, 
whom  Rome  abhors,  whom  France  drives  to  exile,  whom 
Germany  curses,  whom  Italy  refuses  to  receive,  obtains  thy 
support  To  be  his  friend  is  to  be  the  foe  of  the  Pope  and 
God.*  In  1 145  Arnold  returned  to  Italy  with  Guido,  and 
was  reconciled  to  the  Church.  With  his  arrival  in  Rome 
to  work  out  his  penance,  the  last  and  greatest  period  of  his 
career  begins. 

The  end  of  the  Pontificate  of  Innocent  11.  was  marked  by 
the  beginning  of  a  fierce  fight  between  the  Pope  and  the  city 


Germany  and  Italy,  1125-1152  24 1 

of  Rome.     The  old  Roman  spirit  of  opposition  to  the  Pope 
had  been  revived  by  the  long  struggle  of  the  typically  Roman 
Anacletus,  and  what  had  been  accomplished  in    ^^^  j^^j 
Milan  and  Brescia  seemed  no  impossible  ideal    years  of 
for  the  Romans.     In  1143  the  Romans,  enraged    ^""^o""*"- 
at  the  refusal  of  Innocent  to  destroy  the  rival  city  of  Tivoli, 
set  up  a  Commune,  at  the  head  of  which  was  a    The  Roman 
popular  Senate,  to  exercise  the  power  hitherto  in    revolution, 
the  hands  of  the  noble  consuls  or  the  Pope  himself.     Before 
long  they  chose  as  '  Patrician '  Giordano  Pierleone,  a  kinsman 
of  Anacletus.     Innocent  11.  died  at  the  very  beginning  of  the 
struggle.     His   successor,  Celestine  11.,  reigned  j,  ,    ^• 
only  from  September  1143  to  March  1144,  and  1143-4, 
was  powerless  to  withstand  the  Commune.    The  ^"'^'"^  ^^•> 

.  1144-5,  and 

next  Pope,  Lucius  11.,  put  himself  at  the  head  Eugenius  in., 
of  the  nobles,  went  to  war  against  it,  but  was  ^^45-"54- 
slain  while  attempting  to  storm  the  Capitol  (February  1 145). 
This  time  the  timid  cardinals  went  outside  their  own  number, 
and  chose  Eugenius  in.,  the  abbot  of  the  Cistercian  convent 
of  Tre  Fontane  in  the  Campagna,  a  man  whose  chief  recom- 
mendation was  the  ostentatious  patronage  of  St.  Bernard,  and 
who  was  a  simple  and  timid  monk  quite  unversed  in  statecraft. 
Immediately  after  his  election  Eugenius  fled  from  Rome,  and 
after  some  temporising  he  crossed  the  Alps  in  1147,  leaving 
the  Roman  republic  triumphant.  He  remained  absent  till 
1 148,  mainly  engaged  in  furthering  the  work  of  Bernard. 

Arnold  of  Brescia  now  abandoned  his  spiritual  exercises 
and  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  Roman  revolution.  All 
Rome  listened  spellbound  to  his  eloquence  while  Arnold  of 
he  preached  against  the  pride  and  greed  of  the  Brescia  and 
cardinals,  and  denounced  the  Pope  as  no  shep-  ^°™^- 
herd  of  souls,  but  a  man  of  blood  and  the  torturer  of  the 
Church.  His  hope  was  now  to  free  Rome  permanently  from 
all  priestly  rule,  to  reduce  the  clergy  to  apostolic  poverty, 
and  to  limit  them  to  their  purely  spiritual  functions.  Rome 
was  to  be  a  free  municipality  subject  only  to  the  Emperor, 

PERIOD  II.  Q 


242  European  History,  918-1273 

who  was  to  make  the  city  the  centre  and  source  of  his  power, 
like  the  great  Emperors  of  old.  *  We  wish,*  wrote  the 
Romans  to  Conrad  iii.,  'to  exalt  and  glorify  the  Roman 
Empire,  of  which  God  has  given  you  the  rule.  We  would 
restore  it  as  it  was  in  the  days  of  Constantine  and  Justinian. 
We  have  restored  the  Senate.  We  strive  with  all  our  might 
that  Caesar  may  enjoy  his  own.  Come  over  and  help  us, 
for  you  will  find  in  Rome  all  that  you  wish.  Settle  yourself 
firmly  in  the  City  that  is  the  head  of  the  world,  and,  freed 
from  the  fetters  of  the  clergy,  rule  better  than  your  prede- 
cessors over  Germany  and  Italy.*  But  Conrad,  intent  on  his 
crusading  projects,  paid  no  heed  to  the  Roman  summons. 

Bernard  saw  as  keenly  as  Arnold  of  Brescia  how  the 
political  influence  and  wealth  of  the  Church  were  in  danger 
Arnold  of  ^^  ovcrshadowing  its  religious  work.  'Who  will 
Brescia  and  permit  me  to  sce  before  I  die,'  he  wrote  to 
Eugenius,  'the  Church  of  God  so  ordered  as  it 
was  in  the  old  days,  when  the  Apostles  cast  their  nets  to  fish 
for  souls  and  not  for  gold  and  silver? '  But  he  recognised  in 
Arnold's  policy  an  attack  on  the  influence  of  the  Church,  not 
merely  an  assault  on  its  worldly  possessions  and  dignities. 
He  carried  on  the  war  against  Arnold  with  more  acerbity  than 
ever.  Eugenius  again  passed  over  into  Italy  to  measure 
swords  with  the  Roman  republic.  When  personal  intercourse 
ceased,  Bernard  sent  to  the  Pope  his  book  De  Consider atione, 
in  which  he  warned  the  Papacy  to  follow  the  Apostles  and 
not  Constantine,  and  lamented  the  danger  lest  the  avarice 
of  lordship  and  apostolate  should  prove  fatal  to  it.  It  is 
strange  how  nearly  the  arch-enemies  Arnold  of  Brescia  and 
Bernard  approached  each  other,  both  in  their  ideas  and  in 
their  way  of  life.  Both  lived  like  ascetics.  Both  hated  the 
pomp  and  show  of  priestly  dignity,  and  wished  to  keep  the 
Church  apart  from  the  world.  Yet  the  pupil  of  Abelard  was 
the  apostle  of  the  lay  spirit ;  and  the  last  of  the  fathers  was 
the  greatest  pillar  of  that  sacerdotal  autocracy,  whose  dangers 
to  spiritual  life  he  so  fully  realised. 


Germany  and  Italy,  1125-1152  243 

Fugenius  now  accepted  the  new  constitution  of  the  City, 
and  was  content  to  act  as  the  spiritual  chief  of  his  diocese. 
But  even  on  these  conditions  a  prolonged  stay  in  Rome  was 
impossible.  In  11 50  the  conflict  was  renewed.  But  the 
death  of  King  Conrad,  two  years  later,  put  an  end  to  the 
state  of  things  that  had  prevailed  since  the  end  of  the  Investi- 
ture Contest.  Conscious  that  under  his  hands  the  imperial 
power  had  suffered  some  diminution,  Conrad  on  his  deathbed 
bade  his  friends  pay  no  regard  to  the  claims  of  his  infant  son, 
but  secure  the  succession  to  his  well-tried  nephew  Frederick. 
The  year  after,  Bernard  of  Clairvaux,  the  wielder  of  the 
Church's  might,  followed  the  king  to  the  tomb.  We  now  enter 
into  a  new  period,  when  the  changed  relations  of  Church  and 
State  correspond  to  a  mighty  development  of  the  economical 
and  industrial  powers  of  the  people  of  western  Europe. 
The  imperial  power  was  to  be  renewed,  and,  as  in  the  days  of 
the  Saxon  Emperors,  was  to  save  the  Papacy  from  its  Roman 
enemies,  only  to  enter  again  into  fierce  conflict  with  it  for  the 
rule  of  the  world.  The  quiet  period,  during  which  each 
country  was  free  to  work  out  its  own  development,  and 
during  which,  in  the  absence  of  great  rulers,  the  dominating 
influences  were  those  of  the  leaders  and  opponents  of  the  new 
religious  movement,  is  succeeded  by  another  period,  when  the 
chief  interest  again  shifts  back  to  politics.  The  age  of 
Bernard  and  Abelard  is  succeeded  by  the  age  of  Frederick 
Barbarossa  and  Henry  of  Anjoa 


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CHAPTER   XI 

FREDERICK  BARBAROSSA  AND  ALEXANDER  III. 
THE  RENEWED  CONFLICT  OF  PAPACY  AND  EMPIRE  (l  152-1 190).* 

Election  and  Policy  of  Frederick  I. — Frederick  and  Adrian  IV. — Fall  of 
Arnold  of  Brescia— Frederick's  early  German  Policy — The  Burgundian 
Marriage  and  the  Diet  of  Besanfon — Breach  with  the  Papacy — Frederick's 
Second  Italian  Journey — Diet  of  Roncaglia  and  Destruction  of  Milan — 
Alexander  iii.  and  the  Antipopes — The  Lombard  League — Battle  of 
Legnano — Peace  of  Constance — Frederick  and  Germany — Fall  of  Henry 
the  Lion — Division  of  the  Saxon  Duchy — Union  of  Sicily  with  the 
Empire — The  Lateran  Coimcil  and  the  last  days  of  Alexander  ill. — His 
Successors  —  Urban  in.  and  Frederick  —  The  Crusade  and  Death  of 
Frederick— His  Personality  and  Character. 

'  It  is  the  cardinal  principle  of  the  law  of  the  Roman 
Empire,'  wrote  Otto  of  Freising,  '  that  the  succession  depends 
not  upon  hereditary  right,  but  on  the  election  Election  of 
of  the  princes.'  According  to  this  precept  the  Frederick  i., 
magnates  of  Germany  met  in  March  1152  at  *^^' 
Frankfurt  to  appoint  a  successor  to  Conrad  in.  Some  of  the 
barons  of  Italy  attended  the  assembly.  '  There  were,'  wrote 
Otto,  'two  mighty  houses  in  the  Roman  Empire,  one  that 
of  the  Henrys  of  Weiblingen,  the  other  that  of  the  Welfs  of 

*  Among  the  modem  authorities  for  this  period  may  be  quoted  Prutz's 
K'aiser  Friedrich  /.,  Renter's  Geschichte  Alexanders  des  Dritten  utid  der 
Kirche  seiner  Zeit,  and  Picker's  Forschungen  zur  Reichs-  und  Rechts- 
geschichte  in  Italien.  Giesebrccht's  great  work,  unluckily,  ends  with  the 
fall  of  Henry  the  Lion.  Raumer's  Geschichte  der  Hohenstaiifen  is  quite 
antiquated.  A  full  account  of  Frederick's  Italian  struggle  is  to  be  found  in 
English  in  Testa's  History  of  the  War  of  Frederick  I.  against  the  Comtnunet 
of  Lombardy  (1877).     Otto  of  Freising  is  a  first-rate  original  chronicler. 

245 


246  European  History,  918-1273 

Altorf.  The  one  was  wont  to  furnish  mighty  emperors,  the 
other  puissant  dukes.  These  families,  jealous  of  each  other, 
had  been  long  accustomed  to  disturb  the  tranquillity  of  the 
commonwealth  by  their  feuds,  but  in  the  days  of  Henry  v. 
Frederick,  the  duke,  representative  of  the  royal  stock,  had 
married  the  daughter  of  Henry,  Duke  of  the  Bavarians,  the 
representative  of  the  ducal  family.  The  offspring  of  this 
union  was  Duke  Frederick,  and  the  princes,  regarding  not 
only  the  energy  and  valour  of  the  young  duke,  but  consider- 
ing that  he  shared  the  blood  of  both  houses,  and  like  a 
comer-stone  could  bind  the  two  together,  chose  him  as  their 
king  that  thus  with  God's  blessing  he  might  end  their  ancient 
quarrel.' 

The  new  king  was  well  worthy  of  the  general  confidence 
whicli  he  inspired.  Already  thirty  years  of  age,  he  had 
Frederick's  abundantly  displayed  rare  gifts  both  as  a  states- 
policy,  man  and  as  a  general.  He  had  administered  his 
duchy  of  Swabia  with  energy  and  success.  He  had  combined 
loyalty  to  his  uncle  Conrad  with  friendship  for  his  cousin 
Henry  the  Lion,  and  his  mediation  had  saved  Duke  Welf  vi. 
in  the  time  of  his  greatest  disaster.  His  exploits  on  the 
Crusade  had  spread  abroad  his  fame,  and  the  few  survivors 
who  had  reached  home  in  safety  recognised  that  they  owed 
their  lives  to  his  courage  and  policy.  He  was  admired  for 
his  kingly  bearing  and  fair  proportions,  for  the  chivalry  and 
generosity  of  his  character,  for  his  independent  attitude  towards 
the  Church,  for  the  subtle  policy  so  rarely  combined  with  the 
simple  virtues  of  the  hero  of  romance. 

I  Frederick  threw  himself,  with  all  the  passionate  ardour 
<^f  his  character,  into  the  difficult  task  of  restoring  the 
waning  glories  of  the  Empire.  For  the  thirty-seven  years  of 
life  that  remained  to  him,  he  never  faltered  in  his  task.  To 
him  Germany  and  Italy  were  but  two  sections  of  that  Holy 
Roman  Empire  whose  yrights  and  dignities  he  strove  with  all 
his  might  to  uphold.  /*  During  all  his  reign,'  wrote  a  chroni- 
cler, •  nothing  was  nearer  his  heart  than  re-establishing  the 


Frederick  Barbarossa  and  Alexander  III.        247 

Empire  of  Rome  on  its  ancient  basis.'  To  him  every  right 
that  had  been  exercised  by  Justinian  or  Constantine,  by 
Charlemagne  or  Otto  the  Great,  was  literally  his  right  as 
the  lawful  successor  of  these  mighty  rulers.  He  has  beeiu 
very  truly  described  as  an  '  imperialist  Hildebrand,'  and 
Hildebrand  himself  had  not  a  more  lofty  consciousness 
of  his  high  purpose  and  divine  mission  to  establish  God's 
kingdom  on  earth.  But  he  was  no  dreamer  like  Otto,  '  the 
wonder  of  the  world.'  He  strove  to  realise  his  lofty  ideals 
with  shrewd  practical  wisdom  and  businesslike  command  of 
details.  The  great  jurists  of  Bologna,  who  constantly  stood 
round  his  throne,  not  only  taught  him  that  the  Emperor  was 
lord  of  the  world,  and  that  the  will  of  the  prince  had  the 
force  of  law,  but  illustrated  to  the  most  minute  detail  the 
individual  prerogatives  of  his  office.  His  German  subjects 
re-echoed  these  sentiments,  and  his  uncle.  Bishop  Otto  of 
Freising,  taught  that  to  the  Emperor  belonged  the  protection 
of  the  whole  world.  \\  When  bitter  experience  showed  him  that 
all  his  strength  and  all  his  faith  were  of  little  avail  in  setting 
up  again  a  polity  which  the  age  had  outlived,  he  had  per- 
force to  distinguish  between  his  position  as  German  King 
and  Roman  Emperor,  and  apply  one  raethod  in  breaking-down 
the  turbulent  feudalism  of  his  northern  kingdom  and  another 
in  checking  the  growing  spirit  of  municipal  independence  in 
the  lands  beyond  the  Alps.  In  Italy  his  path  seemed  strewn 
with  disasters,  and  even  in  Germany  he  obtained  no  very 
brilliant  success.  But  if  he  failed,  his  was  one  of  the  most 
magntficenrfailures  in  history,  a  failure  which  did  not  prevent 
him  from  handing  on  his  power  almost  unimpaired  to  his  son. 
With  all  his  faults,  Frederick  remains  the  noblest  embodiment 
of  mediaeval  kingship,  the  most  imposing,  the  most  heroic, 
and  the  most  brilliant  of  the  long  line  of  German  princes, 
who  strove  to  realise  the  impracticable  buLglorious  politick 
ideal  of  the  Middle  AgesT^ 

Frederick  from  the  first  directed  his  attention  to  Italy,  and  in 
March  1153  concluded  a  treaty  with  the  fugitive  Eugenius  in. 


248  European  History,  918-1273 

at  Constance.  By  this  he  agreed  to  make  no  peace  with 
Roger  of  Sicily  without  the  approval  of  the  Curia,  and  to  reduce 
^^  .  the  rebellious  City  to  obedience  to  the  Pope,  in 
ment  of  return  for  the  promise  of  the  imperial  crown  and 

Germany,  papal  support  against  his  enemies,  /But  Frederick 
was  too  wise  to  hurry  across  the  Alps  before  he  was 
assured  of  the  obedience  of  Germany,  where  from  the  moment* 
of  his  coronation  he  went  on  progress,  receiving  the  homage 
of  his  vassals  and  seeking  to  appease  ancient  feuds.  The 
loyalty  of  Henry  the  Lion  was  rewarded  by  the  formal  grant 
of  the  duchy  of  Bavaria,  while  Frederick's  own  duchy  of 
Swabia  was  granted  to  his  cousin  Frederick  of  Rothenburg, 
Berthold  of  Zahringen,  a  possible  rival  for  this  position,  was 
conciliated  by  his  appointment  as  rector  or  viceroy  in  Bur- 
gundy. Henry,  Archbishop  of  Mainz,  paid  the  penalty  of  his 
solitary  opposition  to  Frederick's  election  by  his  deposition 
from  his  archbishopric  on  a  charge  of  wasting  the  lands  of  his 
see.  Even  beyond  the  limits  of  Germany,  the  Scandinavian  and 
Slavonic  princes  were  taught  that  there  was  again  an  Emperor, 
and  the  disputed  succession  to  Denmark  was  settled  by 
Frederick's  mediation,  and  the  king,  Svend,  who  owed  his 
throne  to  Frederick's  action,  submitted  to  become  his  feudal 
dependant  But  after  two  years  the  outlook  in  Italy  became 
so  threatening  that  Frederick  was  compelled  to  leave  his 
Frederick'  German  work  half  undone  and  hurry  across  the 
first  Italian  Alps  with  a  Small  force  hastily  collected.  Accom- 
visit,  1154.55.  panied  by  Henry  the  Lion,  and  the  Bavarian 
palatine.  Otto  of  Wittelsbach,  and  only  1800  knights,  he 
crossed  the  Brenner  in  October  1154  and  appeared  in  the 
plain  of  Lombardy.  He  held  his  Diet  at  Roncaglia  near 
Piacenza,  and  received  the  homage  of  the  barons  and  cities  of 
Italy.  Milan  held  sullenly  aloof,  but  small  as  was  Frederick's 
following,  the  destruction  of  Tortona  (Easter,  1155),  an  ally  of 
Milan,  taught  the  Italians  that  the  Emperor  was  to  be  feared. 
After  receiving  the  Lombard  crown  at  Pavia,  Frederick 
marched  through  Tuscany  to  Rome.    / 


Frederick  Barharossa  and  Alexander  I  FT.        249 

The  condition  of  the  Papacy  was  still  critical,  though  the 
persistence  of  Eugenius  in.  had  broken  the  back  of  the 
Roman  opposition,  and  Arnold  of  Brescia  had  already  begun 
to  lose  influence  among  the  fickle  Romans.  But  Eugenius  iii. 
had  died  on  8th  July  1153,  and  his  successor,  the  mild 
Anastasius  iv.,  dwelt  continuously  in  Rome  until  his  death, 
after  a  reign  of  less  than  a  year  and  a  half,  on  3rd  December 
1 1 54.  The  next  Pope,  Adrian  iv.,  was  the  only  Englishman 
who  ever  occupied  the  throne  of  St.  Peter.  The  son  of  a  poor 
man,  Nicholas  Breakspear  had  adopted  the  life  of  a  wandering 
scholar,  and  had  worked  his  way  up  to  the  head-  Adrian  iv., 
ship  of  the  house  of  Canons  Regular  of  St.  Rufus,  "54- "59- 
near  Valence  on  the  Rhone.  His  stern  rule  excited  the 
hostility  of  the  canons  whose  complaints  to  Eugenius  111.  first 
attracted  the  Pope's  notice  to  him.  In  1146  he  was  made 
cardinal-bishop  of  Albano,  and  was  soon  afterwards  sent  on 
an  important  legation  to  Scandinavia,  in  the  course  of  which 
he  freed  the  northern  churches  from  their  dependency  on 
Germany,  by  setting  up  the  new  archbishopric  of  Trondhjem. 
Soon  after  his  return  he  was  elected  to  the  Papacy.  Adrian  iv. 
was  a  man  of  high  character,  sound  learning,  and  kindly  dis- 
position. He  fully  felt  the  responsibility  of  his  great  office, 
declaring  that  '  the  Pope's  tiara  was  splendid  because  it  burnt 
like  fire.'  His  pontificate  began  amidst  street-fights  in  which 
a  cardinal  was  slain ;  but  Adrian  took  the  strong  measure  of 
laying  Rome  under  jnterdict,  and  the  inconstant  citizens, 
whose  gains  were^Hecreased  by  the  refusal  of  pilgrims  to  visit 
a  city  under  the  Pope's  ban,  made  their  submission  to  him 
and  drove  out  Arnold  of  Brescia,  who  spent  the  short  re- 
mainder of  his  life  as  a  wandering  fugitive.  But  William,  the 
new  King  of  _Sicily,  devastated  Campania,  and  threatened 
to  march  on  Rome.  In  his  despair,  Adrian  renewed  with 
Frederick  the  Treaty  of  Constance,  and^went  out  to  Nepi  to_ 
meet  him.  The  good  understanding  was  almost  destroyed 
when  Frederick  refused  to  hold  the  bridle  of  the  Pope's  horse 
and  assist  him  to  dismount,  and  the  alliance  was  only  renewed 


250  European  History,  918-1273 

by  Frederick's  submission,  which  was  rendered  necessary  by 

the  sullen  hostility  of  the  Romans  to  Frederick  and  Adrian 

alike.     On  1 8th  June  Adrian  crowned  Frederick 

Coronation  .      _,      -^  j      i  -i  i     i  i 

of  Frederick,  Empcrof  m  St.  Peter  s,  hastily  and  almost  secretly, 
isthjune        for  fear  of  the  Romans,  who,  on  hearing  of  it, 

rushed  to  arms.  Frederick  could  only  hold 
his  ground  by  hard  fighting,  and  soon  lack  of  provisions 
forced  him  to  flee  from  Rome,  taking  the  Pope  with 
him.  The  fierce  heat  of  the  Italian  summer  had  already 
decimated  Frederick's  little  army,  and  he  now  resolved  to  re- 
cross  the  Alps,  leaving  Adrian  to  his  fate.  The  only  act  of 
Death  of  powcr  that  had  followed  the  reconciliation  of  Pope 
Arnold  of        and   Empcror  was  the  execution  of  Arnold  of 

Brescia,  who  had  been  taken  prisoneFIrTTuscafty 
by  the  Emperor,  and  having  been  handed  over  to  the  car- 
dinals, was  condemned  and  executed  as  a  heretic.  His 
dead  body  was  burnt  at  the  stake.  *  His  ashes,'  says  Otto 
of  Freising,  'were  thrown  into  the  Tiber,  that  his  relics 
might  not  be  worshipped  by  the  obstinate  populace.*  Arnold's 
work,  the  Roman  Commune,  lived  after  him,  and  Adrian, 
after  the  Emperor's  departure,  was  forced  to  make  terms 
with  it. 

On  recrossing  the  Brenner,  Frederick  began  anew  the  task 
of  reconciling  Germany,  which  had  been  interrupted  by  his 
Troubles  Italian  journey.  Fierce  feuds  had  burst  out  all  over 
in  Germany.  Germany,  and  in  particular  the  quarrels  of  Arnold, 
the  new  Archbishop  of  Mainz,  with  Hermann,  Count  Palatine 
of  the  Rhine,  had  laid  waste  the  Rhineland.  The  establish- 
ment of  Henry  the  Lion  as  Duke  of  Bavaria  had  been  bitterly 
resented  by  Frederick's  uncle,  Henry  of  Austria,  called,  from 
his  favourite  oath,  *  Henry  Jasomirgott,*  who  still  waged 
fierce  war  against  his  rival  for  the  possession  of  his  former 
duchy.  But  the  return  of  the  Emperor  was  soon  marked  by 
good  results,  and  from  the  measures  taken  to  appease  the 
aggrieved  feudatories  sprang  a  new  departure  in  the  territorial 
history  of  Germany.      In   September    1156   he  ended   tlie 


Frederick  Barharossa  and  Alexander  III.        251 

rivalry  of  Henry  the  Lion  and  Henry  of  Austria  by  investing 
the  latter  with  Austria,  erected  into  a  new  duchy  absolutely 
independent  of  Bavaria,   and^itsemndivisible, 
hereditary  in  the  house  of  Babenberg  even  in  the  of  Austria 
female  line,  and  exempt  from  many  of  the  burdens  established, 
usually  imposed  on  the  great  fiefs.    In  the  creation 
of  the  duchy  of  Austria,  Frederick  prepared  the  way  for  the 
more  sweeping  changes  in  the  same  direction  which  followed 
the  fall  of  Henry  the  Lion  in  1180.     Leaving  the  control  of 
northern  and  eastern  Germany  to  Albert  the  Bear  and  the  two 
Henrys,  Frederick  attempted  to  consolidate  his  own  dynastic 
power  in  the  south-west.     He  punished  the  disorderly  Count 
Palatine  Hermann  for  his  attacks  on  Mainz,  by  depriving  him 
of  his  possessions.      These  he  granted  to  his  half-brother 
Conrad,  his  father's  son  by  his  second  marriage,  and  already 
possessor  of  the  hereditary  Salic  estates  round  Worms,  the 
Palatinate  of  the  Rhine.     Conrad  united  these  two  districts 
to  form  a  new  territorial  power,  that  had  for  its  centre  the 
recently-founded  castle  and  town  of  Heidelberg,  and  was  the 
starting-point  of  the  later  Palatinate.      In   11 56  Frederick 
married  Beatrice,  the  heiress  of  Renaud  of  Macon,  Couwt  of 
Burgundy.^     This  match  immensely  strengthened  p    .   .  . , 
the  imperial   power   in    that    Middle --Kingdom  marriage  aiyj 
where  it  was  always  weak,  and  moreover  materially   Burgundian 

policy. 

extended  the  domains  of  Frederick  in  that  region 
where  his  influence  was  already  strongest.  His^irect  sway 
now  stretched  from  the  Swabian  uplands  across  the  mid3le 
Rhine  to  the  Vosges,  and  thence  south  to  the  neighbourhood 
of  Lyons.  Such  an  accession  of  power  necessarily  brought 
about  the  end  of  the  nominal  Zahringen  rectorate,  but 
Frederick  bought  off  Duke  Berthold  by  lands  and  privileges 
beyond  the  Jura.  It  was  only  by  freelyjacrificing  his  sovereign 
rights  that  Frederick  was  able  to  persuade  the~TTi^gnates 
of  Germany  to  promise  him  such  adequate  support  in  his 

^  On   Frederick's  relations   to   the  Middle  Kingdom,   see   Foumier's 
Royaume  d" Aries  tt  de  Vienru,  11S8-1S78. 


252  European  History,  918-1273 

projected  expedition  into  Italy  as  would  enable  him  to  cross  the 
Alps  as  a  conqueror  and  not  as  a  suppliant.  For  the  moment 
his  policy  seemed  extremely  successful.  Besides  conciliating 
Germany,  he  had  won  back  Burgundy.  He  had  conciliated 
Duke  Vratislav  of  Bohemia,  who  had  refused  him  homage, 
by  allowing  him  to  crown  himself  king.  He  had  forced  King 
Boleslav  iv.  of  Poland  to  recognise  his  overlordship  by  a 
brilliant  invasion  that  got  as  far  into  Poland  as  Gnesen. 
Svend  of  Denmark  was  still  his  obedient  vassal,  Henry  11. 
of  England  wrote  acknowledging  in  general  terms  the  supre- 
macy of  the  Emperor  over  all  his  dominions.  In  his  chancellor 
Rainald  of  Dassel,  he  found  a  zealous  and  able  chief  minister. 
'In  Germany,'  wrote  Ragewin,  the  continuator  of  Otto  of 
Freising,  '  there  was  now  such  an  unwonted  peace  that  men 
seemed  changed,  the  land  a  different  one,  the  very  heaven  had 
become  milder  and  softer.'  Frederick's  early  glory  culminated 
Diet  of  "^  ^^  brilliant  Diet  at  Besan9on,  the  chief  town 
Besan^on,  of  his  wife's  inheritance,  in  October  1157,  where 
*'^''  '  all  the   earth,'  exclaimed  Ragewin,  '  filled  with 

admiration  for  the  clemency  and  justice  of  the  Emperor,  and 
moved  both  by  love  and  fear,  strove  to  overwhelm  him  with 
novel  praises  and  new  honours.'  This  Diet  witnessed  a  hot 
(Jispute  between  Frederick  and  the  Papacy. 
7  Ever  since  Frederick's  sudden  withdrawal  from  Rome,  his 
relations  with  Adrian  iv.  had  been  exceedingly  strained.  Both 
claimed  to  be  lord  of  the  world,  and  neither  could 

Alliance  of  .,..-,. 

Adrian  IV.   agree  as  to  the  respective  limits  of  their  power, 
and  the        Por  a  moment  the  common  fear  of  the  Italian 

Normans.  ,      ,  ,  ,      .  , 

communes  and  alarm  at  the  revolutionary  heresy 
of  Arnold  might  unite  them  in  a  temporary  truce.  The 
pressing  danger  once  over,  they  fell  back  into  their  natural 
relations  of  watchful  hostility.  When  Frederick  withdrew  from 
Italy,  he  had  neither  reduced  Rome  to  the  obedience  of  the 
Pope,  nor  had  chastised  the  forays  of  the  new  King  William 
of  Sicily.  Adrian  soon  found  that  he  would  have  to  fight  for — 
his  own  hand.     He  cleverly  formed^  league  with  the  feudal 


Frederick  Barbara ssa  and  Alexander  TIL       253 

barons  of  Apulia,  who  were  ripe  for  revolt  against  their  over-, 
powerful  sovereign.  He  negotiated  with  the  Greek  Emperor, 
Manuel  i.,  who  was  willing  to  fight  William,  if  the  Pope  would 
grant  him  three  Neapolitan  seaports.  Alarmed  at  such  a  for- 
midable coalition,  William  became  the  Pope's  vassal,  and  re- 
ceived in  return  the  investiture  of  Apulia  and  Sicily.  A^ian  iv. 
thus"  renewed  the  policy  of  Leo  ix.  and  Innocent  11.,  and 
now  further  strengthened  himself  by  an  agreement  with  the 
Romans.  By  accepting  the  Roman  Commune,  he  was  allowed 
again  to  take  up  his  residence  in  the  City.  Without  the  least 
help  from  Frederick,  Adrian  had  turned  the  chief  enemies  of 
the  Holy  See  into  allies. 

Frederick  bitterly  resented  the  Pope's  alliances  with  William 
and  the  Romans,  which  he  regarded  as  breaches  of  faith. 
Adrian  feared  the  increased  power  of  Frederick,   Qy^^gj  ^f 
and  had  a  more  tangible  grievance  in  Frederick's   Frederick 
imprisonment  of  the  Swedish  Archbishop  of  Lund,   *"•*  Adrian, 
an  old  friend  of  Adrian's  in  the  days  of  his  northern  mission- 
He  accordingly  sent  the  most  trusted  of  his  advisers,  Roland 
Bandinelli  of  Siena,  Cardinal  and  Chancellor  of  the  Roman 
Church,  to  state  his  grievances  to  the  Emperor  at  the  Diet  of 
Besangon.  Roland's  first  salutation  of  the  Emperor  ^j^^  cardinal 
was  threatening./  '  The  Pope,'  he  said, '  greets  you  Roland  at 
as  a  father  and  the  cardinals  greet  you  as  brothers.'     ^sanjon. 
Frederick  was  irritated  at  the  new  and  unheard-of  claim  of  the 
cardinals  to  rank  as  the  equals  of  Caesar.     But  he  was  still 
more  annoyed  at  the  recitation  of  a  papal  letter,  which  boasted 
that  the  Pope  had  conferred  many  benefits  on  the  Emperor.^ 
The  Latin  phrase  {conferre  beneficid)  used  by  Adrian  might 
bear  the  technical  sense  of  granting  a  feudal  benefice  from  a 
lord  to  a  vassal,  and  Rainald   the  Chancellor   took  care  to 

1  '  Debes  erim  ante  oculos  mentis  reducere  .  .  .  qualiter  imperialis 
insigne  coronae  libentissime  conferens,  benignissimo  gremio  suo  tuae 
sublimitatis  apicem  siuduerit  confovere  .  .  .  sed  si  majora  beneficia  de 
manu  nostra  excellentia  tua  suscepisset  .  .  .  non  immerito  gauderemus.' 
Ragewinus,  Gesta  Frcderici  Imperatoris,  in  Pertz,  Scriptorcs,  xx.  421. 


254  European  History,  918-1273 

.translate  it  in  that  sense  to  the  illiterate  magnates.  The 
fiercest  indignation  burst  out,  which  rose  to  fever  heat  when 
Cardinal  Roland  answered  the  objectors  by  inquiring,  'JFrom 
whom  then  does  the  Emj)eror  hold  the  Empire  if  not  from 
the  Pope  ? '  In  answer  to  the  Pope's  implied  claim  of  feudal 
supremacy,  the  Emperor  circulated  a  declaration  of  his  rights 
throughout  the  Empire.  'The  Empire  is  Tield  by  us,'  he 
declared,  'through  the  election  of  the  princes  from  God 
alone,  who  gave  the  world  to  be  ruled  by  the  two  necessary 
swords,  and  taught  through  St.  Peter  that  men  should  fear 
God  and  honour  the  king.  Whosoever  says  that  we  received 
the  imperial  crown  from  the  lord  Pope  as  a  benefice  goes 
against  the  Divine  command  and  the  teaching  of  Peter,  and 
is  guilty  of  falsehood.'  Early  next  year  Adrian  was  forced 
to  explain  that  he  had  used  '  beneficium '  in  its  general  sense 
of  'benefit'  and  not  in  its  feudal  sense  of  'fief.'  A  com- 
plete breach  was  thus  prevented,  but  the  ill-will  still  smoul- 
dered on  and  soon  found  a  chance  of  ^rsTing~out" again 
into  flame. 

In  July  1 158  Frederick,  at  the  head  of  a  great  army,  crossed 
the  Alps  for  the  second  time.  *  The  arrogance  of  the  Milanese,* 
Frederick's  ^ic  declared,  '  has  long  caused  them  to  raise  their 
Second  hcads  against  the  Roman  Empire,  and  is   now 

Journey,  disturbing  all  Italy.  We  have  therefore  resolved 
1158-1163.  to  turn  against  them  all  the  forces  of  the  Empire.' 
Lombardy  was  divided  into  two  rival  leagues,  which  bitterly 
hated  each  other.  While  Brescia,  Crema,  Parma,  Piacenza, 
and  Modena  followed  the  league  of  Milan,  Pavia  headed  a 
second  confederacy,  which  included  Lodi,  Como, 
ofthe'^^  and  Cremona,  which  fearing  the  power  of  Milan, 
Lombard  gave  its  support  to  the  Emperor.  Af^er  a  fierce 
owns.  resistance  Milan  also  made   its  submission,  and 

promised  to  submit  to^he  Ernperor  the  ratification  of  the 
appointment  of  their  consuls. 

Flushed  with  his  easy  triumph,  Frederick  held  in  November 
a  second  Diet  at  Roncaglia.     The  most  famous  civilians  of 


Frederick  Barbarossa  and  Alexander  III.        255 

Bologna  attended  and  declared  the  imperial  rights  so  vigorously 
that  Frederick  took  their  order  under  his  special  protection, 
and  gave  doctors  of  laws  the  privileges  of  knights.  Diet  at 
It  was  announced  that  the  Emperor  had  resolved  Ro"cagiia. 
to  take  all  his  royal  rights  back  into  his  own  hands.  The 
pleasure  of  the  prince  had  the  force  of  law,  and  no  length  of 
prescription  could  justify  usurpation.  But  the  Emperor  was 
willing  to  reinvest  both  the  lay  and  ecclesiastical  lords  and 
the  towns  with  rights  to  which  they  had  a  lawful  title.  Never- 
theless, the  supreme  magistrates  of  the  towns  were  to  be  in  all 
cases  appointed  by  the  king  with  the  assent  of  the  citizens. 
Instead  of  the  aristocratic  consulate,  it  was  henceforth  a  main 
object  of  Frederick's  policy  to  establish  a  podestd,  as  the 
supreme  governor  of  each  town.  This  representative  of  the 
imperial  power  was  generally  a  stranger,  with  no  interest  or 
sympathy  in  the  town  that  he  ruled,  and  universally  detested 
as  an  intruder  and  a  despot.  Immediately  after  the  dissolution 
of  the  Diet,  Rainald  of  Dassel  and  Otto  of  Wittelsbach  went 
round  to  the  various  Lombard  cities  to  set  \x^  podestas.  Milan, 
disgusted  at  the  Emperor's  ignoring  the  terms  of  their  former 
capitulation,  refused  to  receive  its  podestd,  and  broke  into 
revolt.  Other  cities  followed  its  example — one  of  which, 
Crema,  was  carried  by  assault  by  Frederick  after  a  terrible 
siege.  Milan  held  out  for  three  years,  and  had  to  face  the 
whole  of  Frederick's  power,  until  at  last  famine  forced  it  to 
open  its  gates.  Frederick  hardened  his  heart  to  the  prayers 
of  the  Milanese,  and  made  a  great  favour  of  allow-   „ 

'  °  Revolt  and 

ing  them  their  lives.  The  chief  men  of  the  city  destruction 
were  kept  as  hostages ;  the  walls  and  defences  °^  Milan, 
were  destroyed;  and  the  ancient  inhabitants  were  forbidden  to 
dwell  in  the  open  village  that  now  repHEsented  the  city  of  St. 
Ambrose,  where  a  few  ancient  churches,  conspicuous  among 
which  was  the  Basilica  of  the  patron  saint,  alone  arose  amidst 
the  ruins.  The  relics  of  the  three  Magi  of  the  East  were 
secured  by  Rainald  of  Dassel  for  his  own  church  at  Cologne, 
of  which  they  have  ever  since  remained  the  chief  glory.     The 


256    ^  European  History,  918-1273 

municipal  independence  of  Italy  seemed. extinct.  Tt^e_Emperof 
was  king  as  well  as  overlord. 

The  Church  witnessed  with  extreme  alarm  the  growing  for- 
tunes of  the  Emperor.  Adrian  iv.  showed  his  ill-will  by  putting 
obstacles  in  the  way  of  the  appointment  of  imperial  nominees 
to  vacant  bishoprics,  and  Frederick  retaliated  by  reverting  in 
his  correspondence  with  the  Pope  to  a  more  ancient  but  less 
respectful  form  of  address.  In  great  disgust  Adrian  encouraged 
Milan  to  resist,  and  got  ready  for  an  open  breach.  He  hoped 
to  form  an  Italian  league  against  the  Emperor,  and  did  not 
scruple  to  invoke  the  aid  of  the  schismatic  Manuel  against  the 
orthodox  Frederick.  But,  on  ist  September  1159,  he  was  cut 
off  by  a  sudden  illness  in  the  midst  of  his  preparations.  The 
next  Pope  was  that  Cardinal  Roland  whose  zeal  at  Besangon 
had  even  outrun  the  zeal  of  Adrian  himself,  Roland  assumed 
Aiexanderiii.  the  significant  name  of  Alexander  iii. ;  and  during 
ii5».ii8i.  his  unusually  long  pontificate  of  nearly  twenty-two 
years,  he  continued  his  predecessor's  policy  with  such  energy 
that  the  strife  of  Pope  and  Emperor  was  soon  renewed  with  all 
its  old  intensity. 
J  Frederick's  friends  among  the  cardinals,  finding  themselves 
r  powerless  to  oppose  Alexander's  election,  fell  back  on  the  old 
weapon  of  schism.  On  the  same  day  (7th  September  1159) 
that  the  majority  of  the  cardinals  elected  Alexander,  the 
imperialist  minority  of  the  Sacred  College,  stirred  up  by  the 
TheAnti-  indefatigable  Otto  of  Wittelsbach,  declared  that 
pope  Victor  their  choice  had  fallen  on  the  Cardinal  Octavian, 
^^'  who  assumed  the  name  of  Victor  iv.     Frederick 

returned  from  the  reduction  of  the  Lombard  cities  to  hold  a 
council  at  Pavia  to  decide  between  the  rival  claims,  and 
boasted  that  he  was  following  the  examples  of  Constantine, 
Charles,  and  Otto.  Alexander  utterly  refused  to  submit 
his  claims  to  a  body  convoked  under  the  sanction  of  the 
temporal  sword.  *  No  one,'  he  declared,  '  has  the  right  to 
judge  me,  since  I  am  the  supreme  judge  of  all  the  world.' 
Though  the  synod   of  Pavia  declared  that  Victor  was  the 


Frederick  Barbaras sa  and  Alexander  III.  •       257 

cauonical  Pope,  Alexander,  driven  out  of  Rome  within  a  few 
days  of  his  election,  was  nevertheless  looked  up  to  as  rightful 
Bishop  by  the  greater  part  of  the  Christian  world.  In  1160  a 
synod  of  bishops  subject  to  Louis  vii.  and  Henry  11.  met  at 
Toulouse  and  declared  for  Alexander.  But  the  lawful  Pope 
upheld  his  position  with  great  difficulty  in  Italy,  Alexander 
During  the  first  three  years  of  his  pontificate  he  *"  France, 
maintained  his  court  at  Anagni  and  Terracina.  In  January 
1 162  he  took  ship  to  Genoa,  whence  after  the  fall  of  Milan,  a 
few  weeks  later,  he  fled  to  France.  Secure  of  the  friendship 
of  the  two  chief  kings  of  the  West,  Alexander  now  quietly 
waited  until  the  time  was  ripe  for  his  return  to  Italy.  In  11 63 
he  held  a  council  at  Tours,  within  the  dominions  of  Henry  of 
Anjou,  in  which  he  excommunicated  the  Antipope  and  his 
supporters,  among  whom  Rainald  of  Dassel,  now  Archbishop- 
elect  of  Cologne,  was  specially  mentioned. 

In  1 162  Frederick  returned  to  Germany;  but  not  even  the 
presence  of  the  Emperor  could  keep  the  German  prelates  firm 
in  their  adhesion  to  the  Antipope.  Many  of  the  clergy  and 
most  monks  were  on  Alexander's  side,  or  at  least  strove  to 
avoid  open  hostility  to  Frederick  by  demanding  a  General 
Council  to  heal  the  schism.  The  whole  Cistercian  and 
Carthusian  orders  worked  hard  for  Alexander's  interest,  and 
many  of  their  leaders  joined  the  growing  band  of  Italian  and 
German  fugitives  that  swelled  the  court  of  the  exiled  Pontiff 
in  Gaul.  The  death  of  the  Antipope  during  Frederick's  third 
visit  to  Italy,  in  1164,  did  not  end  the  breach.  Rainald  of 
Dassel  procured  the  election  of  a  new  Antipope  in  the  Cardinal 
Guy  of  Crema,  who  styled  himself  Paschal  111/  In  1165 
Frederick  held  a  Diet  at  Wurzburg,  where  he  pro-  ^he  Anti- 
mulgated  the  severest  laws  against  the  champions  pope 
of  Alexander,  while  the  Emperor  and  his  barons  ^^"^  ^  "^' 
bound  ihe^nfiselyes  by  oath  never  to  recognise  Alexander  or 
any  of  his  folio wers^as^Pcpe-— Rainald  of  Dassel  strove  hard 
to  bring  over  Henry  of  England  to  support  the  schismatic  Pope ; 
but  Henry,  already  involved  in  his  struggle  with  Thomas  of 

PERIOD  II.  R 


258  European  History^  918-1273 

Canterbury,  was  too  prudent  to  confuse  his  local  quarrel  with 

his  primate  with  the  general  conflict  of  Pope  and  Emperor. 

The  new  Antipope  formally  announced  the  canonisation  of 

Charles  the  Great,  and  Frederick  went  in  great  state  to  Aachen, 

where  the  bones  of  the  great  Emperor  were  solemnly  translated 

to  a  golden  shrine,   while    Frederick    adorned  the   round 

Carolingian  chapel  with  the  magnificent  candelabrum  that  is 

still   one  of  its  chief   ornaments.     But  in  the  same  year 

(1165),  Alexander  iii.  was  encouraged,  by  the  hostile  attitude 

of  the  Lombards  to  Frederick,  to  venture  back  into  Italy,  and 

by  November  was  again  in  possession  of  Rome,  whence  he 

fulminated  excommunication  against  the  Emperor. 

Even  after  the  fall  of  Milan,  the  north  Italian  cities  still 

gave  Frederick  trouble.     In   11 64  the  towns  of  the  March 

Renewal  of     °^  Vcrona,  among  them  Verona,  Vicenza,  Padua, 

the  Town-       and  Treviso,   rose  in  revolt  against  their   new 

L^mb"rdy      podcstcLs,  and  formcd  a  league  for  the  preservation 

1164.  of  their  liberties.     By  holding  in  force  the  narrow 

gorge  of  the  Adige  to  the  north  of  Verona  (La  Chiusa  di 

Verona),  they  hoped  to  prevent  the  return  of  Frederick  to 

Italy  by  his  usual  route.     Venice,  already  the  open   enemy 

of  Frederick,  actively  supported  the  league  of  Verona.     On 

the  news  of  Frederick's  excommunication,  the  Lombard  cities 

began  to  revive.     Milan  was  rebuilt  and  re-fortified,  and  the 

schismatic  bishops  were  chased  away.     It  was  high  time  for 

the  return  of  the  Emperor,  and  in  November  i  i1S(rFfederick 

entered  upon  his  fourth  Italian  expedition.     Fearing  to  fight 

the  Veronese  league  at  Chiusa,  he  descended  into  Lombardy 

by  the  Val  Camonica.     Open  resistance  seemed  stifled  by  the 

enormous  German   host  that  followed   the   Emperor;    and 

Frederick,  hurrying  through  the  disaff"ected  dis- 

fourth  Italian  trict,  marched  straight  on  Rome.     After  a  fierce 

journey,         siege  Frejieu£k_captured  Rome,  and  was  again 
Ii67-ii6a  '°        ,   ,        ,        .7 —      •„      ,    ,    ,         . 

crowned  by  the  Antipope   Paschal  (ist  August 

1167),  while  Alexander  fled,  disguised  as  a  pilgrim,  to  seek 

shelter  with   the  friendly  Normans   at   Gaeta.      A   terrible 


Frederick  Barbarossa  and  Alexander  III.        259 

plague  now  swept  away  the  victorious  army  of  Frederick,  and 
theL_  Lombard  cities,  profiting  by  his  misfortunes,  formally 
lenewed  their  league.  Among  the  victims  of  the  pestilence 
were  Rainald  of  Cologne,  the  indefatigable  chancellor,  and  the 
Emperor's  two  cousins,  Frederick  of  Rothenburg,  Duke  of 
Swabia,  and  the  warlike  young  Welf  vii.,  son  of  Welf  vi.  of 
Bavaria.  Frederick,  with  the  remnants  of  his  army,  had  the 
utmost  difficulty  in  effecting  his  retreat  to  Lombardy.  The 
Papalists  boasted  that  God  had  cut  off  the  host  of  Frederick 
as  of  old  He  had  destroyed  the  army  of  Sennacherib  before 
the  walls  of  Jerusalem. 

The  Lombard  league  took  its  final  shape  in  the  beginning 
of  1 168,  when  Frederick  was  refreshing  his  exhausted  forces 
at  Pavia.  The  members  pledged  themselves  to  The  Lombard 
aid  each  other  against  all  those  who  would  make  league,  1168. 
war  against  them,  or  would  exact  anything  more  from  them  than 
had  been  customary.  They  also  appointed  rectors,  chosen  from 
among  the  consuls  of  the  several  cities,  for  the  management 
of  federal  affairs.  Fear  of  the  Emperor  had  now  destroyed 
even  the  jealousies  of  neighbouring  and  rival  cities,  and 
the  league  now  included  all  the  towns  of  the  northern 
plain,  from  Milan  to  Venice,  and  from  Bergamo  to  Bologna. 
Lodi  itself  now  made  common  cause  with  its  old  enemy 
Milan,  and  even  the  obstinate  imperialists  of  Pavia  grudged 
to  the  beaten  Emperor  the  protection  of  its  walls.  All  the 
approaches  to  the  northern  Alpine  passes  were  blocked 
by  the  confederate  cities,  and  the  Emperor  could  only  get 
home  by  a  long  detour  through  the  uplands  of  Montferrat  and 
Piedmont.  In  the  spring  of  1168  Frederick  made  his  way  to 
Susa,  and  J;hence  over  the  Mont  Cenis.  After  his  departure,  new 
accessions  increased  the  Lombard  league,  and  Alexander  iii. 
sent  it  his  blessing.  In  the  spring  of  11 68  Foundation  of 
the  league  founded  a  new  city  in  a  marshy  dis-  Alessandria, 
trict,  on  the  banks  of  the  Tanaro,  and  called  it  ^^^" 
Alessandria  in  honour  of  its  patron.  Vast  earthworks  and  a 
strong  castle  made  their  creation  an  impregnable  fortress, 


26o  European  History^  918-1273 

calculated  to  hold  out  as  long  as  provisions  remained.  The 
town  soon  prospered :  the  Pope  erected  it  into  a  bishopric,  and 
settlers  from  all  sides  made  it  a  busy  centre  of  trade.  The 
foundation  of  Alessandria  pushed  the  league's  territory  more 
to  the  westwards,  into  the  region  where  the  feudal  potentates 
were  still  strong,  and  where  cities  like  Asti,  Vercelli,  Novara, 
were  now  emboldened  to  join  it.  Moreover,  the  city  pro- 
tected the  high  road  from  Milan  to  Genoa  which  gave 
Lombardy  access  to  the  sea,  and  blocked  the  descent  of 
German  armies  from  the  Burgundian  passes  as  effectively  as 
the  league  had  already  blocked  the  northern  valleys  of  the 
Alps. 

For  the  next  six  years  the  Lombard  league  was  suffered  to 
live  in  peace.  On  thejeath  of  the  Antipope  Paschal  in  1168, 
TheAntipope  a  ncw  pretender  was  set  up,  called  Calixtus  in. 
Caiixtus  in.  But  for  all  practjcal  purposes  Italy^  was  inde- 
pendent of  the  Emperor.  Frederick'sTasfpartisans  in  north 
Italy,  the  citizens  of  Pavia,  and  the  Counts  of  Montferrat  and 
Biandrate,  were  constrained  to  submit  to  the  league.  In 
Germany  the  ecclesiastical  opposition  grew  under  the  guidance 
of  the  Archbishop  of  Salzburg,  and  Alexander  became  more 
and_more  generally  recognised.  Renewed  efforts  to  win  over 
Henry  of  Anjou  to  support  the  Antipope  were  unsuccessful, 
and  the  humiliation  of  the  English  king  after  Becket's 
murder  was  a  lesson  to  Frederick  of  the  abiding  might 
of  the   Church   to    control    princes.     The    growing  power 

of  Plenry  the  Lion  excited  the  fears  of  the  smaller 
fifth  Italian  barons  and  the  jealousy  of  the  Emperor.  But 
journey,         Frederick  sought  to  avert  the  inevitable  conflict 

in  order  that  he  might  revenge  himself  on  the 
revolted  Lombards.  Meanwhile  his  agents  strove  to  gain 
friends  for  him  in  central  Italy,  where  the  removal  of  all 
external  control  had  fiercely  divided  the  towns  of  Tuscany 
and  Romagna.  In  1174  Frederick  made  his  fifth  expedition 
to  Italy,  But  the  small  army  which  he  led  in  September 
over   Mont   Cenis   was  mainly  composed  of   his  personal 


Frederick  Barbarossa  and  Alexander  III.        261 

vassals,  the  stronger  princes  remaining  at  home.  Nevertheless,. 
a  revival  of  the  imperial  party  followed  the  reappearance  of 
the  Emperor  in  Italy.  After  destroying  Susa  and  capturing 
Asti,  Frederick  vigorously  besieged  the  new  city  of 
Alessandria — the  city  of  straw,  as  the  imperialists  called  it. 
Meanwhile  Christian,  Archbishop  of  Mainz,  won  important 
successes  for  the  Emperor  in  Tuscany  and  Romagna,  but 
failed  at  the  siege  of  Ancona.  The  siege  of  Alessandria 
lasted  till  April  1175,  when  the  rectors  of  the  league  came 
to  its  relief.  Both  armies  prepared  for  battle  at  Montebello, 
but  at  the  very  moment  of  the  conflict  negotiations  were 
entered  upon,  at  the  instance  of  the  Cremonese.  Yet  Frederick 
would  not  accept  the  hard  conditions  of  the  Lombards — the 
recognition  of  their  liberties,  acknowledgment  of  Alexander  as 
lawful  Pope,  and  the  incorporation  of  Alessandria  as  a  member 
of  the  league.  The  '  Peace  of  Montebello '  was-^ceordingl 
broken,  and  both  sides  prepared  to  fight  to  the  end. 

Frederick  drew  fresh  reinforcements  from  Germany  for 
the  campaign  of  1176 ;  but  Henry  the  Lion  refused  to  come, 
and  a  personal  interview  between  him  and  ^he  battle  of 
Frederick  at  Chiavenna  did  not  induce  him  Legnano, 
to  change  his  purpose.  Nevertheless,  with  the  ' 
help  of  his  Italian  friends,  Frederick  was  still  at  the  head  .of_ 
a  gallant  army,  while  the  warlike  Christian  of  Mainz  kept  the 
Normans  in  check  by  invading  Apulia.  The  northern  campaign 
opened  when  Frederick  left  Pavia  and  joined  the  force,  which 
was  now  brought  from  Germany,  at  Como.  His  object  now 
was  to  return  with  his  new  troops  to  Pavia.  But  Milan 
blocked  the  direct  road,  and  forced  the  Emperor  to  make  a 
circuit  to  the  west.  The  Milanese  anticipated  this  movement 
by  marching  out  of  the  city  with  their  caroccio,  hoping  to  cut  off 
the  German  host  before  it  could  reach  Pavia.  On  29th  May 
the  confederates  encountered  the  imperial  army  near  Legnano, 
about  seventeen  miles  north-west  of  Milan,  in  the  plain  that 
stretches  from  the  river  Olona  westwards  to  the  Ticino.  The 
caroccio  was  put  in  the  centre  of  the  army,  and  protected  by 


262  European  History,  918-1273 

a  select  band  styled  the  '  Company  of  Death,'  who  had  sworn 
either  to  conquer  or  never  return.  The  fierce  charge  of  the 
mail-clad  German  knights  put  to  flight  the  knights  of  Lom- 
bardy,  and  Frederick,  who  here  commanded  in  person,  fiercely 
assailed  the  infantry  grouped  round  the  caroccio.  For  a  moment 
the  cause  of  the  league  seemed  undone.  But  the  Emperor 
was  unhorsed  in  the  struggle,  and  the  rumour  soon  spread 
that  he  had  fallen.  The  infantry  in  close  array  held  their 
own  manfully,  until  the^  fugitive  cavalry  rallied  and  assailed 
the  Germans  in  flank.  Before  nightfall  Frederick's  army 
was  hopelessly  broken,  and  the  Emperor  gained  Pavia, 
almost  unattended,  with  the  utmost  difficulty.  But  the 
citizen-soldiers  went  home,  and  did  not  follow  up  their 
victory,  and  Cremona  with  other  towns  became  so  jealous  of 
the  success  of  Milan  that  they  prepared  to  make  separate 
terms  with  the  Emperor.  Frederick  himself  had  grown 
weary  of  the  struggle ;  and  the  Archbishops  of  Cologne  and 
Magdeburg,  who  had  brought  the  last  army  from  Germany, 
declared  that  they  would  no  longer  support  the  Emperor,  and 
urged  him  to  reconcile  himself  with  Alexander.  In  October 
Frederick  reluctantly  broke  the  ill-fated  oath  of  Wiirzburg,  and 
sent  Christian  of  Mainland  other  German  prelates  taAnagni 
to  conclude  peace  with  the  Pope^  He  still  hoped  to  detach 
Alexander  from  the  Lombard  cities,  and  resume  hostilities 
against  them  after  he  had  been  reconciled  to  the  Church. 
Alexander  refused  to  betray  either  the  cities  or  his  older  ally, 
William  of  Sicily,  and  Frederick  reluctantly  brought  himself 
to  accept  the  hard  terms  of  the  victors.  In  March  1177 
The  Peace  of  Alexander  and  his  cardinals  journeyed  to  Venice 
Venice,  1177.  to  be  near  the  negotiations.  It  ^eemed  as  if  all 
Italy  were  banded  together  against  the  Emperor,  and  as  if 
instead  of  resisting  lawful  authority,  the  papal  alliance  repre-~" 
sented  an  Italian  national  party  banded  together  against 
foreign  invaders  from  beyond  the  Alps.  Frederick  yielded  on 
all  substantial  points.  He  was  restored  to  the  communion  of 
the  Church,  and  on  24th  July  J177  was  suffered  to  enter 


Frederick  Barbarossa  and  Alexander  III,        263 

Venice  to  make  his  submission  to  Alexander.  Frederick  was 
conducted  in  great  state  to  the  Piazza,  where  the  Pope, 
surrounded  by  cardinals  and  prelates,  waited  for  him  in  the 
portico  of  St.  Mark's.  '  Then,'  says  a  contemporary,  *  he  was 
touched  by  the  spirit  of  God,  and,  abandoning  his  imperial 
dignity,  threw  himself  humbly  at  the  feet  of  the  Pope.' 
Alexander,  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  raised  his  fallen  enemy,  and 
gave  him  the  kiss  of  peace.  It  was  exactly  a  hundred  years 
since  Henry  iv.  had  gone  to  Canossa. 

In  August  the  Peace  of  Venice  settled  the  details  of 
Frederick's  reconciliation  with  the  Papacy.  All  the  lands 
usurped  from  the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter  were  to  be  restored. 
The  Pope  and^Emperor  promised  mutual  aid  against  each 
other's  enemies,  and  were  lavish  in  vows  of  future  friendship. 
Almce  was  securedTor  the  Lombards,  the  Normans,  and  even 
for  Manuel  Comnenus,  while  the  detailed  conditions  of  a  final 
settlement  were  slowly  adjusted  under  the  mediation  of  the 
papal    legate.      In  August   11 78    the  Antipope  ^ 

Calixtus  renounced  his  pretensions,  and,  though  schism  in 
a  few  obstinate  schismatics  sought  still  to  carry  the  Papacy, 
on  the  line  of  Antipopes,   their  nominee  was 
soon  forced  into  a  monastery.      The  permanent  treaty  with 
the  Lombards  was  finally  signed  on  June  1183  at  Constance. 
By  it  the  Emperor  granted  to  the  cities  of  the  peaceof 
Lombard  league  all  the  royal  rights  {regalia)  which   Constance, 
they  ever  had,  or  at  that  moment  enjoyed.    ,The   ^^  ^ 
cities  were  allowed  to  build  fortifications,  to  continue  their 
league,  and  make  such  other  combinations  as  they  wished.  They 
had  complete  jurisdiction  over  their  own  members,  could  levy 
troops,  coin  money,  and  exercise  practically  all  regalian  rights. 
The  imperial  podestds  disappeared,  and  henceforth  the  podestd 
was  but  a  foreign  judge  called  in  by  the  citizens,  in  the  hope 
that  his  strangeness  to  local   factions  would  make  him  an 
impartial  magistrate.      The  only  clauses  which  upheld  the 
supremacy  of  the  Emperor  stipulated  that  theconsuls  should 
receive  imperial  confirmation,  that  a  right  of  appeal  should 


264  European  History^  918-1273 

lie  to  the  imperial  court,  and  that  the  Emperor  should 
still  have  a  claim  to  receive  the  fodrum  as  a  contribution  to 
his  military  expenses.  Such  rights  as  thus  remained  to  the 
Emperor  were  henceforth  exercised  by  legates  and  vicars,  very 
careless  of  their  absent  master.  For^all  practicalj)urposes, 
the  Treaty  of  Constance  made  the  Lombard'republics  self- 
governing  city-states.  The  barest_ over-lordship  henceforth 
alone  remained  to  him  who  in  past  ^eneratisnrirad  aspired 
to  be  their  effective  master.  The  Empire  was  h^no  means 
destroyed  byjhis  great  blow,  but  henceforth  Italy  and  Germany 
have  eacTTtheir  independent  developmentT 

After  the  peace,  Frederick's  main  occupation  lay  in  Ger- 
many. During  the  Emperor's  Italian  troubles  the  power  of 
Frederick  and  Henry  the  Lion  had  gone  on  increasing.  In 
Germany.  the  north  liT  particular,  Henry  had  renewed 
the  ancient  policy  of  extending  the  German  race  at  the 
expense  of  the  Slavs.  Using  his  Saxon  duchy  as  the  basis 
of  his  operations,  he  completed  the  German  isation  of  the  lands 
between  the  Elbe,  Baltic,  and  Oder,  that^  despite  the  work 
of  the  Ottos,  and  Lothair  and  Albert  the  Bear,  were  still 
largely  Slavonic  and  heathen.  So  solid  was  his  power,  that 
disasters  in  Italy,  such  as  in  the  days  of  the  Ottos  had  led  to 
a  Slavonic  reaction  in  the  north-east,  had  no  influence  in 
retarding  the  march  of  German  conquest.  Before  long,  the 
vastness  of  Henry's  resources  and  the  stability  of  his  policy 
threw  the  exploits  of  Albert  the  Bear  into  the  shade.  In 
alliance  with  the  young  Valdemar  l  of  Denmark,  Henry 
carried  to  a  completion  the  long  process  of  the  conquest  of 
the  half-heathen  tribes  beyond  the  Elbe,  and  grudged  his 
reluctant  ally  a  share  in  the  spoils  of  war.  The  warlike 
Abotrites  were  at  last  subdued  and  forced  to  profess  Chris- 
tianity, and  the  fortress  and  bishopric  of  Schwerin  was  estab- 
^^  lished  by  Henry  in  their  midst,  along  with 
Lion  and  the  numerous  colonics  of  Saxons  and  Flemish  settlers. 
Marka.  Henry  was  as  great  a  founder  of  towns  as  Otto 

the  Great.      LUbeck,   founded  in  1143   by  his  dependant, 


Frederick  Barbarossa  and  Alexander  III.       265 

Count  Adolf  of  Holstein,  and  the  first  German  town  on  the 
Baltic,  owed  its  existence  to  his  energy.  The  bishoprics  of 
Mecklenburg  and  Pomerania  claim  him  as  their  founder. 
Cistercian  and  Premonstratensian  missionaries  crushed  out 
the  last  remnants  of  heathenism,  and  trade  followed  strong 
rule.  In  1168  Henry  married  Matilda,  the  daughter  of^ 
Henry  of  Anjou,  an  alliance  that  established  a  warm  and 
permanent  connection  between  the  Guelfic  house  and  the 
English  throne. 

Henry  the  Lion  sought  to  rule  within  his  duchies  with  the 
same  autocratic  power  with  which  he  governed  his  border 
conquests.  The  local  nobles  and  prelates  saw  Henry  the 
in  his  policy  a  design  against  their  franchises,  and  Lion  and  his 
combined  to  oifer  him  a  vigorous  resistance.  *^"*=^'^^- 
Albert  the  Bear,  who  had  never  lost  hope  of  regaining  Saxony, 
opposed  him  even  in  the  Marks.  In  1166  the  princes  of 
Saxony,  headed  by  Rainald  of  Dassel  and  the  Archbishop  of 
Bremen,  went  to  open  war  against  Henry,  but  the  personal 
intervention  of  the  Emperor  restored  peace  in  the  Diet  of 
Wiirzburg.  The  Lion's  northern  allies  were  equally  alarmed 
at  his  triumphs ;  and  Valdemar  of  Denmark,  irritated  by  his 
requiring  a  share  in  the  recent  Danish  conquest  of  Riigen, 
became  his  enemy,  but  was  soon  obliged  to  crave  his  forgive- 
ness, and  Valdemar's  son  and  successor,  Canute  vi.,  married 
Henry's  daughter  Gertrude.  In  11 70  the  death  of  the  restless 
Margrave  Albert  relieved  Henry  from  the  most  dangerous  of  his 
opponents.  His  position  was  now  so  strong  that  he  was  able, 
between  1170  and  1172,  to  go  on  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy 
Land,  where  he  was  received  with  great  honour,  and  whence 
he  brought  back  many  relics,  which  he  enshrined  in  the 
stately  churches  at  Brunswick  of  which  he  was  the  founder. 
Though  shorn  of  the  East  Mark  by  the  creation  of-the^a^w 
duchy  of  Austria,  Henry  was  still  able  to  exercise  almost  as 
great  an  influence  on  the  Germanisation  of  the  south-west  as 
on  the  same  process  in  the  north-east.  It  was  the  age  of 
German  colonisation,  when,  from  the  overpeopled  lands  of 


266  European  History^  918-1273 

the  Netherlands  and  old  Saxony,  adventurers  sought  a  fresh 
home  in  the  lands  newly  won  to  civilisation.  German 
colonists  in  Meissen  and  in  the  lands  ruled  by  Czech  and 
Magyar,  owed  their  position  to  Henry.  In  Bavaria  itself  he 
was  the  founder  of  the  city  of  Munich. 

It  was  inevitable  that  Frederick  should  look  with  suspicion 
upon  so  powerful  and  restless  a  vassal,  especially  as,  even 
before  the  Chiavenna  interview,  Henry  had  ceased  to  take 
part  in  promoting  the  imperial  designs  on  Italy.  But  as  long 
as  Frederick's  main  object  was  the  subjection  of  the  Church 
and  the  Lombards,  the  support  of  Henry  was  indispensable  to 
him^.  However,  after  the  Peace  of  Venice  the  condition  of 
affairs  was  altered.  Henceforth  theLEmperer's  best  hopes  of  . 
success,  both  in  Germany  and  Italy,  lay  in  the  support  of  the 
great  ecclesiastics  who  had  so  long  opposed  Henry  in  Saxony. 
It  was  now  Frederick's  policy  to  strengthen  his  position  in 
North  Germany  by  alliances  with  the  local  magnates,  both 
ecclesiastical  and  lay,  who  were  eager  to  join  with  the  Emperor 
in  breaking  down  Jhe  j)Ower  of  their  autocratic  duke. 

After  the  peace  with  the  Church,  Bishop  Ulrich  of  Halber- 
stadt,  who  had  been  expelled  as  a  partisan  of  Alexander,  came 
back  to  his  see.  Henry,  who,  during  his  absence,  had 
administered  the  possessions  of  the  bishopric,  refused  to 
surrender  them  to  him.  Philip  of  Heinsberg  Archbishop  of 
Cologne,  formed  a  close  alliance  with  Bishop  Ulrich.  The 
allies  excommunicated  the  duke,  and  devastated  his  lands  in 
Westphalia.  Meanwhile  Frederick  left  Italy  in  the  summer 
of  1 1 78,  and  after  receiving  the  crown  of  the  Middle  King- 
dom at  Aries,  reached  Speyer  in  October,  where  Henry  the 
Fall  of  ^^°"  visited  him  and  complained  bitterly  of  the 
Henry  the  treatment  he  had  received  from  the  confederated 
Lion.  1x80.  bishops.  A  Diet  was  summoned  to  meet  at 
Worms  in  January  11 79,  to  consider  the  feud,  but  Henry  did 
not  appear,  and  the  elaborate  complaints  of  his  vassals 
remained  unanswered.  In  the  summer  the  Emperor  visited 
Saxony,  but  Henry  again  refused  an  interview  at  Magdeburg, 


C.cw, 


\ 


\. 


Frederick  Barbarossa  and  Alexander  III.        267 


^ 


where  new  complaints  were  laid  before  the  Emperor.  A 
little  later,  a  private  interview  between  king  and  duke  led  to 
no  result.  Henry  neglected  the  third  and  last  opportunity  of 
formally  appearing^  T)efore  Frederick,  and  despairing  of  the 
Emperor's  justice,  devastated  the  Saxon  bishoprics  with  fire 
and  sword,  and  called  in  his  old  enemies  the  Slavs  to  invade 
German  territory.     In  January  1180  a  Diet  was  held  at  Wiirz- 


burg.  For  the  fourth  time  Henry  refused  to  appear,  and  the 
sentence  of  banishment  and  the  loss  of  his  fiefs  was  given 
against  him.  Henry  declared  that  as  a  Swabian  he  had  a 
right  to  be  tried  by  the  magnates  of  Swabia  alone,  and  strove 
to  fight  for  his  inheritance,  but  had  little  success.  He  hoped 
great  things  from  his  foreign  friends^  but_  no  help  came 
either  from  his  father-in-law,  Henry  of  England,  his  old  ally, 
Valdemar  of  Denmark,  or  his  more  recent  associate,  the 
young  Philip  11.  of  France.  In  the  summer  of  1181  the 
Emperor  easily  conquered  Saxony.     In  November  the  once 


268  European  History,  918-1273 

mighty  duke  was  forced  to  crave  pardon  at  Erfurt  Frederick 
treated  him  kindly,  and  restored  to  him  Brunswick,  Liineburg, 
and  most  of  his  allodial  possessions.  But  at  the  prayer  of 
the  assembled  magnates  he  reaffirmed  his  sentence  of  banish- 
ment, and  of  the  deprivation  of  his  duchies.  The  exiled 
duke  retired  to  Normandy  and  England,  where  his  father-in- 
law,  Henry  11.,  treated  him  with  marked  consideration.  By 
a  pilgrimage  to  St.  James  of  Compostella,  he  sought  to  do 
penance  for  his  violence  to  the  churches.  His  political  career 
seemed  at  an  end. 

The  vacant  duchies  of  the  Guelfs  were  disposed  of  on  con- 
ditions that  mark  an  epoch  in  the  territorial  development 
Division  of  °^  Germany.  Saxony,  the  last  stronghold  of 
the  Saxon  the  Sentiment  of  the  ancient  four  peoples  of 
duchy.  Germany,   now  underwent   the   same   fate   that 

had  fallen  to  Bavaria  earlier  in  Frederick's  reign.  The 
western  parts,  including  the  vast  dioceses  of  Cologne  and 
Paderbom,  were  erected  into  the  new  duchy  of  Westphalia, 
and  granted  to  the  Archbishop  of  Cologne,  Frederick's  ally. 
The  lands  between  the  Weser  and  the  Elbe  went  to  the 
chief  of  the  lay  enemies  of  the  Guelfic  house.  Bernard  of_ 
Anhalt,  the  son  of  Albert  the  Bear,  received  this  district,  along 
with  the  ducal  title,  but  only  on  condition  that  the  counties 
and  bishoprics  that  in  Henry  the  Lion's  days  had  been 
directly  dependent  on  the  Saxon  duke,  should  henceforward 
hold  immediately  of  the  Empire.  In  the  south  the  aged 
Welf  VI.  had  quite  withdrawn  from  politics,  and  Otto  of  Wittels- 
bach,  Count-Palatine  of  Bavaria,  the  strenuous  upholder  of 
Frederick's  policy  in  Italy,  was  before  long  invested  with  the 
duchy  of  Bavaria,  over  which  his  descendants  still  bear  rule. 
The  fall  of  the  Guelfs,  the  one  family  strong  enough  to  rival 
the  throne,  compensated  in  some  measure  for  Frederick's 
failures  in  Italy.  By  the  partition  of  Saxony  and  Bavaria,  the 
Diet  of  last  danger  to  the  monarchy  from  the  national 

Mainz,  XX84.  (juchics  was  rcmovcd.  In  the  great  Diet  of 
Mainz,  held  in  11 84,  the  glories  of  the  Diet  of  Besan^on  were 


Frederick  Barbarossa  and  Alexander  III.        269 

renewed,  after  which  the  Emperor  went  over  the  Alps  for  his 
sixth  and  last  visit  to  Italy.  So  strong  did  Frederick  still 
feel  himself,  that  he  yielded  to  the  importunities  of  Henry  of 
England,  and  allowed  Henry  the  Lion  to  return  to  Germany. 

Misfortunes    followed    Frederick's    fresh    intervention    in 
Italy.      On   his   way  he  concluded,    at   Augsburg,  a  treaty 
(October    11 84),    which    ranks    as    the   greatest        . 
of  his  diplomatic  triumphs.     In  11 69  his  eldest   Siciiy  with 
son,    Henry,    had    been    crowned    King   of   the  *he  Empire. 
Romans   at  Aachen,  when  still  a  child.     He  was  now  be- 
coming his  father's  active  fellow-worker.     By  the  Treaty  of 
Augsburg  it  was  arranged  that  the  young  king  should  marry 
Constance  of  Sicily,  the  daughter  of  King  Roger,  and  the 
aunt  and   heiress   of  the  childless  William   11.     From   this 
sprang   the   ultimate  union   of  the   Hohenstaufen  with  the 
Sicilian  royal  house,  and  the  conversion  of  southern  Italy, 
hitherto  the  chiefest  strength  of  the  papal  power,  into  the 
strongest   bulwark  of  the   Swabian   Empire.     Nor  was  this 
Frederick's  only  success  in  Italy.    The  league  of 
northern  cities  had  broken  asunder  after  the  fear  Frederick's 
of  his  strong  hand  was  removed..    In  1181  the  power  in 
former  imperialist  towns — Cremona,  Pavia,  Lodi,      ^  ^' 
Bergamo,  Como — separated  themselves  from  the  confedera- 
tion, and  formed  a  league,  bitterly  opposed  to  Milan  and  her 
allies.    Frederick  also  took  advantage  of  the  feuds  of  Tuscany 
and  Bologna  to  build  up  a  party  there,  and  by  lavish  grants  to 
Pisa  and  Lucca  he  secured,  though  at  vast  cost,  powerful 
friends  in  middle  Italy. 

The  Papacy  had  lost  the  great  man  who  had  so  long 
upheld  its  fortunes.  Alexander  iii.'s  last  important  act 
was  the  assembling,  in  March  1179,  of  the  third  TheLateran 
General  Council  of  the  Lateran,  where  the  law  Council,  1179. 
was  promulgated  that  a  valid  election  to  the  Akxander 
Papacy  required  the  votes  of  two-thirds  of  the  in.,  hSi. 
cardinals  present  in  the  conclave.  He  died  on  30th  August 
1 181,   full    of   years    and    honours.      His    five    immediate 


270  European  History,  c^\%-\2'j I 

successors  did  not  reign  long  enough  to  make  any  real 
mark,  and  were  much  hampered  by  their  strife  with  the 
Romans.  Lucius  iir.  (1181-1185)  the  first  of  the  series, 
Lucius  III.,  was  still  Pope  when  Frederick  paid  his  sixth 
1181-1185.  yjgj^  tQ  Italy.  In  November  11 84  Pope  and 
Emperor  met  at  Verona,  where  Lucius  refused  to  consent  to 
Frederick's  proposal  that  his  son,  the  young  King  Henry, 
should  be  crowned  Emperor  during  his  own  lifetime.  Under 
Urban  m.  (i  185-1 187),  Lucius'  successor,  a  new  quarrel 
Urban  III.,  between  Pope  and  Emperor  seemed  imminent. 
1185-1187.  -pj^g  immediate  pretext  of  this  was  a  double 
election  to  the  Archbishopric  of  Trier,  where  the  imperialist 
choice  of  Rudolf  of  Wied  had  been  opposed  by  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  ambitious  Archdeacon  Folmar  by  the  hierarchical 
party.  Urban  iii.  consecrated  Folmar  archbishop,  and  a 
powerful  coalition  against  Frederick  was  formed,  including 
Threatened  bcsidcs  Folmar,  Philip,  Archbishop  of  Cologne, 
renewal  of  and  Henry  the  Lion,  but  recently  back  to  his 
berween  German  estates,  whose  father-in-law,  Henry  of 
Empire  and  England,  and  son-in-law,  Canute  vi.  of  Denmark, 
Papacy.  promised    their   assistance.     But   Frederick   had 

still  the  upper  hand,  and  his  ancient  enemies  in  Italy  and 
Germany  were  now  foremost  in  supporting  him.  "While 
Cremona  joined  the  Pope,  Milan  concluded  a  close  alliance 
with  the  Emperor,  and  the  marriage  of  King  Henry  and 
Constance  was  celebrated  within  the  walls  of  the  once 
rebellious  city.  After  the  marriage,  a  threefold  coronation 
ceremony  took  place,  in  which  Frederick  received  the  crown 
of  Burgundy,  Henry  that  of  Italy,  and  Constance  the  queen's 
crown  of  Germany.  Henceforth  the  ancient  title  of  Caesar 
was  revived  in  Henry's  favour,  in  the  same  sense  as  that 
in  which  Diocletian  had  designated  the  Caesar  to  be  the 
assistant  and  successor  of  the  imperial  Augustus.  In  Italy 
the  young  Henry  devastated  the  lands  of  the  Papalists.  In 
Germany,  where  the  bishops  supported  Frederick,  Philip 
of  Cologne,  abandoned  by  his  English  allies,  was  utterly 


Frederick  Barbarossa  and  Alexander  III.        271 

defeated.  Urban  persisted  in  his  opposition,  and  was  pre- 
paring to  excommunicate  the  Emperor,  when  the  fatal  news 
of  the  collapse  of  the  Christian  power  in  the  East  came  as  a 
thunderclap.  A  few  days  later  Urban  died  (20th  October 
1 187),  and  his  successor  Gregory  viii.  (October-December 
1 187)  strove  to  unite  Europe  in  a  new  Crusade,  Gregory 
and  dying  after  a  few  weeks,  the  next  Pope,  viii.,  1187. 
Clement  iii  (1187-1191)  removed  the  chief  cause  of  the  dis- 
pute by  depriving  Folmar  of  his  archbishopric,  clement  iii., 
and  by  promising  to  crown  Henry.  Henry  the  ^187-1191. 
Lion  atoned  for  his  new  treason  by  a  new  exile.  The 
younger  son  of  Frederick,  Frederick,  now  received  the  duchy 
of  Swabia,  in  succession  to  Frederick  of  Rothenburg.  Peace 
was  thoroughly  restored,  and  the  power  of  the  Emperor 
established  on  a  firmer  basis  than  ever.  In  Italy  order  was 
again  secured.  Since  the  death  of  Alexander  in.,  the  Popes 
had  mainly  lived  in  northern  Italy,  but  in  1188  Clement  111. 
was  restored  to  Rome.  His  successor  Celestine  iii.  (1191- 
1198)  lived  peacefully  in  the  capital,  but  the  Senate  still 
ruled  Rome  and  not  the  Pope. 

Once  more  master  of  Germany  and  Italy,  the  old  Emperor 
showed  his  imperial  position  in  its  most  ideal  aspect  by 
putting  himself  at  the  head  of  a  great  European   „ 

X  r.r.ij-  JT  ,  Crusade  and 

movement.    In  1 187  Saladm  conquered  Jerusalem  death  of 
from    the    Christians,   and    a   mighty   crusading   Frederick, 
impulse  ran  for  a  third  time  throughout  Europe. 
At  Easter   11 88,   Frederick  once  more  took  the  Cross,  and 
leaving  the  Csesar  Henry  as  regent,  left  Germany  in  May  1 189. 
In  June   1190  he   perished  in  Cilicia,  without  having  ever 
reached  his  goal. 

Ragewin,  the  biographer  of  Frederick,  minutely  describes 
his  person  and  character.     His  stature  was  not  above  the 
middle  height,   but   his   frame  was  elegant  and   Frederick's 
well  proportioned.      Flowing  yellow  hair  curled   «=iia'"a<=*e'^- 
over  his  brow  and  almost  concealed  his  ears,  and  his  close- 
cropped   reddish    beard  gave  him  his  familiar  surname  of 


272  European  History,  918-1273 

Barbarossa.     His  eyes  were  clear  and  bright,  his  nose  well 
shaped,  and  his  whole  countenance  joyous  and  merry.     His 
throat  and  neck  were  somewhat  thick.     His  milk-white  skin 
easily  reddened,  not  through  anger  but  from  modesty.     His 
gait  was   firm  and  regular,  and  his  habit  of  body  vigorous. 
His  voice  was  clear  and  full.     He  enjoyed  excellent  health 
but  for  chronic  attacks  of  fever.     He  was  chaste,  honourable, 
just   and   religious.     He  was   assiduous    at   divine  worship, 
devout  in  his  behaviour  in  church,  and  very  respectful  to  the 
clergy,  regularly  putting  aside  a  tenth  of  his  income  for  pious 
and  charitable  objects.     A  mighty  warrior,  he  only  rejoiced 
in  battle  because  victory  was  the  best  means  of  assuring  peace. 
He  was  zealous  in  his  attention  to  public  business,  and  kept 
in  his  hands  the  whole  strings  of  his  policy.     He  delighted  in 
hunting,  and  was  able  to  lay  aside  his  royal  state  in  hours  of 
recreation  without  loss  of  dignity.     He  was  fond  of  reading 
history,  especially  the  story  of  his  great  predecessors  in  the 
Empire.      Speaking  eloquently  in  German,  he  could  under- 
stand Latin  better  than  he  could  talk  it.     Simple  but  never 
negligent  in  his  personal  habits,  he  wore  the  ordinary  German 
dress.      He  spent  much  money  on  buildings,  especially  in 
restoring  ancient  palaces  in  Germany  and  Italy.     His  greatest 
ambition  was  to  restore  the  Roman  Empire  to  its  pristine 
glory.     During  his  reign  both  Germany  and  Italy  enjoyed  a 
prosperity  and  peace  to  which  they  had  long  been  strangers. 
Agriculture  flourished  :  commerce  took  a  mighty  impetus :  the 
towns  became  wealthy  and   self-governing,   and   secured  for 
themselves  as  strong  a  position  as  the  barons  and  bishops 
within  the  political  system  of  feudalism.     A  German  national 
literature  attested  the  growth  of  German  national  conscious- 
ness.    The  Niebelungenlied  took  its   modern   form,   and   its 
heroes,  by  their  strange  medley  of  chivalry  and  violence,  well 
represent   the  ideals  of  the  age.      The  Minnesinger  began 
their  songs,  and  the  rhymed  Kaisercronik  brought  home  to  all 
the  mighty  deeds  of  former  Emperors.     In  later  times,  when 
the  seeds  of  disunion  sown  by  the  great  Emperor's  policy 


Frederick  Barbarossa  and  Alexander  ITT.        273 

had  brought  forth  their  fruits,  men  looked  back  to  the  age 
of  Barbarossa  with  admiration  and  longing.  A  strange  legend 
ultimately  grew  that  Frederick  was  not  dead  but  sleeping,  and 
that  in  due  time  he  would  again  appear  to  restore  peace  and 
justice,  and  again  realise  in  his  own  person  the  Kingdom  of 
God  on  earth. 


PERIOD   II. 


CHAPTER    XII 

FRANCE,  NORMANDY,  AND  ANJOU,  AND  THE  BEGINNINGS 

OF  THE  GREATNESS  OF  THE  CAPETIAN  MONARCHY 

(1108-1189)1 

Contrast  between  French  and  German  History — Character  and  Policy  ol 
Louis  VI, — Suger — The  Conquest  of  the  Royal  Domain  —  Louis  vi.'s 
relations  with  Normandy,  England,  Blois,  and  Aquitaine — Louis  vi.'s 
dealings  with  the  Church  and  the  Towns  :  Character  of  Louis  vil. — The 
first  ten  years  of  his  reign — Divorce  from  Eleanor  of  Aquitaine — Rise  of 
Blois  and  Anjou — The  Rivalry  of  Louis  vii.  and  Henry  11. — Progress  of 
the  Monarchy  under  Louis  vii. — The  early  years  of  Philip  Augustus — 
Death  and  defeat  of  Henry  11. 

While  the  imperial  rulers  of  Germany  lavished  their  resources 
on  the  pursuit  of  impossible  ideals,  the  kings  of  France 
Contrast  worked  up  their  way  from  small  beginnings  10  the 
between  the  possession  of  great  power.  In  the  beginning  of 
F«rKh°and  ^^^  twelfth  century  there  could  be  no  effective 
German  Comparison  between  the  insignificance  of  Philip  i. 

History.  ^^^  ^^^  grandeur  of  Henry  iv.  even  in  the 
moments  of  his  worst  difficulties.  Before  the  century  was 
out,  the  power  of  Philip  Augustus  was  worthy  to  rival  that 
of  Henry  vi.,  and  a  few  years  later  triumphed  in  the  field 
over  all  the  forces  of  the  German  Empire. 

*  Besides  M.  Luchaire's  Institutums  Monarchiques,  his  Louis  VI.  It 
Gros,  Annates  de  sa  vie  et  de  son  rigne  and  his  Etudes  sur  Us  actes  de 
Louis  VII. ,  are  of  capital  importance  for  this  period.  Hirsch's  Studien  zur 
Geschichte  Ludwip  VII.  von  Frankreich,  and  Delisle's  Catalogue  des  Actes 
de  Philippe  Auguste,  well  illustrate  the  latter  part  of  the  chapter.  Huiton's 
short  Philip  Augustus  ('Foreign  Statesmen  Series')  is  a  readable 
summary,  while  W.  Walker's  On  the  Increase  of  the  Royal  Power  in  Frame 
under  Philip  Augustus  is  also  useful.  Miss  Norgate's  England  under 
the  Angevin  Kings  is  fullest  for  the  stniggle  of  France  and  Ai^ou. 
174 


Beginnings  of  the  Capetian  Greatness  275 

The  reign  of  Louis  vi.  (1108-1137)  marks  the  first  and 
most  important  stage  in  this  development.  The  only  son  of 
Philip  I.  and  Bertha  of  Holland,  Louis  was  born  character 
in  108 1  and  brought  up  in  the  abbey  of  Saint-  and  policy  of 
Denis,  which  he  left  in  1092,  on  receiving  from  °"'^  ^' 
his  father  the  investiture  of  the  Vexin,  where  he  learnt  his 
first  experience  in  war  and  statecraft  while  defending  his 
appanage  against  William  Rufus.  About  the  end  of  the 
century  he  was  associated  with  his  father  as  king-designate, 
and  for  the  next  eight  years  the  premature  infirmities  of 
Philip  I.  gave  Louis  a  large  share  of  power.  On  Philip's 
death  in  July  11 08,  he  was  at  once  crowned  king  at  Orleans. 

In  person  Louis  was  very  like  his  father,  with  his  great 
height,  pale  face,  and  the  excessive  corpulence  that  neither 
constant  activity  in  the  field  nor  unwearied  labours  in  the 
chase  could  subdue,  and  which  gave  him  his  almost  contem- 
porary surname  of  the  Fat.  Like  his  father  also,  he  was 
greedy  and  sensual.  But  with  all  his  faults,  he  had  acquired 
at  Saint-Denis  the  softness  and  mildness  of  disposition  which 
was  his  most  essential  characteristic.  He  was,  moreover,  just, 
loyal,  and  upright,  ever  preferring  to  reach  his  aims  by  simple 
and  direct  means  rather  than  by  craft  and  treachery.  *A 
mighty  athlete  and  an  eminent  gladiator,'  as  his  biographer 
calls  him,  he  was  constantly  engaged  fighting  from  youth 
upwards,  and  never  abandoned  his  military  habits,  though 
at  the  age  of  forty-six  he  was  too  bulky  to  be  able  to  mount 
on  horseback.  His  nobles  disliked  him,  as  the  Normans 
disliked  Henry  i.,  for  his  love  of  men  of  low  condition.  He 
was  no  knight-errant,  but  a  shrewd  practical  warrior,  ever 
bent  on  maintaining  or  increasing  his  power,  and  making  the 
chief  object  of  his  activity  the  abasement  of  the  barons  of  the 
royal  domain  and  the  protection  of  the  poor  and  the  weak 
from  their  high-handed  violence.  He  also  carefully  watched 
the  overgrown  power  of  the  great  feudatories.  Unlike  his 
father,  Louis  kept  on  good  terms  with  the  Church,  posing  as 
the  protector  of  churchmen  from  the  brutality  and  greed  of 


276  European  History ^  918-1273 

the  lay  baronage.  He  was  ever  mindful  of  the  monks,  and 
never  lost  his  love  for  the  home  of  his  youth.  His  famous 
minister  Suger  became,  in  11 22,  Abbot  of  Saint- 
Denis,  and  the  relations  of  king  and  minister 
went  back  to  the  days  when  Louis  abode  within  the  great  abbey 
where  Suger,  a  boy  like  himself,  was  being  prepared  for  the 
religious  vocation.  A  man  of  humble  origin,  small  and 
mean  appearance,  and  with  wretched  health,  but  restless,  inde- 
fatigable, clear-sighted  and  politic,  Sugar's  brain  suggested  a 
subtle  policy  such  as  the  rough  soldier-king  delighted  to  follow. 
Suger  accompanied  his  master  in  all  his  travels,  and  kept  so 
constantly  at  court  that  the  zealots  reproached  him  with  neglect- 
ing the  administration  of  his  abbey.  In  Louis'  later  years  the 
influence  of  St.  Bernard  induced  the  statesman-monk  to  make 
the  reform  of  the  discipline  of  Saint-Denis  one  of  his  main 
objects  of  attention.  But  he  never  lost  his  influence  over 
Louis,  and  to  his  interest  in  the  strong  Church  party  must 
be  largely  attributed  the  direction  of  Louis'  ecclesiastical 
policy.  After  the  king's  death,  Suger  wrote  his  biography, 
and  gave  us  the  clearest  notion  of  the  life  and  work  of  the 
first  Capetian  king  who  approached  greatness.* 

There  was  a  real  danger  of  the  hereditary  domain  of  the 
Capetians  slipping  away  as  completely  from  the  control  of 
the  house  of  Capet  as  the  more  remote  regions 
conquest  of  which  Only  acknowledged  the  king  as  suzerain, 
the  royal  •pjjg  proprietor  of  the  strong  tower  of  Montlh^ry 
could  block  the  road  between  Paris  and  Orleans, 
and  the  bishops  and  abbots  of  the  Isle  de  France,  the  most 
faithful  supporters  of  the  crown,  had  to  witness  the  constant 
aggressions  of  a  swarm  of  petty  tyrants.  It  was  an  everyday 
thing  for  the  local  lord  to  take  up  his  quarters  in  a  monas- 
tery, with  his  greedy  following,  steal  the  wine,  com,  and 
cattle  of  the  hosts,  and  pollute  the  cloister  with  orgies  and 
bloodshed.     Conspicuous  among  these  high-born  brigands 

*  Vie  de  Louis  U  Gros,  par  Suger.    Ed.  Molinier  in  Picard's  Collection  de 
textes  pour  servir  4  I'^tude  et  it  renseignement  de  lliistoire. 


Beginnings  of  the  Capetian  Greatness  277 

were  Hugh  of  Le  Puiset,  the  tyrant  of  the  rich  plains  of  La 
Beauce,  and  Thomas  of  Marie,  a  member  of  the  house  of 
Coucy,  and  the  cruellest  and  most  able  of  the  barons  of  the 
royal  domains.  Louis  vi.  ever  gladly  responded  to  the  com- 
plaints of  a  bishop  or  abbot  against  a  baronial  oppressor. 
He  led  countless  expeditions  against  the  barons  of  the  Isle 
de  France ;  expeditions  which  were  individually  unimportant, 
but  which  in  the  aggregate  completely  revolutionised  the 
position  of  the  monarchy  within  its  domain.  He  was  as  a 
rule  successful,  though  his  task  was  complicated  by  his  insig- 
nificant enemies  rallying  to  their  support  more  formidable 
foes,  such  as  the  King  of  England  or  the  Count  of  Blois,  the 
most  rebellious  representatives  of  the  great  feudatories. 
Confident  of  the  support  of  the  clerks,  the  townsfolk,  and 
the  lesser  people,  the  king  was  able,  by  his  vigour  and 
persistence,  to  crush  the  most  formidable  of  his  enemies. 
Hugh  du  Puiset,  after  repeated  defeats,  was  forced  to  betake 
himself  to  the  Holy  Land.  Thomas  de  Marie  died  a  defiant 
captive  of  the  prince  that  he  had  so  often  disobeyed.  Louis' 
numerous  campaigns  kept  clear  the  roads  that  united  the 
royal  towns,  such  as  Paris,  Orleans,  Bourges,  Sens,  Beauvais, 
Mantes,  Etampes,  Senlis,  Noyon,  Montreuil.  Before  his 
death  the  baronage  of  the  domain  had  learnt  that  the  king 
was  no  mere  suzerain,  but  an  effective  ruler.  Moreover, 
Louis'  triumphs  in  war  enabled  him  largely  to  dispense  with 
the  disloyal  assemblies  of  magnates  who  had  claimed  to  direct 
his  policy.  The  power  of  the  state  fell  into  hands  that  Louis 
could  trust,  like  Suger  and  the  bishops.  Among  laymen  the 
barons  were  superseded  by  warriors  and  men  of  business, 
whose  whole  occupation  was  in  the  royal  household.  Three 
brothers  of  the  family  of  Garlande  had  among  the  knights 
of  the  court  the  same  pre-eminence  that  Suger  had  among 
the  clerks ;  and  the  fourth  Garlande,  Stephen,  though  tonsured, 
succeeded  two  of  his  brothers  as  royal  seneschal,  and  was 
the  only  cleric  who  ever  held  that  knightly  office. 
The  establishment  of  the  royal  authority  over  the  royal 


278  European  Hfstory,gi^-\27i 

domain  was  but  analogous  to  the  process  which  was  going 
on  all  over  France,  and  making  the  chief  feudatories  of  the 
Louuvi.  crown  centres  of  stronger  and  better  organised 
and  the  jreat  patrimonies.  Each  of  the  leading  states  of  France 
had  become  more  self-centred,  more  concentrated 
within  its  own  resources.  As  a  natural  consequence  their 
relations  with  each  other  and  with  the  crown  assumed  a 
different  character.  Each  fief  lived  its  own  life  apart, 
and  followed  a  different  course  of  development.  Of  all 
the  French  kings  Louis  vi.  had  the  least  frequent  dealings 
with  the  great  vassals  of  the  crown.  What  relations  he 
had  remind  us  rather  of  international  than  of  domestic 
relations. 

In  1 106  Henry  1.  of  England  became  Duke  of  Normandy 
by  the  defeat  of  his  brother  Robert  at  Tinchebrai,  and 
Louis  VI.  Louis  VI.  had  to  contend  for  the  greater  part  of 
and  Henry  I.  |^jg  reign  against  him.  Before  long,  two  strong 
coalitions  were  formed  under  Louis  and  Henry.  Louis 
supported  the  rebellious  barons  of  Normandy,  who  hoped  to 
make  Robert's  son,  William  Clito,  their  duke,  and  ultimately 
found  more  powerful  allies  in  Baldwin  vii.  of  Flanders  and  in 
Bertrada's  son  by  Fulk  le  R^chin,  Fulk  v..  Count  of  Anjou. 
After  Baldwin's  death,  Louis  vi.  secured  the  succession  to 
Flanders  for  Charles  of  Denmark,  whose  brief  reign  of 
peace,  justice,  and  benevolence  secured  for  him  the  title 
of  Charles  the  Good.  Charles's  murder  in  1127  filled  Europe 
with  horror.  Louis  prevailed  on  the  Flemings  to  accept 
William  Clito  as  their  next  count,  and  to  him  Thierry  of 
Alsace  became  a  rival  claimant.  The  Clito  died  in  11 28 
after  destroying  his  prospects  by  his  folly,  and  Louis  was 
now  forced  to  recognise  Thierry.  All  through  his  reign 
he  thus  exercised  a  real  influence  over  the  course  of  Flemish 
affairs. 

Henry  of  England  was  equally  active  on  his  side.  Be- 
sides his  Breton  vassals,  he  could  rely  upon  the  special 
enemies  of  Louis,  the  barons  of  the  Isle  dcf  France.     He 


GENEALOGY  OF  THE  HOUSE  OF  BLOia 


Herbert  I.,  Count  of 

Vermandois  and  Ttoyes 

(''•  943)- 


Albert,  Count 
of  Vermandois, 
whose  great-great- 
granddaughter 
brought  Ver- 
mandois to  Hugh 
of  France  {d.  iioi). 


Robert, 

Count  of 

Troyes 

(rf.  968). 


Herbert, 
Count  of 
Troyes 
{<i-  993)- 

Stephen  1. 
of  Troyes 
{d.  1019). 


Liutgardb,  trt.  Theobald  I., 

the  Old,  first 

hereditary 

Count  of 

Blois(i;.978). 

Odo  I.,  Count  of  Blois, 
'  995). 


I 

Theobald  II., 

Count  of  Blois 

{d.  1004). 


{d  09 


Stephen  II., 

Count  of  Troyes, 

(1037-1047). 


Odd  II., 

Count  of  Blois, 

1004-1037 ; 

Count  of  Troyes, 

1019-1037. 


Theobald  III.,  Count 

of  Blois,  1037-1089 ; 

I.  of  Troyes,  1047-1089 

(commonly  called  Count 

of  Champagne  after  the 

acquisition  of  the 

Counties  of  Vitry  and 

Bar-sur-Aube,  1076). 


Odo  II. 

of  Champagne, 

1089-1097. 


Hugh  I. 

of  Champagne, 

1097-1125,  d.  in 

Holy  Land. 


Stephen  of  Blois, 

1089-1 102, 

tn.  Adela,  daughter 

of  William  the 

Conqueror. 


Theobald  IV.,  the  Great, 

of  Blois,  1102-1152  ;  II.  of 

Champagne,  1125-1152. 


Stephen 

of  Boulogne, 

King  of  England. 


Henry, 

Bishop  of 

Winchester. 


Henry  I.,  the  Liberal,  Alice,  or  Adela, 

of  Champagne,  1152-1180,     m.  Louis  VII.  of  France. 
m.  Mary,  daughter  of  | 

Louis  VII.                   Philip  II.  of  France. 
I 

Henry  XL, 

the  Young, 

of  Champagne, 

1180-1197  ; 

King  of  Jerusalem, 

11Q2-1197, 

tn.  Isabella  of 

Jerusalem. 


Theobald  V.,  the  Good,  William, 

of  Blois,  1152-1x91,  Archbi.shop 

m.  Alice,  daughter  of  of  Rheims. 

Louis  VII. 

I 


Mary, 
fn.  Baldwin 
of  Flanders, 

Eastern 
Emperor. 


Theobald  III. 

of  Champagne, 

1197-1201, 

tn.  Blanche,  heiress 

of  Navarre. 


Louis  of  Blois, 
1191-1205. 

Theobald  VI., 

the  Young, 

of  Blois, 

1305-1318. 


Margaret, 
who  took  Blois 
to  the  houses  of 

Avesnes  and 
Chatillon. 


Theobald  IV.,  the  Posthumous  or  the  Great, 

of  Champagne,  1201-1253  ;  King  of  Navarre, 

1234-1253. 


Theobald  v.,  the  Young, 

of  Champagne  and  Navarre, 

1253-1270. 


I 

Henry  III.,  the  Fat, 

of  Champagne  and  Navarre, 

1270-1274,  Ttt.  Blanche  of  Artois. 


Joan  {d.  1305),  m.  Philip  IV  of  France. 


28o  European  History ^  918-1273 

became  a  warm  partisan  of  Thierry  of  Alsace,  and  intrigued 

with  the  Flemish  townsfolk,  who  were  seldom  on  good  terras 

.  ...      with  their  counts.     Above  all  he  had  the  power- 
Louis  VI. 
and  the        ful  support  of  his  ncphcws,  Theobald  iv.,  Count 

House  of     Qf    Biois     surnamed    the    Great,    and    of    his 

Blois. 

younger  brother  Stephen,  who  through  his  wife 
had  become  Count  of  Boulogne,  and  was  later  to  become 
King  of  England.  Theobald  the  Great  was  a  much  abler 
man  than  his  brother,  and  the  most  rancorous  and  persistent 
of  Louis  vi.'s  foes  among  the  leading  feudatories.  In  1125 
he  once  more  united  the  counties  of  Blois  and  Champagne, 
so  that  he  could  attack  his  suzerain  both  from  the  south 
and  from  the  east.  But  the  most  powerful  combinations 
of  twelfth  century  diplomacy  proved  singularly  weak  when 
brought  into  action.  Almost  ceaseless  war  was  waged 
between  Louis  and  Theobald,  and  the  struggles  of  Louis  and 
Henry  were  only  less  constant.  The  desolating,  unending, 
purposeless,  and  unskilful  warfare  of  the  twelfth  century  was 
utterly  fruitless  in  results.  It  was  enough  for  Louis  that, 
despite  some  defeats,  he  held  his  own  fairly  well. 

Before  the  end  of  Louis'  reign  new  complications  ensued. 

In  1128,  finding  the  hostility  of  Anjou  a  chief  obstacle  in  the 

Louis  VI.     "^^y  ^^  ^'s  plans,  Henry  i.  married  his  widowed 

•nd  daughter  and  heiress,  the   Empress   Matilda,  to 

q   t*  ne.    Q^Qfl^gy^  ^^  ^^^  j^^^j  jjgj^  ^f  j^jg  q] j  enemy  Fulk 

of  Anjou.  The  way  was  thus  prepared  for  the  Angevin 
Empire  of  Henry  n.,  though  the  refusal  of  England  to  accept 
Matilda  as  Henry's  successor  in  1135  seemed  for  the  moment 
to  remove  any  imminent  danger.  While  England  received 
Stephen,  Geoffrey  of  Anjou  established  himself  a  few  years 
later  as  duke  of  Normandy.  Soon  after,  Stephen's  brother, 
Theobald  of  Blois,  made  his  peace  with  Louis.  More- 
over, two  years  later  Louis  negotiated  another  alliance  that 
seemed  to  offer  even  greater  prospects  to  the  heir  to  the 
French  throne.  On  Good  Friday  1137  William  x.,  Count  of 
Poitou  and  Duke  of  Aquitaine,  died  on  pilgrimage.     He  was 


Beginnings  of  the  Capetian  Greatness  281 

the  last  male  of  his  house,  and  his  daughter  Eleanor  suc- 
ceeded peaceably  to  his  great  inheritance.  William  had 
wished  that  his  daughter  should  marry  Louis  the  Young, 
the  eldest  surviving  son  of  his  suzerain.  In  a  few  months 
the  marriage  was  eflfected.  The  vast  domains  of  Eleanor 
in  Poitou,  Saintonge,  and  Guienne  at  once  doubled  the 
domain  of  the  crown,  and  made  the  young  Louis  immediate 
lord  of  most  of  the  great  barons  between  the  Loire  and  the 
Pyrenees,  But  so  long  as  the  interests  and  feelings  of  south 
and  north  were  so  absolutely  different,  it  was  no  great  gain 
to  a  king,  who  had  only  just  secured  the  overthrow  of  the 
feudal  castles  of  the  Seine  and  Oise,  to  begin  in  his  old  age 
a  similar  but  more  hopeless  struggle  on  the  Charente  and  the 
Dordogne. 

While  Philip  i.  kept  both  Rome  and  Cluny  in  check,  his 
son  became  the  stalwart  champion  of  the  rights  of  the  Church. 
It  was  his  friendship  for  the  Church  that  con-  Louis  vi. 
quered  the  Isle  de  France  and  made  it  possible  and  the 
for  Suger  to  serve  two  such  different  masters  as 
Louis  VI.  and  St.  Bernard.  Louis  vi.  restored  the  strong 
alliance  with  the  Papacy  that  prepared  the  way  for  the  time 
when  the  French  king  could  boast  that  he  was  '  the  eldest  son 
of  the  Church.'  He  ardently  supported  Innocent  11.  against 
Anacletus,  welcomed  Innocent  to  his  dominions,  and  attended 
the  Council  of  Sens  in  1131.  Nevertheless  he  did  not 
scruple  to  show  priests  and  monks  that  he  meant  to  be 
master  in  his  own  kingdom,  making  bishops  as  well  as  barons 
respect  the  royal  justice,  and  never  relaxing  his  rights  over 
ecclesiastical  appointments.  Even  when  Suger  was  chosen 
abbot  by  the  over-zealous  monks  of  Saint-Denis,  who  had 
neglected  to  wait  for  the  King's  authonsation  to  elect,  Louis, 
though  he  confirmed  the  election,  put  in  prison  the  monks 
who  brought  him  the  news  of  their  brethren's  unconstitutional 
haste.  Louis  quarrelled  with  leading  bishops  like  Ivo  of 
Chartres  and  Henry  of  Sens.  Indignation  at  Louis'  treatment 
of  his  bishops  drew  Bernard  from  his  retreat  to  denounce  a 


282  European  History^  918-1273 

king  who  •  persecuted  not  so  much  bishops,  as  the  zeal  for 
justice,  and  the  habit  of  religion  which  he  finds  in  them.' 
But  these  examples  of  friction  were  exceptional.  If  the  clergy 
would  but  accept  his  authority,  they  could  have  no  better 
friend  than  Louis  vi.  And  besides  his  alliance  with  the 
Church,  Louis  vi,  drifted  gradually  into  an  alliance  with  the 
lesser  people,  which  reminds  us  of  the  constant  champion- 
ship by  the  Norman  kings  of  England  of  the  popular 
as  against  the  feudal  party.  The  better  peace  that  now 
prevailed  throughout  France  made  town  life,  trade  and  com- 
merce, possible  on  a  larger  scale  than  in  the  rough  times 
The  of    absolute    feudal    anarchy.      The    communal 

communal  movement  was  now  beginning  in  northern 
movemen  pj-ance,  and  though  the  king  was  far  from 
being,  as  the  older  historians  make  him,  the  '  enfranchiser 
of  the  communes,'  he  was  at  least  not  fiercely  hostile  to  the 
less  revolutionary  sides  of  the  new  movement.^  He  issued 
a  large  number  of  charters  to  towns  and  villages  under 
ecclesiastical  control,  which,  though  meant  to  help  the 
Church,  also  tended  to  help  forward  the  municipal  move- 
ment Even  more  than  this,  his  zeal  to  uphold  sound  justice 
was  an  incalculable  boon  to  his  people.  The  simple  peasants 
saw  in  the  good  king  a  wonder-worker  and  a  thaumaturgist, 
and  were  ready  to  give  almost  divine  honours  to  the  prince 
whom  they  celebrated  as  '  the  Justiciar.' 

Ill  health  and  anxiety  wore  out  the  health  and  spirits  of 
Louis.  His  last  days  were  full  of  trouble.  He  desired  to 
retire  to  the  home  of  his  youth  clad  in  the  Benedictine  garb, 
but  he  was  too  ill  to  be  able  to  realise  his  wish.  He  died  at 
Paris  almost  in  the  odour  of  sanctity,  lamenting  with  his 
last  breath  that  it  was  not  the  lot  of  man  to  combine  the 
energy  of  youth  with  the  experience  of  age. 

Louis  VII.,  surnamed  the  Young,  the  eldest  of  the  five  sons 
that  Adelaide  of  Maurienne  bore  to  her  husband,  had  already, 

*  See  on  this  subject  Luchaire's  Lti  Communes /rartfaises  i  rtfoqut  (Us 
CapUitns  directs. 


Beginnings  of  the  Capetian  Greatness  283 

when  a  child  nine  years  old,  been  crowned  at  Reims  by 
Innocent  11.  He  was  still  in  his  new  Aquitanian  domains 
when  his  father's  death  gave  him  the  exclusive  character  of 
rule  over  France.  Suger  and  the  other  ministers  of  i^"*"  vii. 
the  old  king  did  their  best  to  carry  on  still  further  the  policy 
which  had  so  much  improved  the  position  of  the  French 
monarchy.  But  Louis  vii.  was  very  unworthy  to  contmue  the 
work  of  his  strong  and  vigorous  father.  He  is  praised  by  the 
chroniclers  for  his  honesty,  simplicity,  and  benevolence.  He 
was  a  fair  soldier,  but  his  love  of  peace  made  him  reluctant 
to  assume  the  sword,  and  his  weakness  and  indecision  of 
character  often  led  him  into  deceit  and  double-dealing.  The 
chief  positive  trait  in  his  disposition  was  a  rigid  and  monastic 
piety,  which  kept  his  private  life  pure,  but  led  to  scruples  of 
conscience  and  hesitation  in  conduct  that  not  a  little  unfitted 
him  for  the  rude  tasks  of  kingship.  The  feudal  party  soon 
realised  his  weakness,  and  Suger  found  that  the  work  of  Louis 
the  Fat  had  to  be  done  over  again.  If  the  petty  lords  of  the 
Isle  de  France  were  still  kept  in  check,  the  independent  great 
vassals  soon  began  to  enlarge  their  pretensions.  It  was  a 
time  of  feudal  reaction  all  over  Europe.  The  weak  Stephen 
had  succeeded  Henry  i.,  *  the  lion  of  righteousness,'  in 
England.  Conrad  in.,  the  slave  of  the  Church,  had  re- 
placed the  capable  but  limited  Lothair  of  Supplinburg.  Under 
Louis  VII.  the  same  tendencies  manifested  themselves  in 
France.  It  speaks  well  for  Louis  vi.  and  Suger  that  it  was  a 
period  of  stagnation  rather  than  of  positive  reaction  in  the 
fortunes  of  the  French  monarchy. 

The  first  ten  years  of  Louis  vii.'s  reign  were  filled  with 
petty  and  purposeless  wars.  In  his  zeal  to  assert  the  rights 
of  his  wife,   Louis  spent  much  time  south  of  ^^  .   ,, 

'  ^  ,  .  The  first  ten 

the  Loire  to  the  neglect  of  his  more  immediate   years  of 

interests  in  northern  France.     Besides  useful  but  Louis  vii., 

1137-1147. 
not  very  fruitful  efforts  to  carry  out  in  Eleanor's 

domains  the  policy  of  his  father  in  the  Isle  de  France,  Louis 

led,  in  1 141,  an  expedition  against  the  Count  of  Toulouse, 


284  European  History,  918-1273 

Alphonse  Jordan,  who  had  refused  the  homage  claimed  from 
him  to  the  Duke  of  Aquitaine.  The  city  of  Toulouse  offered 
him  a  vigorous  and  successful  resistance,  and  the  first  direct 
action  of  a  descendant  of  Hugh  Capet  in  Languedoc  did  not 
increase  the  prestige  of  the  royal  power.  Nor  were  affairs  in 
the  north  much  more  favourable.  All  his  monastic  virtues  did 
not  prevent  him  quarrelling  with  Innocent  11.,  who  had  con- 
secrated Peter  de  la  Chitre  to  the  archbishopric  of  Bourges 
despite  the  strenuous  efforts  of  the  king  to  prevent  his 
election  (1141).  As  Louis  would  not  yield,  Innocent  excom- 
municated him,  declaring  that  he  was  a  child  who  had  to  be 
taught  the  lesson  of  not  resisting  the  authority  of  the  Church. 
Bernard  re-echoed  the  thunders  of  the  Pope,  though  Suger 
remained  true  to  his  master.  Graver  danger  set  in  when 
Theobald  of  Champagne,  who  up  to  this  point  had  remained 
on  good  terms  with  Louis,  took  up  the  cause  of  Peter  de  la 
Chatre,  and  gave  him  a  refuge  within  his  dominions.  Louis 
indignantly  went  to  war  against  Theobald  and  invaded  Cham- 
pagne. In  the  course  of  the  campaign  that  ensued  the  king 
captured  Vitry  by  assault.  In  the  midst  of  the  tumult  the 
church,  packed  with  fugitive  townspeople,  was  set  on  fire,  and 
more  than  a  thousand  men,  women,  and  children  were  believed 
to  have  perished  in  the  flames.  Louis,  terribly  shocked  at  the 
sacrilege  and  slaughter,  soon  sought  peace  both  with  the 
Church  and  with  Theobald,  and  allowed  Peter  de  la  Chatre  to 
take  possession  of  his  see.  Vitry  was  restored  to  Theobald, 
and  Celestine  11.,  who  had  now  succeeded  the  truculent 
Innocent,  made  no  difficulty  in  absolving  Louis  (1144).  But 
the  massacre  at  Vitry  still  weighed  on  the  king's  conscience, 
and  led  him  to  seek  expiation  by  taking  the  crusader's  vow. 
In  1147  Louis  and  Eleanor  set  out  for  the  Second  Crusade. 
The  disasters  and  miseries  of  that  fatal  expedition  have 
d  been  already  chronicled  [see  pages  1 91-193].  In 
Crusade,  1 1 5©,  Louis  camc  back  humiliated  and  defeated. 
ii47-"So*  During  his  absence  the  aged  Suger  had  striven 
with  all  his  might  to  uphold  the  royal  authority,  though  he 


Beginnings  of  the  Capetian  Greatness  285 

had  disapproved  of  the  king's  crusading  project,  and  never 
ceased  to  urge  upon  him  the  necessity  of  a  speedy  return. 
His  fears  were  more  than  justified,  for  all  the  spirits  of  dis- 
order took  advantage  of  Louis'  absence  to  disturb  the  realm. 
It  was  proposed  to  depose  Louis  in  favour  of  his  brother 
Robert,  Count  of  Dreux.  The  return  of  the  discredited  king 
was  quickly  followed  by  the  death  of  Suger  (1152).  With 
him  expired  the  last  hope  of  carrying  on  the  work  of  national 
development  at  which  he  had  so  long  laboured.  To  the  first 
great  error  of  the  Crusade  Louis  now  added  his  second  mis- 
take of  repudiating  his  wife.  In  both  cases  the  king  put  his 
personal  feeling  above  the  interest  of  his  house  and  realm. 
As  his  absence  on  crusade  led  to  a  new  wave  of  feudal  anarchy, 
so  his  divorce  helped  on  the  growth  of  the  great  Angevin 
power,  which  was,  for  the  rest  of  his  life,  to  put  an  insurmount- 
able obstacle  in  the  way  of  the  development  of  the  French 
monarchy. 

The  relations  between  Louis  and  Eleanor  had  long  been 
strained.     After  many  years  of  barrenness,  the  two  children 
which,  as  it  was  believed,  came  to  the  pair  as  the  Divorce  of 
result  of  the  prayers  of  St.  Bernard,  were  both  girls,   ^ouis  vii. 

,    ^        .       *^  /     ,       ,      .       ,  ,  °        '     and  Eleanor 

and  Louis  ardently  desired  a  son  and  successor,  of  Aquitaine, 
There  was,  moreover,  a  strange  contrast  of  char-  "s^- 
acter  between  the  weak,  pious,  and  shifty  king  and  the  fierce, 
imperious,  and  ambitious  queen.  New  grounds  of  dispute 
arose  during  the  Crusade,  when  Eleanor  strove  to  divert  the 
French  host  from  their  projected  march  to  Jerusalem  in  order 
that  its  presence  might  support  her  uncle  Raymond  of  Antioch 
in  his  schemes  for  the  aggrandisement  of  his  principality. 
The  relations  of  husband  and  wife  became  so  bad  that  Suger 
wrote  imploring  the  king  to  conceal  his  anger  against  the 
queen.  After  their  return  to  France  nothing  but  the  influ- 
ence of  Suger  prevented  a  breach.  Soon  after  his  death,  the 
question  of  divorce  was  formally  raised.  St.  Bernard,  still 
omnipotent  over  Louis'  mind,  approved  the  step.  In  March 
1152a  church  council  held  at  Beaugency  annulled  the  marriage 


286  European  History,  918-1273 

on  the  ground  of  consanguinity.  Eleanor  withdrew  to  her 
own  dominions,  which  were  now  again  separated  from  the 
French  crown.  Anxious  to  do  all  in  her  power  to  spite  her 
former  husband,  she  offered  herself  in  marriage  to  young 
Henry  of  Anjou.  At  Whitsuntide  their  marriage  at  Poitiers 
exposed  the  French  monarchy  to  the  gravest  danger.  So 
The  rite  of  ^^"^2  ^^  ^^  chicf  ficfs  were  held  by  separate  and 
the  House  rival  houses  it  was  not  impossible  for  the  crown 
of  Biois.  jQ  \^o\^  its  own  against  them,  but  an  aggregation 
of  several  great  fiefs  into  the  same  hands  might  easily  set  up  a 
rival  power  whose  forces  could  overbalance  the  scanty  strength 
of  the  king.  The  union  of  Chartres,  Blois,  and  Champagne 
under  Theobald  the  Great  had  been  the  gravest  obstacle  to 
the  plans  of  Louis  vi.  The  establishment  of  Theobald's 
younger  brother  in  Boulogne,  Normandy,  and  England  would 
have  been  even  more  dangerous  but  for  the  incompetence  of 
Stephen.  Side  by  side  with  the  union  of  several  fiefs  under  the 
house  of  Blois,  was  the  union  of  Anjou,  Maine,  and  Normandy, 
brought  about  by  the  policy  of  Henry  i.  in  marrying  his 
daughter,  the  Empress  Matilda,  to  Geoffrey,  the  son  of  Fulk 
of  Anjou.  These  two  amalgamations  neutralised  each 
other,  when  the  accession  of  Stephen  to  England  and  Nor- 
mandy brought  the  old  interests  of  Blois  and  Anjou  into 
fierce  antagonism,  and  for  a  time  neither  side  won  a  pre- 
ponderating position  over  the  other.  Though  Matilda  the 
Empress  failed  to  conquer  England,  her  husband  established 
himself  in  Normandy,  and  in  1144  received  from  Louis  vii. 
the  formal  investiture  of  the  duchy.  In  1149  Geoffrey  and 
The  growUi  Matilda  handed  over  their  Norman  claims  to  their 
of  Anjou.  son  Henry,  now  sixteen  years  old.  In  September 
1151  the  death  of  Geoffrey  made  Henry  Fitz-Empress  (so  the 
young  prince  was  commonly  described)  sole  lord  of  Normandy, 
Anjou,  Maine,  and  Touraine,  Anjou  now  rapidly  prevailed 
over  Blois.  Young  as  he  was,  Henry  had  already  a  character 
and  a  policy.  After  his  marriage  with  Eleanor  he  had 
a  position  in  France  far  stronger  than  that  of  King  Louis 


Beginnings  of  the  Capetian  Greatness  287 

himself;  from  the  Somme  to  the  Pyrenees,  from  the  Bay 
of  Biscay  to  the  mountains  of  Auvergne,  Henry  and  Eleanor 
ruled  directly  or  indirectly  over  the  fairest  half  The  Empire 
of  France.  Two  years  later,  the  death  of  Stephen  of  Henry  11. 
made  Henry  King  of  England.  In  1158  Henry  added 
to  his  possession  the  county  of  Nantes  and  re-enforced 
the  old  Norman  claims  of  overlordship  over  Duke  Conan  of 
Brittany.  Later  he  secured  the  hand  of  Constance,  Conan's 
daughter  and  heiress,  for  his  second  son  Geoffrey,  who  in  1 1 7 1 
peacefully  succeeded  his  father-in-law  as  Duke  of  Brittany. 
Henry  was  equally  successful  in  realising  the  many  pretensions 
of  Eleanor  over  the  lands  of  south-western  France.  In  11 58 
Eleanor's  claims  to  overlordship  over  the  county  of  Toulouse 
led  Henry  to  lead  an  expedition  against  Count  Raymond  v., 
who  had  succeeded  his  father  Alphonse  in  1148,  and  by  his 
marriage  with  Constance,  sister  of  Louis  vii.,  and  widow  of 
Eustace  of  Boulogne,  King  Stephen's  son,  had  united  himself 
against  the  Angevin  with  the  houses  of  France  and  Blois.  The 
personal  intervention  of  King  Louis  saved  Raymond  from  abso- 
lute submission,  though  the  peace  transferred  Cahors  and  the 
Quercy  from  Toulouse  to  the  duchy  of  Aquitaine.  In  11 73 
Henry  accomplished  his  purpose.  Henceforth  the  county  of 
Toulouse,  with  its  dependencies  the  Rouergue  and  the  Albi- 
geois,  became,  by  Raymond's  submission,  recognised  depend- 
encies of  Aquitaine.  With  equal  energy  Henry  pressed  his 
.  claims  to  overlordship  over  Berri,  where  his  aggressions  were 
particularly  unwelcome  by  reason  of  the  large  strip  of  royal 
domain  which  ran  from  Bourges  southward.  Henry  also 
revived  successfully  the  old  Aquitanian  claim  to  the  overlord- 
ship of  Auvergne,  while  his  alliance  with  the  rising  house 
of  Maurienne,  now  Counts  of  Savoy,  gave  him  some  com- 
mand of  the  upper  Rhone  valley  and  the  chief  passes  over 
the  Alps.  The  extraordinary  ability  of  Henry  made  his  com- 
manding position  the  more  formidable.  He  was  no  mere 
feudal  chief  like  the  Counts  of  Blois,  but  a  statesman  capable 
of  building  up  a  mighty  empire. 


288  European  History,  918-1273 

After  the  consolidation  of  the  Angevin  Empire,  Louis  had 
to  watch  narrowly  the  actions  of  a  vassal  more  powerful 

than  himself.  Before  long  war  became  almost 
Louis  vii.  chronic  between  him  and  Henry.  It  was  not 
*"**  that  constant  efforts  were  not  made  to  secure  peace 

and  alliance.  Henry  married  his  eldest  son  to 
Louis'  daughter,  Margaret,  receiving  as  her  marriage  portion 
the  long-coveted  possession  of  the  Vexin.  In  1162  Louis  vii, 
and  Henry  again  made  common  cause  in  favour  of  Alex- 
ander III.  against  the  Antipope  [see  page  257].  During 
his  exile  in  France  Alexander  frequented  the  dominions  of 
Henry  as  much  as  he  did  those  of  Louis.  It  was  in  Henry's 
town  of  Tours  that  the  council  assembled  that  excommuni- 
cated the  Antipope.  Henry  seemed  too  strong  to  make  direct 
resistance  of  much  avail. 

Before  long  Henry  11.  fell  into  his  quarrel  with  Archbishop 
Thomas  of  Canterbury,  which  gave  Louis  an  opportunity  ot 
adding  to  his  rival's  difficulties,  by  giving  as  much  support  as 
he  could  to  his  enemies.  After  Thomas's  death  Louis  found 
an  even  better  way  of  effecting  this  purpose  by  forcing  Henry 
to  divide  his  dominions  among  his  sons,  and  then  fomenting 
the  discord  that  soon  burst  out  between  Henry  and  his  wife 
and  children.  In  11 70  the  young  Henry,  Louis'  son-in-law, 
was  crowned  joint  king  with  his  father,  after  the  French  fashion. 
Geoffrey  was  already  Duke  of  Brittany,  and  in  1172  Richard, 
the  third  son,  was  enthroned  Duke  of  Aquitaine,  and  be- 
trothed to  Alice,  Louis  vii.'s  younger  daughter.  Louis  soon 
persuaded  the  vain  and  weak  Henry  in. — so  he  was  often  styled 
— ^to  make  common  cause  with  him  against  his  father.  In 
The  War  of  1 173  a  wcU-devised  conspiracy  burst  forth  against 
ii73«ndii74.  tiig  power  of  Henry  ii.  The  feudal  party  in 
England  and  Normandy,  the  King  of  Scots,  and  Henry's 
discontented  vassals  in  Britain,  made  common  cause  with 
Louis  VII.  and  the  younger  King  Henry  against  the  arch- 
enemy of  the  Capetian  house.  The  vassals  of  France,  who 
feared    Henry  more   than   Louis,  joined   the    confederacy. 


Beginnings  of  the  Capetian  Greatness  289 

and  at  their  head  were  Geoffrey  of  Brittany  and  Richard 
of  Aquitaine,  and  even  Queen  Eleanor  herself.  Among 
Louis'  greater  vassals  Philip  of  Alsace  (son  of  Thierry  of 
Alsace),  Count  of  Flanders,  entered  into  the  league.  So 
did  the  sons  of  Theobald  the  Great — Henry  the  Libera],  Count 
of  Champagne,  and  Theobald  v.,  the  Good,  Count  of  Blois, 
both  married  to  Louis  vii.'s  daughters.  The  representative 
of  the  younger  bianch  of  Blois,  the  Count  of  Flanders' 
brother,  who  ruled  Boulogne  as  the  husband  of  King 
Stephen's  daughter  Mary,  also  took  up  the  hereditary  policy 
of  his  house.  The  good  luck  and  the  genius  of  Henry  pre- 
vailed over  Louis  and  his  associates,  and  in  1174  peace 
was  patched  up  on  conditions  that  left  matters  much  as 
they  had  been  before  the  war.  Eleanor  of  Aquitaine,  cap- 
tured as  she  was  endeavouring  to  escape  to  her  divorced 
husband's  court,  was  the  chief  sufferer.  She  was  immured  in 
a  prison,  from  which  she  hardly  escaped  during  the  rest  of 
Henry  ii.'s  life. 

In  the   last   seven  years  of  his   life  Louis  vii.    made   no 
sensible  advance  against  Henry  11.,  but  though  beaten  in  the 
field,  he  had  broken  up  the  unity  of  the  Angevin   Progress 
power,  and  could  still  count  upon  the  support  of  °^^^^ 

...  .._.  .  ,     ,  Monarchy 

the  sons  of  his  enemy.  His  reign  ended  as  under 
ingloriously  as  it  had  begun.  Nevertheless,  the  ^°"'*  ^^^• 
constant  interest  of  the  king  in  the  policy  of  the  remotest 
parts  of  the  monarchy  was  a  step  forward  in  the  royal  opera- 
tions. The  intervention  of  Louis  in  Toulouse,  in  Auvergne, 
in  Burgundy,  though  not  always  successful,  marked  an 
advance  over  the  incuriousness  and  indifference  of  his  father's 
reign  in  matters  not  directly  concerning  the  domain.  He 
even  looked  beyond  his  kingdom  into  the  Arelate,  where 
Barbarossa's  coronation  in  11 78  was  a  source  of  inquietude 
to  him.  Moreover,  Louis  vii.'s  constant  friendship  for  the 
Church  stood  him  in  good  stead  in  his  dealings  with  his 
remoter  vassals.  His  pilgrimages  to  distant  shrines,  to  St. 
James  of  Compostella,  to  the  Grande  Chartreuse,  and  to  the 

PERIOD  II.  T 


290  European  Htstor)\  918-1273 

new  shrine  of  St.  Thomas  at  Canterbury,  spread  his  fame. 
The  younger  monastic  orders,  especially  the  Cistercians  and 
the  Carthusians,  were  his  enthusiastic  friends,  and  the 
unostentatious  and  timid  support  of  a  crowd  of  bishops 
and  abbots  gave  Louis  vii.'s  reign  its  peculiar  position  in 
history.  The  chronicler  tells  us  how,  in  Louis  vii.'s  days, 
war  was  rare,  and  the  realm  ruled  peacefully  and  strenuously ; 
many  new  towns  established,  and  ancient  ones  increased ; 
many  forests  were  cut  down ;  and  divers  orders  of  religion 
marvellously  multiplied  in  various  parts  of  the  land. 

Louis  VII.  was  thrice  married.  His  first  two  wives  brought 
him  daughters  only.  Eleanor  of  Aquitaine's  children,  Mary 
and  Alice,  became  the  wives  of  the  two  brothers, 
age,  and  Henry  of  Champagne  and   Theobald   of  Blois. 

death  of  Constancc  of  Castile,  Louis'  second  wife,  was  the 

mother  of  Margaret,  afterwards  wife  of  the  young 
king,  Henry  in.,  and  of  another  Alice,  long  betrothed  to  his 
brother,  Richard  of  Aquitaine.  Fourteen  days  after  Constance's 
death,  Louis  vii.  married  his  third  wife,  Alice  or  Adela  of 
Champagne,  sister  of  his  sons-in-law,  Henry  the  Liberal 
and  Theobald  the  Good.  For  five  years  they  had  no 
children,  and  Louis,  fearing  the  division  of  his  kingdom 
between  his  daughters,  longed  earnestly  for  a  son.  He 
visited  Citeaux,  and  threw  himself  on  his  knees  before  the 
General  Chapter  that  was  in  session,  and  only  rose  when  he 
had  been  assured  that  God  would  soon  answer  his  prayers. 
In  August  1 165  the  long-wished-for  son  was  born  at  Paris, 
amidst  heartfelt  rejoicings,  and  was  christened  Philip,  but  soon 
became  known  by  the  surnames  'Godgiven'  and  'Augustus.' 
When  Philip  was  only  fourteen  years  old,  Louis  vii.  was 
stricken  with  paralysis.  On  All  Saints'  Day  11 79,  he  was 
crowned  joint-king  at  Reims  by  his  mother's  brother,  Arch- 
bishop William  of  Blois.  In  September  1180  the  old  king 
died,  and  Philip  Augustus  became  sole  King  of  France. 

In  the  first  ten  years  of  the  reign  of  Philip  11.,  the  fierce 
factions  that  had  raged  round  the  death-bed  of  Ix)uis  vii. 


Beginnings  of  the  Capetian  Greatness  291 

were  continued.  The  chief  influences  to  which  the  boy-king 
was  exposed  were  those  of  PhiHp  of  Flanders,  and  of  the 
house  of  Blois.  Philip  of  Alsace  had  shown  more  than  the 
usual  energy  and  skill  of  a  feudal  prince  in  his  administra- 
tion of  Flanders.  He  is  celebrated  in  Flemish  history  as 
the  founder  of  ports  and  cities,  the  granter  of  charters  of 
liberties,  the  maker  of  canals,  the  cultivator  of  sandy  heaths 
and  barren  marshes,  the  strong  administrator,  the  vigilant 
upholder  of  law,  the  friend  and  patron  of  poets  and 
romancers.  He  also  laboriously  built  up  a  great  family 
connection,  from  which  he  hoped  to  establish  a  power  such 
as  might  rival  the  aggregated  fiefs  of  Blois  or  The  early 
Anjou,  and  might  well  have  anticipated  the  later  y^^j^  of 
unions  of  the  Netherlands  under  the  Bavarian  and  Augustus, 
Burgundian  houses.  Himself  lord  of  Flanders  and  "So-iiSg. 
Artois,  Philip  became,  by  his  marriage  with  Isabella  of  Ver- 
mandois,  the  descendant  of  Hugh  the  Great  the  Crusader, 
Count  of  Amiens  and  Vermandois.  His  nephew  Baldwin 
was  Count  of  HainauU.  His  brother  Matthew  and  his  niece 
Ida  were  in  succession  Count  and  Countess  of  Boulogne. 
Moreover,  Philip  was  the  most  trusted  counsellor  of  tlie  old 
age  Of  Louis  vii.,  and  the  godfather  of  Philip  Augustus.  Just 
before  Louis'  death  his  influence  was  confirmed  by  the 
marriage  of  his  niece,  Isabella  of  Hainault,  to  the  young  king. 
Being  childless,  he  promised  that  after  his  death  Artois  should 
go  to  his  niece  and  her  husband. 

The  house  of  Blois  had  hoped  much  from  the  accession 
of  a  king  whose  mother  was  a  Champenoise.  But  Philip 
of  Flanders  chased  Adela  of  Champagne  from  the  court, 
and  showed  a  fierce  hostility  to  her  brothers.  Theobald  of 
Blois  and  Henry  of  Champagne  were  forced  to  make  alliance 
with  their  old  enemy,  Henry  of  Anjou.  William  of  Reims,  dis- 
gusted that  the  Archbishop  of  Sens  was  called  upon  to  crown 
the  new  queen,  strove  to  act  once  again  the  part  played 
by  Thomas  of  Canterbury  when  the  younger  Henry  was 
crowned  by  Roger  of  York.     War  seemed  imminent  between 


292  European  History,  918-1273 

the  two  Philips,  and  a  strong  coalition  that  included  the  houses 
of  Blois  and  Anjou,  and  a  vast  swarm  of  smaller  feudatories, 
who  rejoiced  that  the  reign  of  a  boy  of  fifteen  bade  fair  to 
give  them  a  chance  of  striking  an  effective  blow  against  the 
power  of  their  suzerain.  But  Philip  of  Flanders  pressed  his 
advantages  too  far.  A  natural  reaction  from  the  overbearing 
Count  of  Flanders  soon  drove  King  Philip  towards  his  mother 
and  her  family.  Henry  of  Anjou's  mediation  patched  up 
peace  between  Philip  11.  and  his  mother's  kinsfolk,  and 
enabled  him  to  shake  off  his  dependence  on  Philip  of 
Flanders. 

Peace  did  not  last  very  long.  For  a  short  time  Henry  11. 
was  on  good  terms  with  the  French  king,  and  strove  to  per- 
suade him  to  associate  himself  with  the  declining  fortunes  of 
Henry  the  Lion,  and  swell  the  coalition  against  Frederick 
Barbarossa.  But  Philip  11.  gave  the  deposed  Saxon  no 
effective  help,  and  before  long  the  old  relations  were  restored. 
In  1 1 83  Philip  was  again  backing  up  the  rebellious  sons  of 
Henry  11.  against  their  father,  though  the  sudden  death  of 
Henry,  the  young  king,  quickly  brought  this  struggle  to  an  end. 
In  the  next  year,  1184,  Philip  went  to  war  against  Philip  of 
Flanders,  who  on  the  death  of  his  wife,  Isabella  of  Vermandois, 
in  1 1  S3,  had  kept  possession  of  her  lands,  which  Philip  11.  had 
declared  forfeited.  So  fierce  a  struggle  seemed  imminent  that 
the  Count  of  Flanders  was  glad  to  get  the  support  of  the  house 
of  Blois,  which  had  now  again  drifted  into  opposition  to  the 
king.  At  the  same  time  he  called  in  the  Emperor  as  a  counter- 
poise against  his  other  suzerain.  But  Philip  of  Flanders  was 
afraid  to  face  the  great  host  which  the  French  king  now 
turned  against  him.  He  sought  the  intervention  of  Henry  11., 
who,  in  November  1185,  personally  negotiated  the  peace  of 
Aumile,  by  which  the  Vermandois  was  added  to  the  royal 
domain,  and  the  promise  of  Artois  and  the  Somme  towns  at 
the  Count's  death  was  renewed.  It  was  the  first  real  triumph 
of  the  young  king's  reign. 

Flushed   by  his  success  against  Flanders,  Philip  11.  soon 


Beginnings  of  the  Capetian  Greatness 


293 


fell  again  into  hostilities  against  Henry  11.  He  clamoured 
for  the  restoration  of  the  Vexin,  the  marriage  portion  of  his 
sister   Margaret,   widow  of  Henry  the   younger,  but  finally 


f^\^^' 


PI  a  nders 
.MontreiuiJ\  /  ^* 


r 
1^ 


FRANCE 

in  1189. 


Zandsufthe  Ilouv  ofBloia  shaded  thu^-L. i 

hountlanj  c/iht  kingdom  thiis •«.»— ^ 


/toijal  domai  n  shaded  Ih  u.«._ 

Doundarii  nnhimjlls  dm.iininns .*=<^*xxxx 


allowed  it  to  remain  in  the  English  king's  hands  as  the 
future  portion  for  his  other  sister  Alice,  the  promised  bride  of 
Richard  of  Aquitaine.  But  he  still  intrigued  actively  with 
Henry's  disloyal  sons.    In  11 86  Geoffrey  of  Brittany  went  to 


294  European  History,  918-1273 

Paris  to  plot  new  designs  against  his  father,  but  was  cut  off  by 
fever  when  still  the  French  king's  guest.     Projects  of  crusade 
delayed  for  a  time  the  weaving  of  the  network  of  intrigue. 
But  in  1 189  Philip  again  found  Richard  at  war  against  his 
father.     A   sharp   campaign  was   fought,    which 
deaUiof       resulted    in  the  complete  defeat  of  Henry  11., 
*'^'y""'    who   on   4th  July  11 89   was   forced  to  make  a 
complete  submission  at  Colombibres,  and  died 
two  days  afterwards.      It  was  the  second  great  triumph  of 
Philip's   reign.     Though   the   Angevin   heritage   passed  un- 
impaired to  Richard,  the  new  king  was  not  statesman  enough 
long  to  keep  together  so  precarious  an  inheritance.     Hence- 
forth the  advantage  was  increasingly  on  Philip's 
the  Third      sidc.     The  Call  to  the  Third  Crusade  postponed 

Crusade,      jj^g  inevitable  struggle  between  them.      But  the 
X187-1189.  °° 

historian  of  France  may  well  pause  at  the  death 

of  Henry   11.      The  period   of  struggling  and  waiting  was 

now  almost  over.     In  the  later  and  more  brilliant  portion  of 

his  reign,  the  conqueror  of  Philip  of  Alsace  and  Henry  of 

Anjou  had  to  gather  in  the  fruits  of  his  victories.     Yet  the 

future  position  of  France  was  already  assured  in  the  year  that 

saw  the  death  of  the  most  resourceful  of  her  enemies. 


CHAPTER  Xlll 

THE   THIRD    CRUSADE   AND   THE   REIGN   OF   HENRY    \0 
(1187-II97) 

Europe  in  1187 — Preparations  for  the  Third  Crusade — Crusade  and  Death  of 
Frederick  Barbarossa — Destruction  of  the  German  Army— Crusade  of 
Philip  II.  and  Richard  l. — Truce  with  Saladin — The  Reign  of  Henry  VI. 
— Henry's  Coronation  and  first  Italian  journey — First  attack  on  Apulia — 
German  troubles — Captivity  of  Richard  i. — Conquest  of  Apulia  and 
Sicily — The  Hereditary  Empire  and  the  Conquest  of  the  East— Death  of 
Henry. 

In  the  second  half  of  the  twelfth  century  limits  had  already 
been  set  to  the  worst  forms  of  feudal  anarchy,  and  strong 
and  well-ordered  states  ruled  by  powerful  kings  ^^ 

■'    ^  °      The  state  of 

had  replaced  the  chaos  of  the  Dark  Ages.  Europe  after 
Frederick  Barbarossa,  if  no  effective  lord  of  the  V^'^  ^^^\  °^ 

Jerusalem. 

world,  exercised  a  very  real  authority  over 
Germany,  and  even  over  Italy.  Louis  vi.  and  Louis  vii.  had 
put  the  resources  of  the  French  monarchy  on  a  solid  basis, 
and  Philip  Augustus  was  now  preparing  the  way  for  still 
greater  triumphs.  Henry  11.  had  bound  together  his  vast  but 
heterogeneous  empire  so  firmly  that  the  power  of  Anjou  was 
able  to  survive  the  blind  knight-errantry  of  his  successor. 
Even   in  the  remoter  parts  of  Europe  the  same  tendency 

1  To  the  authorities  mentioned  in  chapter  viii.,  may  be  added  for  the 
Third  Crusade,  the  Itinerarium  Regis  Ricardi  (Rolls  Series),  with 
Dr.  Stubbs'  Introductions,  Ambroi^e's  Estoire  de  la  guerre  sainte,  ed.  G. 
Paris,  and  Archer's  useful,  though  popular.  Crusade  of  Richard  I.  Toeche's 
Kaiser  Heinrich  VI.  is  the  standard  modern  authority  for  Henry  vi.'s  reign; 
some  of  its  results  are  usefully  criticised  in  Bloch's  Forschungen  zur  Polilik 
Kaiser  Heinrichs  VI.  in  den  Jahren  1191-1194. 

286 


296  European  History^  918-1273 

manifested  itself  towards  the  growth  of  strong  monarchies. 
The  kingdoms  of  the  east  and  north,  barely  redeemed  from 
barbarism,  saw  rulers  like  Valdemar  of  Denmark  and  Ottocar 
of  Bohemia.  The  kingdoms  of  divided  Spain,  the  Norman 
dominion  of  Sicily,  show  the  universal  drift  of  the  tide. 
Even  the  greater  feudatories  of  the  larger  kingdoms  were 
making  themselves  centres  of  an  authority  that  was  not  far 
from  being  national.  States  like  Toulouse  and  Provence, 
representing  the  growing  national  feeling  of  the  south  French 
nation;  opulent  and  manufacturing  Flanders,  cutting  itself 
apart  from  France  and  Germany  alike,  and  even  mere  dynastic 
powers,  like  the  house  of  Champagne  and  Blois,  show  how 
authority  was  becoming  concentrated  into  few  hands.  If 
the  unity  of  the  German  kingdom  was  still  rather  illusory, 
the  dukes,  counts,  and  margraves,  who  ruled  over  its  larger 
subdivisions,  were  making  themselves,  like  the  great  French 
feudatories,  centres  of  a  local  feeling  and  of  a  local  order, 
which,  in  days  when  the  strongest  king's  arm  did  not  reach 
very  far,  were  real  securities  for  peace  and  prosperity. 

When  the  terrible  news  that  Jerusalem  was  once  more  in 
the  hands  of  the  infidel  spread  throughout  Europe,  the 
result  of  this  development  was  seen  in  the  shape  taken  by 
the  movement  to  re-establish  the  Christian  power  in  the  East. 
In  the  eleventh  century  the  Popes  had  preached,  organised, 
and  directed  the  Crusades.  A  hundred  years  later  the  Papacy 
had  certainly  not  declined  in  influence.  But  it  was  no  longer 
the  only  strong  power  in  Europe.  Absolutely  it  was  what  it 
had  been  in  the  days  of  Gregory  and  Urban.  Relatively  it 
was  much  less,  since  instead  of  a  Henry  iv.,  or  Philip  i.,  or 
a  William  Rufus,  it  had  to  deal  with  a  Barbarossa,  a  Philip 
Augustus,  a  Henry  of  Anjou.  Even  the  leadership  of  the 
Church,  as  St  Bernard's  career  shows,  was  not  necessarily 
given  to  the  reigning  Pope.  While  the  First  Crusade  was  the 
work  of  Urban  11.,  and  the  Second  Crusade  sprang  from  the 
efforts  of  St.  Bernard,  the  Third  Crusade  was  due  to  the 
prompt  action  of  the  great  kings  of  Europe,  and  above  all 


The  Third  Crusade  and  the  Reign  of  Henry  VI.     297 

to  Frederick  Barbarossa.  In  the  First  Crusade  the  leadership 
of  the  Christian  host  fell  to  the  lesser  feudal  princes,  like  the 
Count  of  Toulouse  or  the  Count  of  Flanders.  In  the  Second 
Crusade  the  Emperor  and  the  King  of  France  took  the  lead, 
but  they  went  with  insufficient  resources,  and  left  their 
dominions  in  disorder  and  anarchy.  In  the  Third  Crusade 
the  three  chief  monarchs  of  Europe  appeared  at  the  head  of 
well-equipped  and  fairly  disciplined  armies.  However  little 
successful  they  were,  their  failure  was  as  much  due  to  their 
taking  with  them  on  their  pilgrimage  their  Western  rivalries, 
as  to  their  military  insufficiency  for  their  task.  In  each  case 
they  left  their  dominions  well  cared  for  and  well  governed,  and 
in  no  case  did  their  long  absence  from  their  homes  stop  the 
orderly  development  of  their  states. 

The  absorption  of  the  Western  monarchs  on  their  own 
territorial  aggrandisement  seemed  for  a  time  to  lessen  the  force 
of  the  crusading  impulse,  and  certainly  during  the  thirteenth 
century  led  to  the  gradual  decay  of  the  crusading  ideal.  Europe 
was  now  breaking  up  slowly  but  surely  into  the  great  nations 
of  modern  times,  and  was  inevitably  losing  a  good  deal  of 
her  consciousness  of  unity  in  the  process.  Even  Frederick 
Barbarossa,  filled  as  he  was  with  his  dreams  of  reviving  the 
power  of  Rome,  had  been,  as  we  saw,  obliged  to  adopt  a 
different  policy  in  Germany  and  Italy,  and  had  attained  his 
greatest  successes  in  proportion  as  he  acted  most  fully  as  a 
German  national  king.  To  kings  like  Philip  Augustus  and 
Henry  of  Anjou,  the  Empire  was  a  mere  name,  and  they 
were  conscious  of  no  lord  over  them  save  God  Himself. 
Such  unity  of  feeling  as  remained  in  Europe  was  rather 
the  result  of  common  chivalrous  and  martial  ideals,  and  the 
steady  and  persistent  international  influence  of  the  Catholic 
Church,  than  of  any  ideal  unity  of  the  Christian  state  under 
the  Roman  Emperor.  The  kings  of  the  West  had  too  much 
work  at  home  to  give  them  much  leisure  to  look  abroad.  If 
ambition,  restlessness,  or  principle  compelled  them  to  take 
interest  in  the  affairs  of  their  neighbours,  they  had  not  yet 


298  European  History,  918-1273 

attained   sufficient   strength    to  make    tiieir  intervention    a 
reality. 

It    was    harder   to   bring   about    a    combined    European 

movement  in  the  days  of  Barbarossa  tlian  it  had  been  in  the 

days  of  Urban  11.     But  the  news  that  the  infidel 

Preparations         ^ 

for  the  Third  was  oncc  more  lordmg  it  over  the  Holy  Sepulchre 
^™"^'  so  profoundly  stirred  up  the  mind  of  Europe 
that  all  difficulties  in  the  way  of  continued  action 
were  rapidly  surmounted,  and  within  three  years  of  the  fall  of 
Jerusalem  the  best  organised  of  the  Crusades  was  already 
started.  The  Papacy  proved  true  to  its  noblest  traditions. 
It  was  universally  believed  that  the  fall,  or  the  prospect  of 
the  fall,  of  the  Holy  City  had  proved  Urban  iii.'s  death-blow. 
His  successors,  the  enthusiastic  Gregory  viii.  and  the  con- 
ciliatory Clement  iii.,  strove,  at  great  sacrifices,  to  heal  the 
feuds  of  Pope  and  Emperor,  and  to  assuage  the  rivalries 
of  the  monarchs  of  Europe,  so  that  all  might  turn  their 
resources  to  the  Holy  War.  Within  a  few  weeks  of  the 
receipt  of  the  fatal  news,  orders  were  issued  from  Rome, 
calling  on  the  faithful  to  unite  to  free  Jerusalem  from  the 
infidel,  enjoining  public  fasts  and  prayers,  and  offering  ample 
indulgences  and  spiritual  encouragements  to  such  as  would 
take  the  cross.  The  Cardinals  talked  of  living  on  alms, 
and  devoting  their  property  to  the  Crusade,  while  they 
wandered  through  Europe,  preaching  the  Holy  War. 
Italy,  so  little  moved  as  a  rule  by  the  crusading  impulse, 
and  so  accustomed  to  make  a  heavy  profit  from  the 
necessities  of  Northern  and  Western  pilgrims,  was  all  aglow 
with  enthusiasm.  The  first  succour  sent  to  the  East  came 
from  a  Norman  fleet  from  Naples  and  Sicily,  which  took  up 
the  work  of  Bohemund.  William  of  Sicily  turned  to  the 
succour  of  Antioch  and  Tyre  the  army  which  he  had 
collected  to  attack  Constantinople.  Not  much  behind  the 
Sicilians  were  the  Scandinavian  peoples,  wlio  were  now  for 
the  first  time  brought  within  the  range  of  the  crusading 
movement    If  Norway,  torn  asunder  by  civil  war,  contributed 


The  Third  Crusade  and  the  Reign  of  Henry  VI,     299 

but  few  Crusaders,  thousands  took  the  cross  in  Sweden  and 
Denmark.  But  the  individual  efforts  of  the  smaller  states 
soon  subordinated  themselves  to  the  action  of  the  three 
greatest  princes  of  Europe.  Richard  of  Aquitaine  was  the 
first  of  Western  rulers  to  take  the  cross  in  1187.  His 
father  and  Philip  of  France  received  the  cross  from  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Tyre  in  the  early  part  of  11 88.  But  though 
England  and  France  could  agree  to  levy  a  'Saladin  tithe,' 
to  equip  the  crusading  host,  the  hostility  of  their  sovereigns 
postponed  the  Crusade  until  after  Henry  11. 's  death.  When, 
in  1 1 89,  Philip  Augustus  and  Richard  Coeur  de  Lion  made 
themselves  the  leaders  of  the  Third  Crusade  in  the  West, 
Frederick  Barbarossa,  with  his  German  host,  was  already 
on  his  march  for  the  East.  Round  these  three  monarchs 
goups  the  history  of  the  Crusade. 

Frederick  Barbarossa  was  the  first  to  start.  In  the  spring 
of  1 189,  the  German  Crusaders  gathered  together  at  Ratisbon. 
Great  pains  were  taken  to  provide  money  and  Crusade  and 
equipment  as  well  as  men,  and  every  precaution  p^^V^".*^. 
to  avoid  the  swarm  of  unarmed  pilgrims  and  Barbarossa, 
penniless  fanatics,  who  had  destroyed  the  dis-  ^089-1191. 
cipline  and  military  efficiency  of  earlier  crusading  armies.  In 
May  the  German  host  started  on  the  dangerous  land  route 
through  Hungary,  Greece,  and  Asia  Minor.  The  friendship 
of  Bela  III.  of  Hungary  made  the  first  part  of  the  journey 
easy.  Much  time  was  wasted  through  the  treachery  of  the 
Eastern  Emperor,  Isaac  Angelus,  yet  Isaac  dared  not  face 
the  open  hostility  of  the  Germans,  and  at  last  made  his 
submission.  Winter  was  now  at  hand,  and  Frederick  thought 
it  prudent  to  rest  at  Adrianople.  In  March  1 190  the  Germans 
resumed  their  march.  April  saw  them  in  Asia,  on  the  borders 
of  the  kingdom  of  Roum,  where  Kilidj  Arslan  proved  as 
plausible  and  as  treacherous  as  Isaac.  But,  like  Isaac,  the 
Sultan  feared  provoking  their  direct  hostility,  and  after  many 
delays  and  difficulties,  the  Christian  army  was  allowed  to 
proceed.     By  June  the  Crusaders  were  descending  the  passes 


300  European  History,  918-1273 

of  the  Taurus  into  Cilicia,  then  part  of  the  Christian  kingdom 
of  Armenia.  On  reaching  the  banks  of  the  Salef,  the  old 
Emperor,  against  the  advice  of  his  followers,  sought  refresh- 
ment and  the  shortening  of  his  journey  by  swimming  over  the 
river.  But  the  swift  current  swept  him  away,  and  the  sorrow- 
ful warriors  could  only  rescue  his  lifeless  body  from  the 
stream. 

Up  to  this  point  the  German  expedition  had  been  decidedly 
successful.  But  the  utter  consternation  that  fell  upon  it 
after  the  Emperor's  death  did  more  for  Islam  than  the 
tricks  of  Kilidj  Arslan  and  the  deserts  and  defiles  of  Asia 
Minor.  Many  knights  hastened  to  the  coast  and  took  ship 
home.  Duke  Frederick  of  Swabia,  Barbarossa's  second  son, 
assumed  the  command  of  the  dispirited  remnant,  which,  after 
resting  a  while  in  the  friendly  land  of  the  Arrne- 

Destruction  .         °  i  o      •  mi  •  ,.      .      . 

of  the  mans,  entered  Syria.     The  rems  of  disciplme  were 

German  ^(y^  hopelcssly  relaxed.     The  army  broke  up  into 

various  bands,  and  the  disconnected  fragments 
were  so  severely  handled  by  the  Saracens  that  German  slaves 
were  cheap  for  many  a  day  in  every  market  of  Syria.  Duke 
Frederick  at  last  reached  Antioch,  where  he  buried  the  perish- 
able parts  of  his  father's  body  in  the  church  of  St  Peter. 
The  plague  now  decimated  the  much  tried  host,  and  only  a 
miserable  remnant  followed  Duke  Frederick  to  join  in  the 
siege  of  Acre.  Before  long  the  Duke  of  Swabia  died,  and  the 
Germans  were  now  so  utterly  demoralised  that  they  lost  the 
sacred  bones  of  their  Emperor,  which  they  had  preserved  in 
the  hope  of  giving  them  a  worthy  tomb  in  the  Church  of  the 
Holy  Sepulchre.  The  great  German  army  was  of  less  account 
in  Palestine  than  the  scattered  bands  that  came  from  Lower 
Germany  by  sea  and  finally  got  to  Acre  after  doing  good 
service  against  the  Moors  in  Spain,  or  the  little  host  that 
had  sailed  from  Brindisi  under  the  Landgrave  Louis  of 
Thuringia,  and  also  reached  Syria  in  safety. 

The  German  Crusade  had  already  been  undone  when  the 
kings  of  France  and  England  met  at  V^zelai  and  marched 


The  Third  Crusade  and  the  Reign  of  Henry  VI.    301 

thence  to  Marseilles.      A  gallant  army  accompanied  them, 
conspicuous  among  the  leaders  of  which  were  Hugh,  Duke 
of  Burgundy,  Theobald  v.  of  Blois  (the  son  and   c     ad     f 
successor   of   Theobald   the   Great),    Henry   11.,   phiiip 
Count  of  Champagne  (the  Count  of  Blois'  nephew),  f'^"f'^*"' 
and  Philip  of  Alsace,  the  aged  Count  of  Flanders.   Richard  i., 
In    September    11 90   both    kings    had    reached  ^^^90-1192. 
Sicily,  where  they  passed  the  winter,  detained  by  the  critical 
state  of  the  island.     William  the  Good  had  died  in  November 
1 189,  and  his  throne  should  have  passed  to  his  aunt  Con- 
stance's husband,  the  new  king  of  the  Romans,  Henry  vi. 
But  the  rule  of  the   northerners  was  not  popular  in  Sicily. 
Despite  the  efforts  of  Walter  Archbishop  of  Palermo  to  keep  the 
Sicilian  grandees  true  to  their  oaths,  the  national  Tancred  of 
party,  headed  by  the  chancellor  Matthew,  passed   siciiy  and 
over  Constance,  and  gave  the  throne  to  Tancred,    Cyprus, 
Count  of  Lecce,  a  young,  vigorous,  warlike,  and   "89-1191. 
popular  prince.     Tancred  was  a  bastard  son  of  Duke  Roger, 
King  Roger's  eldest  son,  who  had  died  before  his  father.   As  the 
determined  foe  of  the  Hohenstaufen,  Richard  bore  no  ill-will 
to  Tancred,  and,  with  a  little  more  statecraft,  would  have  seen 
the  wisdom  of  gaining  his  friendship.    But  Richard  often  ne- 
glected policy  for  adventure,  and  was  perhaps  seized  by  a  wild 
desire  to  conquer  Sicily.     Tancred  had  rashly  imprisoned  King 
William's  widow,  Joanna,  who  was   Richard   i.'s  sister,  and 
had  deprived  her  of  her  dowry.     On  Richard's  arrival.  King 
Tancred  released  the  lady,  but  still   kept  her   lands.     But 
Richard  took  Messina  by  storm,  '  quicker  than  a  priest  could 
chant  matins,'  and  forced  Tancred  to  surrender  his  sister's 
portion.      He   stayed   in   Sicily  all   the  winter,   and   at  the 
time  of  the  spring  passage,  Richard  and  Philip  set  sail  for 
the   Holy  Land.      On  the  way  Richard  conquered  Cyprus, 
then  ruled  by  the  Comnenian  prince  Isaac,  who  was  called 
Emperor  of  Cyprus,  and  had  won   an  ill  name  for  his  ill- 
concealed  alliance   with   Saladin   and  his  bad  treatment  of 
prankish  pilgrims. 


302  European  History^  918-1273 

The  affairs  of  the  Christians  in  Palestine  seemed  utterlj 
desperate.  Guy  of  Lusignan  [see  pp.  193-195],  who  had 
Capture  of  ^^^^  released  by  Saladin  on  promising  to  relin- 
Acre,  1191.  quish  the  crown,  had  been  absolved  from  his  oath 
by  the  clergy,  and  now  again  called  himself  King  of  Jeru- 
salem, though  Conrad  of  Montferrat  held  Tyre  against  him, 
and  the  Christians  were  hopelessly  divided.  Nevertheless 
Guy,  with  the  help  of  the  first  Crusaders,  had  under- 
taken the  siege  of  Acre,  the  most  important  of  the  Saracen 
conquests  after  Jerusalem  itself.  But  the  Saracens,  who  came 
to  the  relief  of  Acre,  were  themselves  strong  enough  to 
besiege  the  besiegers,  who  were  soon  in  a  terrible  plight. 
The  constant  arrival  of  fresh  Crusaders,  and  the  need  of 
dividing  Saladin's  army  to  deal  with  Barbarossa,  enabled 
Guy  to  hold  his  own  until  the  spring  of  1191,  when  Saladin 
renewed  his  blockade.  In  despair  Guy  hurried  to  Cyprus  and 
begged  for  Richard's  help.  Philip  reached  the  camp  in 
April,  and  Richard  early  in  June.  Saladin  now  retired,  and 
the  siege  of  Acre  was  renewed.  In  July  the  standard  of  the 
Cross  again  floated  over  its  walls. 

The  Western  army  had  taken  with  them  to  Palestine 
their  national  jealousies,  and  the  quarrels  of  the  rival 
claimants  for  the  throne  of  Jerusalem  brought  these  animosities 
to  a  crisis.  Philip  looked  upon  Ricliard  with  deadly  hatred 
as  his  most  formidable  rival,  and  Richard's  insulting  repudia- 
tion of  his  long-plighted  faith  to  Alice,  Philip's  sister,  and 
his  marriage  with  Berengaria  of  Navarre  at  Cyprus,  would 
have  irritated  a  colder  man  than  the  French  king.  Conrad 
Rivalry  oi  °^  Montfcrrat  was  urged  by  the  great  nobles  of 
Guy  of  Palestine  to  claim  the  throne,  since  Sibyl  and  her 

^"d  c"*"  d  children  were  already  dead,  and  Guy's  title  to 
of  Mont-  the  throne  had  entirely  disappeared.  Isabella, 
ferrat.  Sibyl's  younger  sister,  now  repudiated  her  hus- 

band, Henfrid  of  Toron,  married  Conrad,  and  transferred  to 
him  her  claims  to  the  succession.  While  these  disputes  were 
raging  the  army  remained  inactive,  but  at  last  a  compromise 


The  Third  Crusade  and  the  Reign  of  Henry  VI.     303 

was  patched  up  by  whicii  Guy  kept  the  royal  title  but  shared 
his  power  with  Conrad,  who  was  appointed  his  successor. 
No  sooner  was  this  done  than  Phih'p  Augustus  started  home. 
Freed  from  his  presence  Richard  marched  against  the  infidel, 
and  performed  prodigies  of  valour.  But  his  army  was  break- 
ing up  through  sickness,  death,  and  desertion.  Many  of  the 
French  had  gone  back  with  Philip.  The  plague  had  carried 
off  Theobald  of  Blois  and  Philip  of  Alsace.  Hugh  of  Bur- 
gundy, who  died  in  Palestine  in  11 93,  and  Henry  of  Cham- 
pagne, were  now  the  chief  French  Crusaders.  Despite  the 
arrangement  between  Guy  and  Conrad  their  rivalry  burst  out 
afresh,  and  Conrad  became  so  strong  that  Richard  acknow- 
ledged him  king.  Soon  after,  Conrad's  murder  by  the 
emissaries  of  the  '  Old  Man  of  the  Mountain '  renewed  the 
troubles,  though  they  were  for  a  time  satisfactorily  settled 
when  Isabella,  Conrad's  widow,  married  Henry  of  Cham- 
pagne, who  was  now  accepted  as  king,  both  by  Henry  of 
the  Crusaders  and  the  Syrian  Franks.  Richard  Champagne 
magnanimously  compensated  Guy  by  handing  Jerusalem 
over  Cyprus,  where  the  house  of  Lusignan  reigned  "92- 
as  kings  until  the  latter  part  of  the  fifteenth  century.  At 
length  th||war  with  Saladin  was  renewed.  But  the  Crusaders 
were  decimated  with  sickness  and  weary  of  their  enterprise, 
while  the  elaborate  courtesies,  now  exchanged  between  the 
Christian  and  Mohammedan  armies,  showed  that  the  long 
intercourse  of  Frank  and  Saracen  had  destroyed  the  bigotry 
and  acerbity  that  had  marked  the  earlier  dealings   ^ 

■'  °       Truce  with 

of  the   two  hosts.     In  September  1192  a  truce   Saiadin,  and 
was  made  by  which  Jaffa  was  left  in  Christian   ^^.  °!  *^^ 

■'  "^  Third 

hands  and  free  access  to  Jerusalem  was  allowed  Crusade, 
to  pilgrims,  though  the  Holy  City  remained  ruled  ^^^^' 
by  the  Mohammedans.  In  October  Richard  left  Palestine, 
and  next  year  Saladin  died.  With  the  passing  away  of  the 
two  mighty  antagonists  the  great  epoch  of  the  Crusades  ended. 
Even  before  this  the  Third  Crusade  had  shown  that  a  Europe, 
broken  up  into  rival  states,  whose  kings  carried  their  animosities 


304  European  History,  918-1273 

with  them  even  when  they  fought  as  soldiers  of  the  Cross, 
was  less  capable  of  upholding  the  Frankish  power  in  the 
East  than  even  the  tumultuous  throngs  of  feudal  chieftains 
and  adventurers,  who  had  first  established  it.  Yet  the  Third 
Crusade  had  given  a  new  lease  to  the  Christian  power  in  Syria. 
Acre  now  became  what  Jerusalem  had  been  in  the  twelfth 
century,  and  the  Latin  kingdom  of  Cyprus  afforded  a  good 
basis  for  future  operations  against  the  infidel,  and  bound  the 
East  and  West  together  as  they  had  never  been  bound  before. 
If  the  Third  Crusade  marked  the  end  of  the  heroic  period,  it 
made  easy  the  regular  flow  of  bands  of  armed  pilgrims,  every 
spring  and  autumn  passage,  on  which  the  future  destinies  of 
the  Latin  East  depended. 

The  short  but  most  important  reign  of  Henry  vi.  brings  out 
Henry  VI..  clcarly  that  intimate  interconnection  of  all  Western 
1190.1197.  and  Eastern  politics  which  the  Crusade  had  already 
strikingly  illustrated.  The  puny  frame  and  delicate  constitu- 
tion of  the  young  king  stood  in  marked  contrast  to  the  physi- 
cal strength  and  vigour  of  his  father.  But  his  strong  features 
expressed  sternness  and  determination,  and  his  mental  gifts 
and  character  were  in  no  wise  inferior  to  those  of  Barbarossa. 
He  was  as  good  a  general,  as  active  and  strenuous  a  politician, 
as  the  old  king.  His  policy  shows  a  daring  originality  to 
which  his  father  could  make  no  claim.  But  the  broader, 
nobler  sides  of  Barbarossa's  character  were  but  little  repre- 
sented in  that  of  his  son.  He  carried  out  ambitious  schemes 
with  cold-blooded  selfishness,  ruthless  cruelty,  and  greedy 
treachery.  Yet  his  general  objects  were  far-reaching,  and  not 
wanting  in  nobility,  and  he  ever  showed  a  rare  self-restraint. 
The  inheritor  of  his  father's  great  work,  the  husband  of  the 
heiress  of  Sicily,  Henry  had  visions  of  a  power  which  was  not 
limited  to  Germany  and  northern  Italy.  He  dreamt  of  an 
Empire  as  universal  as  the  Empire  imagined  by  Otto  111. 
Like  Otto,  he  strove  to  make  Italy  rather  than  Germany  the 
centre  of  his  power.  Like  Otto  also,  he  reigned  too  short  a 
time  to  carry  out  his  ideals.     But,  unlike  Otto,  he  strove  to 


The  Third  Crusade  and  the  Reign  of  Henry  VI.     305 

realise  his  ambitions  in  a  thoroughly  practical  and  masterly 
way.     In  his  reign  of  eight  years  he  had  only  one  failure. 

From  the  moment  that  the  departure  of  Barbarossa  had 
left  King  Henry  the  virtual  ruler  of  Germany,  grave  diffi- 
culties encompassed  his  administration.  Henry  Return  of 
the  Lion  returned,  Liibeck  opened  its  doors  to  Henry  the 
its  founder,  and  was  soon  in  a  position  to  dispute  **"*'  "^' 
the  supremacy  of  Saxony  with  the  bishops  and  barons  who 
had  divided  his  ancient  powers.  In  the  summer  of  11 90, 
the  mediation  of  the  Archbishops  of  Cologne  and  Mainz 
concluded  the  Treaty  of  Fulda,  by  which  the  king  allowed 
Henry  the  Lion's  restoration,  and  gave  him  half  the  revenues 
of  Liibeck.  It  was  worth  while  to  buy  off  opposition  when 
the  news  of  the  recognition  of  Tancred  by  the  Pope  required 
Henry's  immediate  presence  in  Italy  to  vindicate  the  claims  of 
his  wife  Constance  to  the  Sicilian  throne.  Hardly  less  alarming 
was  the  news  of  the  long  sojourn  of  Richard  of  England  in 
Messina,  and  of  his  treaty  with  the  usurper  Tancred.  It 
seemed  as  if  Richard,  the  brother-in-law  of  Henry  the  Lion, 
and  the  strenuous  supporter  of  the  Guelfs,  was  becoming  the 
bond  of  union  between  the  enemies  of  the  Hohenstaufen 
in  northern  Germany  and  southern  Italy.  The  news  of 
Barbarossa's  death  now  further  complicated  the  position. 

Early  in  1191  Henry  vi.  crossed  the  Alps  to  Italy.    'The 
mutual  rivalries  of  the  Lombard  cities  made  it  improbable 
that    he   would   have   much   difficulty   with   the   Henry  vi  's 
north.      He    prudently    sought    the    friendship   Coronation 
of  both  the  rival  leagues,  whose  feuds  were  now   i^a^jj^n^* 
distracting  Lombardy.     He  won  the  support  of  journey, 
Pisa  and  Genoa,  which  alone  had  fleets  strong  "5*" 
enough  to  convey  him  to  Sicily.     In  his  anxiety  to   isolate 
Tancred,  he  strove  to  conciliate  Clement  iii,  who  had  been 
allowed  to  live  in  Rome  on  the  condition  of  recognising  the 
autonomy  of  the  city.      But  in  March  1191  the  ceiestineiii., 
pacific    Clement    died,   and    his    successor,    the  "9i-"98. 
Roman  Cardinal  Hyacinth,  who  took  the  name  of  Celestine  in., 

PERIOD  II.  u 


306  European  History,  918-1273 

was  a  weak  and  petulant  old  man  of  more  than  eighty  years 
of  age,  who  feared  both  the  union  of  the  Empire  and  Sicily, 
and  an  open  breach  with  Henry. 

Henry  demanded  his  coronation  as  Emperor,  and  Celes- 
tine  strove  to  defer  it  by  postponing  his  own  consecra- 
tion as  Pope.  Henry  now  marched  to  the  neighbourhood 
of  Rome,  and  took  possession  of  Tusculum,  which,  in  its 
bitter  haired  of  the  Romans,  had  implored  for  an  imperial 
garrison.  He  resolved  to  hasten  his  coronation  by  winning 
over  the  Romans,  and  with  that  object  he  treacherously 
handed  over  Tusculum  to  them.  The  Romans  wreaked  a 
hideous  vengeance  on  their  hated  enemy.  Tusculum  was 
so  absolutely  demolished  that  no  later  attempt  was  ever  made 
to  repeople  it.  In  later  times  Frascati,  lower  down  the  hill, 
became  a  populous  town ;  but  the  ruins  of  Tusculum  still  testify 
to  the  completeness  of  the  Romans'  vengeance.  Henry's 
stroke  of  policy  met  with  immediate  success.  On  April  14th 
Celestine  was  consecrated,  and  next  day  he  crowned  Henry 
and  Constance. 

Triumphant  over  the  Papacy,  Henry  now  marched  against 

Tancred.     At   first    he    was    conspicuously   successful,    and 

„  ..        ,    Naples  alone  still  held  out  for  Tancred.     It  was 

Failure  of  . 

the  attack  besicgcd  by  Henry  on  the  land  side,  while  the 
on  Apulia,  galleys  of  Pisa  and  Genoa  blocked  all  access  to  it 
by  sea.  The  strenuous  resistance  of  Naples  soon 
shattered  the  Emperor's  hopes.  The  Sicilian  admiral,  Mar- 
garito,  drove  away  the  Pisans,  and  re-opened  communication 
between  Naples  and  Sicily.  The  south  Italian  summer 
brought  plague  and  fever  into  the  German  host.  A  fierce 
national  reaction  against  the  Northerners  swept  through 
southern  Italy.  Baffled  and  beaten,  Henry  raised  the  siege 
and  returned  to  Germany. 

Henry  of  Brunswick,  the  eldest  son  of  Henry  the  Lion, 
who  had  accompanied  the  Emperor  to  Italy  as  a  hostage, 
escaped  from  the  imperial  camp,  and  established  an  alliance 
between  Tancred  and  the  Guelfs.     During  the  king's  absence 


The  Third  Crusade  and  the  Reign  of  Henry  VI.     307 

in  Italy,  Henry  the  Lion  had  broken  the  Peace  of  Fulda, 
and  was  waging  war  against  his  Saxon   enemies.      On  the 
king's   return   to   Germany,   a   struggle   between 
the  Guelfs  and  the  Hohenstaufen  seemed  inevit-  German 
able.     However,  Henry  vi,  still  made  it  his  main   troubles, 
object  to  conquer  Naples  and  Sicily,  and  Henry 
the  Lion  was  too  old  and  too  fearful  of  fresh  banishment 
to    risk   everything   once   more.      Accordingly,    negotiations 
were   entered   into   between   the   two,  and  a   reconciliation 
seemed  likely  to  ensue.     But   the  German  magnates  were 
more   afraid  of  the   Guelfs   than   the   Emperor,   The  Saxon 
and    pressed   him   to  go  to    war  against  Henry  troubles  and 

T  .  »       ,  •  XX  ,        ,         the  Li6ge 

the  Lion.      At   last,   in    1192,    Henry  took   the  succession, 
field   against   the  Guelfs.      A  new  compHcation  "9*- 
followed.   There  had  been  a  disputed  succession  to  the  see  of 
Liege,  which  had  given  Henry  a  chance  to  annul  the  two  rival 
elections,  and  appoint  Lothair  of  Hochstaden  as  bishop.     It 
was  a  glaring  violation  of  the  Concordat  of  Worms,  and  a 
direct  defiance  of  the  spiritual  power.     The  stronger  of  the 
wronged  claimants,  Albert  of  Brabant,  appealed  to  the  Pope, 
and  obtained  his  recognition.   Unable  to  get  hallowed  as  bishop 
by  his  own  metropolitan  at  Cologne,  Albert  went  to  Reims, 
to  seek  consecration  from  a  foreign  prelate.     Three  knights, 
vassals  of  Li^ge  and  servants  of  the  Emperor,  followed  Albert 
to  Reims,  and  murdered  him,  in  November  1192.     A  great 
sensation  was  created  by  the  dastardly  deed,  which  in  many 
ways  recalled  the  murder  of  St.  Thomas  of  Canterbury  twenty- 
two   years   before.     But   Henry   managed   to   escape   direct 
ecclesiastical   censure,   though  the  murderers  afterwards  re- 
ceived  fiefs   from   him   in   Italy.     However,  the 
barons  of  the  Rhineland,  already  disaffected  at  of  the 
Henry's     masterful     policy,    and     resenting    his   Rhineland, 
neglect  of  the  magnates  for  his  faithful  officials,   ^^^^* 
took  the  opportunity  to  revolt,  and,  joining  the  rebellious 
Guelfs,  raised  up  a  formidable  opposition  to  the  Emperor, 
and  talked  of  transferring  the  crown  to  their  leader,  the  Duke 


3o8  European  History ^  918-1273 

of  Brabant.  But  fortune  was  on  Henry's  side.  At  the  same 
time  as  the  news  of  the  rebellion  came  the  joyful  tidings  that 

Richard  of  England,  returning  in  disguise  from 
and  ransom  the  Holy  Land,  had  been  captured  by  Leopold, 
of  Richard  1.,   Duke  of  Austria,  who  brought  a  series  of  charges 

against  him,  and  handed  him  over  to  the 
Emperor.  Philip  of  France,  and  John,  Richard's  brother, 
pressed  the  Emperor  to  keep  the  captive  as  long  as  he  could, 
and  Richard  remained  more  than  two  years  in  prison,  but 
the  delay  was  due  to  his  unwillingness  to  accept  the  hard 
conditions  imposed  upon  him.  At  last  Richard  was  forced 
to  agree  to  the  Emperor's  terms,  and  in  June  11 93  purchased 
his  release  in  the  Treaty  of  Worms.  Richard  was  forced  to 
pay  a  vast  ransom  and  to  renounce  his  alliance  with  Tancred. 
But  the  hardest  condition  was  the  surrender  of  the  English 
crown  to  the  Emperor,  which  in  February  1194  Henry 
formally  handed  back  to  Richard  as  a  fief  of  the  Empire. 
Some  compensation  was  given  to  Richard's  wounded  feel- 
ings by  a  grant  to  him  of  the  kingdom  of  Aries,  which 
had  some  importance  as  a  fresh  declaration  of  hostility 
against  Philip  of  France.  Moreover,  Henry  cleverly  used 
Richard  to  procure  peace  in  Germany.  Henry  the  Lion 
yielded  to  his  brother-in-law's  pleadings,  and  again  made 
his  submission.  Even  the  barons  of  the  lower  Rhine 
were  not  unmoved  by  his  appeals.  Richard's  departure 
left  Germany  at  peace  with  the  Emperor,  and  his  ransom 
made  easy  a  fresh  expedition  against  Tancred.^  Henry  of 
Brunswick,  Henry  the  Lion's  eldest  son,  was  married  to  a 
cousin  of  the  Emperor,  Agnes,  daughter  of  Conrad,  Count 
Palatine  of  the  Rhine,  and  the  Emperor's  uncle.  The  Em- 
peror promised   him  the  succession  to  the  Palatinate,  and 

'  Among  ihe  numerous  treatises  written  in  Germany  on  the  political 
significance  of  Richard  l.'s  captivity  may  be  mentioned,  besides  Toeche 
and  Bloch,  Kindt's  Criinde  dcr  Gefangenschaft  Richardi  I.  von  England, 
and  Kneller's  Des  Richards  Lbwenherz  deutsche  Gefangenschaft.  Com- 
pare English  Ilislorica!  Review,  viii.  334-336,  and  ix.  746 


The  Third  Crusade  and  the  Reign  of  Henry  VI.     309 

Henry  promised  to  join  in  the  Sicilian  expedition.  In  11 95 
Henry  the  Lion  ended  his  long  and  turbulent  career.  The 
Emperor  was  now  free  to  turn  his  attention  to  Italy.  His 
self-restraint  and  his  good  luck  had  carried  him  over  his  diffi- 
culties in  Germany.  His  greatest  merit  was  that,  however 
proud  he  was  of  his  mighty  position,  he  never  left  out  of 
sight  the  necessity  of  subordinating  all  minor  aims  to  his 
desire  to  win  Naples  and  Sicily.  His  moderation  against 
Henry  the  Lion,  his  reconciliation  with  Richard,  his  rejection 
of  the  tempting  offers  of  France,  and  his  vast  concessions  to 
the  German  nobles,  now  attained  their  object. 

During  Henry's  absence  in  Germany,  the  imperial  cause 
in  Italy  had  declined.  Nevertheless  Henry  had  kept  up  con- 
stant communications  with  his  Italian  partisans, 
and  had  observed  a  very  careful  policy  with  itaii^ 
regard  to  the  Lombards.  He  has  often  been  poUcy, 
accused  of  striving  to  restore  his  father's  schemes  "^'""*'" 
of  supremacy  in  Italy  by  violating  the  Treaty  of  Constance 
and  seeking  again  the  abasement  of  the  Lombards.  But  the 
charge  is  no  more  just  than  the  one  of  extravagant  hostility 
against  the  Guelfs.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  Henry  strove  to 
postpone  all  other  troubles  in  order  to  get  his  hands  free 
to  secure  his  wife's  inheritance.  He  saw  that  Lombardy, 
after  Constance,  had  fallen  back  into  her  ancient  feuds, 
and  that  two  leagues,  one  headed  by  Milan,  the  other  by 
Cremona,  had  arisen,  both  equally  indifferent  to  the  Empire, 
and  both  equally  willing  to  invoke  its  aid  to  crush  the  local 
enemy.  Henry  strove  to  make  treaties  with  both  confederacies, 
while  he  cheerfully  replenished  his  coffers  from  the  treasuries 
of  both  Milan  and  Cremona,  and  did  his  best  to  end  the  war. 
He  established  his  brother  Philip  in  Tuscany.  Genoa  and 
Pisa  again  provided  him  with  ships.  The  Norman  kingdom, 
isolated  from  its  wonted  allies,  had  to  meet  him  single-handed, 
save  for  the  timid  support  of  Celestine  in. 

Tancred  prepared  manfully  for  the  struggle.     He  obtained 
in    1T92    the  formal  investiture  of  Apulia   and  Sicily  from 


3 1 o  European  History,  918-1273 

Celestine  in.  He  procured  the  coronation  of  his  young  son 
Roger  as  joint-king,  and  negotiated  a  marriage  for  him 
Con  uestof  ^^^^^  Irene,  daughter  of  the  Greek  Emperor 
Apulia  and  Isaac  Angclus.  He  strenuously  and  successfully 
Sicily,  1194.  j^gjj  j^jg  Q^j^  against  the  Emperor's  lieutenants. 
But  all  his  hopes  were  destroyed  by  the  young  King 
Roger's  .death,  and  soon  after  Tancred  himself  died. 
The  national  party  set  up  his  eldest  surviving  son  as  King 
William  in.,  but  in  May  1194  Henry  again  reached  Italy, 
and  invaded  the  defenceless  south.  There  was  a  mere  show 
of  resistance.  By  November  Palermo  was  in  the  hands  of 
the  Emperor,  and  on  Christmas  Day  he  received  the  Sicilian 
crown  in  the  cathedral.  The  young  King  William  was 
sent,  blinded  and  mutilated,  to  die  obscurely  in  a  German 
convent.  The  last  upholders  of  the  national  power,  including 
the  Admiral  Margarito,  soon  perished  in  gloomy  dungeons. 
The  very  family  of  Tancred  now  secured  its  patrimonial 
possessions  by  a  timely  recognition  of  the  rival.  At  Easter 
1195  Henry  was  able  to  return  to  Germany,  leaving  Constance 
as  regent,  with  the  tried  court  official,  Conrad  of  Urslingen, 
now  Duke  of  Spoleto,  as  her  chief  adviser.  The  officials 
from  the  lower  German  nobility,  who  had  served  Henry  so 
well  in  Germany,  were  intrusted  with  the  administration  of  his 
new  inheritance,  and  soon  abased  the  great  Norman  houses. 

Never  was  an  Emperor  stronger  since  the  days  of  Charle- 
magne. All  Italy  was  directly  under  his  rule.  The  Pisan  and 
Heniya  Gcnocsc  fleets  conquered  Corsica  and  Sardinia  in 

triumph  and    hisname.     His  troops  occupied  the  patrimony  of 

further  /-.-r.  ii-         /v-  ■t.r     i        ti/-.  •, 

projects,  St.  Peter,  and  his  officer  Markwald  of  Anweilei 
1194-1197.  ^as  lord  of  Ancona  and  Romagna.  His  alliance 
with  the  Roman  Senate  kept  Celestine  in.  from  doing  any 
mischief.  Germany  was  obedient  The  King  of  England  was 
his  vassal,  and  the  heir  of  the  Guelfs  his  follower  and  supporter. 
To  add  to  his  triumph,  Constance,  the  day  after  his  coronation 
at  Palermo,  bore  him  the  long-prayed-for  heir,  the  future 
Frederick  n.,  called  Frederick  and  Roger  after  his  two  famous 


The  Third  Crusade  and  the  Reign  of  Henry  VI.     311 

grandfathers.  Before  long  the  kings  of  the  East  sought 
his  friendship  and  support.  The  Lusignan  King  of  Cyprus 
boasted  that  he  was  the  vassal  of  the  Latin  Empire.  The 
King  of  Armenia  received  his  ambassadors.  Henry's  brother, 
Philip  of  Swabia,  now  made  Marquis  of  Tuscany  and  lord 
of  the  inheritance  of  the  Countess  Matilda,  married  young 
Roger's  widow  Irene,  an  alliance  that  made  Isaac  Angelus  the 
close  connection  of  his  Western  rival.  Three  great  ambitions 
henceforth  possessed  Henry's  soul.  He  would  make  the 
Empire  hereditary  in  his  own  house,  and  unite  for  ever  the 
German  and  th/i  Sicilian  thrones.  He  would  rule  Europe 
from  Italy  as  a  centre.  He  would  make  himself  lord  of  the 
East,  setting  on  foot  a  Crusade  that  would  conquer  the 
schismatic  Greeks,  and  establish  the  Latin  power  in  the  whole 
East  under  his  control.  Wild  as  his  schemes  seemed,  his 
extraordinary  successes  made  them  not  altogether  visionary. 

On  returning  to  Germany,  Henry  sought  to  persuade  the 
princes  to  agree  that  the  Empire,  like  the  French  monarchy, 
should  henceforth  descend  from  father  to  son.  Theheredi- 
At  the  Diet  of  Wurzburg,  in  April  1196,  more  than  ^^"^  Empire, 
fifty  of  the  princes  agreed  to  his  proposals.  But  the  strenuous 
opposition  of  Adolf,  Archbishop  of  Cologne,  and  the  conser- 
vative magnates  of  Saxony  taught  Henry  that  it  was  no  time 
to  persevere  in  an  unpopular  request.  He  contented  himself 
for  the  moment  with  procuring  the  election  of  the  two-year-old 
Frederick  Roger  as  German  king  at  Frankfurt,  and  in  winning 
over  many  of  the  German  nobles  to  his  Eastern  projects. 

Before  the  end  of  1196  Henry  was  again  in  southern  Italy. 
The  very  Pope  was  now  on  his  side.  Celestine,  delighted  at 
the  prospect  of  a  new  Crusade,  forbore  to  press  Henry  to 
discharge  the  long- deferred  homage  which  every  Sicilian  king 
had  paid  to  the  Papacy.  During  his  absence  the  tyranny 
of  the  German  officials  had  proved  too  grievous  to  be  borne, 
and  a  formidable  Sicilian  conspiracy  had  been  formed  against 
them.  Henry  now  stamped  out  all  opposition  with  incredible 
brutality  and  harshness.     Fresh  from  the  hideous  tortures  of 


3 1 2  European  History,  918-1273 

his  victims,  Henry  now  threw  himself  with  all  his  might  into 

his  schemes  of  Eastern  conquest.      The  new  Greek  Emperor, 

Alexius  III.,  was  summoned  to  surrender  all  provinces  east  of 

Thessalonica  as  part  of  the  Sicilian  inheritance,  and  cheerfully 

agreed  to  pay  a  heavy  tribute  to  avert  the  threatened  attack. 

Meanwhile  a  vast  swarm  of  German  warriors  had  collected  in 

The  Con-      Sicily  and  Apulia  under  the  pretence  of  the  new 

quest  of       Crusade.      In   September  the   first   ships   sailed 

the  East,      from  Messlna  to  Acre.    But  in  the  moment  of  the 

realisation  of  his  ambitions  a  sudden  fever  cut  down  the  great 

Death  of      Emperor.     On  28th  September  Henry  vi.  died  at 

Henry  VI.,   Mcssina  when  he  was  only  thirty-two  years  of  age. 

"^'  Before  his   ashes  were   laid   beside   his   Sicilian 

ancestors  in  the  cathedral  at    Palermo,  his  brilliant  schemei 

were  hopelessly  shattered. 


CHAPTER    XIV 

EUROPE   IN    THE   DAYS    OF    INNOCENT    III.    (1198-1216)^ 

Character  and  theories  of  Innocent  in. — The  Sicilian  Succession  and  the 
Minority  of  Frederick  il. — The  Subjection  of  Rome  and  the  Patrimony 
of  St.  Peter — Innocent  and  Germany — Rivalry  of  Philip  of  Swabia  and 
Otto  of  Brunswick — Innocent  and  Philip  Augustus — The  Pope  as  Feudal 
Lord— Otto  IV.  and  Frederick  II. — The  Crusades— Innocent's  Religious 
Position — The  Lateran  Council. 

After  the  great  Emperors  came  the  great  Pope.  Within  four 
months  of  the  death  of  Henry  vi.,  Celestine  in.  had  been 
succeeded  by  Innocent  in.,  under  whom  the  j  .  ^  ^j. 
visions  of  Gregory  vii.  and  Alexander  in.  at  last  innocent  in., 
became  accomplished  facts,  the  papal  authority  "^' 
attained  its  highest  point  of  influence,  and  the  Empire,  raised 
to  such  heights  by  Frederick  Barbarossa  and  Henry  vi.,  was 
reduced  to  a  condition  of  dependence  upon  it. 

The  new  Pope  had  been  Lothaire  of  Segni,  a  member  of 
the  noble  Roman  house  of  Conti,  who  had  studied  law  and 
theology  at  Paris  and  Bologna,  and  had  at  an  early  age  won 
for  himself  a  many-sided  reputation  as  a  jurist,  a  politician,  and 
as  a  writer.  The  favour  of  his  uncle,  Clement  in.,  had  made 
him  Cardinal  before  he  was  thirty,  but  under  Celestine  in. 
he    kept   in   the    background,    disliked  by   the    Pope,   and 

1  The  late  M.  Luchaire  has  recently  published  studies  of  the  chief 
aspects  of  Innocent,  ill.'s  career  in  four  little  volumes,  popular  in  form,  but 
solid  in  substance.  Milman's  Latin  Christianity,  vol.  v.,  will  be  found 
useful  as  far  as  it  goes.  The  imperial  history  is  treated  in  detail  by 
Winkelmann,  Philipp  von  Schtvaben  und  01  to  IV.  von  Braitnschweig. 

313 


3 1 4  European  History,  918-1273 

himself  suspicious  of  the  timid  and  temporising  old  man.  But 
on  Celestine's  death  on  8th  January  1198,  Lothaire,  though  still 
only  thirty-seven  years  of  age,  was  at  once  hailed  as  his  most 
fitting  successor,  as  the  strong  man  who  could  win  for  the 
Church  all  the  advantages  that  she  might  hope  to  gain  from 
the  death  of  Henry  vi.  Nor  did  Innocent's  Pontificate  belie 
the  promise  of  his  early  career. 

Innocent  iii.  possessed  a  majestic  and  noble  appearance, 
an  unblemished  private  character,  popular  manners,  a  disposi- 
character  '^°"  prone  to  suddcn  fits  of  anger  and  melan- 
and  theories  of  choly,  and  a  fierce  and  indomitable  will.  He 
Innocent  III.  ^j-ought  to  his  cxaltcd  position  the  clearly  formu- 
lated theories  of  the  canonist  as  to  the  nature  of  the  papal 
power,  as  well  as  the  overweening  ambition,  the  high  courage, 
the  keen  intelligence  and  the  perseverance  and  energy  neces- 
sary to  turn  the  theories  of  the  schools  into  matters  of  everyday 
practice.  His  enunciations  of  the  Papal  doctrine  put  claims 
that  Hildebrand  himself  had  hardly  ventured  to  advance  in 
the  clearest  and  most  definite  light.  The  Pope  was  no  mere 
successor  of  Peter,  the  vicegerent  of  man.  '  The  Roman 
pontiff",'  he  wrote,  'is  the  vicar,  not  of  man,  but  of  God 
Himself.'  *  The  Lord  gave  Peter  the  rule  not  only  of  the 
Universal  Church  but  also  the  rule  of  the  whole  world.' 
'  The  Lord  Jesus  Christ  has  set  up  one  ruler  over  all  things 
as  His  universal  vicar,  and  as  all  things  in  heaven,  earth 
and  hell  bow  the  knee  to  Christ,  so  should  all  obey  Christ's 
vicar,  that  there  be  one  flock  and  one  shepherd.'  'No  king 
can  reign  rightly  unless  he  devoutly  serve  Christ's  vicar.' 
'Princes  have  power  in  earth,  priests  have  also  power  in 
heaven.  Princes  reign  over  the  body,  priests  over  the  soul. 
As  much  as  the  soul  is  worthier  than  the  body,  so  much 
worthier  is  the  priesthood  than  the  monarchy.'  *  The  Sacer- 
dotium  is  the  sun,  the  Regnum  the  moon.  Kings  rule  over 
their  respective  kingdoms,  but  Peter  rules  over  the  whole 
earth.  The  Scuerdotium  came  by  divine  creation,  the  Regnum 
by  man's  cunning.*     In  these  unrestricted  claims  to  rule  over 


Europe  in  the  Days  of  Innocent  III.,  ii  98-1 216     315 

Church  and  State  alike  we  seem  to  be  back  again  in  the 
anarchy  of  the  eleventh  century.  And  it  was  not  against  the 
feeble  feudal  princes  of  the  days  of  Hildebrand  that  Inno- 
cent III.  had  to  contend,  but  against  strong  national  kings, 
like  Philip  of  France  and  John  of  England.  It  is  significant 
of  the  change  of  the  times,  that  Innocent  sees  his  chief 
antagonist,  not  so  much  in  the  Empire  as  in  the  limited 
localised  power  of  the  national  kings.  When  Richard  of 
England  had  yielded  before  Henry  vi.,  the  national  state 
gave  way  before  the  universal  authority  of  the  lord  of  the 
world.  But  Innocent  claimed  that  he  alone  was  lord  of  the 
world.  The  Empire  was  but  a  German  or  Italian  kingdom, 
ruling  over  its  limited  sphere.  Only  in  the  Papacy  was  the 
old  Roman  tradition  of  universal  monarchy  rightly  upheld. 

Filled  with  these  ambitions  of  universal  monarchy. 
Innocent  iii.'s  survey  took  in  both  the  smallest  and  the 
greatest  of  European  affairs.  Primarily  Innocent's  work  was 
that  of  an  ecclesiastical  statesman,  and  entrenched  far  upon 
the  authority  of  the  state.  We  shall  see  him  restoring  the 
papal  authority  in  Rome  and  in  the  Patrimony,  building  up 
the  machinery  of  papal  absolutism,  protecting  the  infant 
King  of  Sicily,  cherishing  the  municipal  freedom  of  Italy, 
making  and  unmaking  kings  and  emperors  at  his  will, 
forcing  the  fiercest  of  the  Western  sovereigns  to  acknow- 
ledge his  feudal  supremacy,  and  the  greatest  of  the  Kings 
of  France  to  reform  his  private  life  at  his  commands, 
giving  his  orders  to  the  petty  monarchs  of  Spain  and 
Hungary,  and  promulgating  the  law  of  the  Church  Universal 
before  the  assembled  prelates  of  Christendom  in  the 
Lateran  Council.  Nevertheless,  the  many-sided  Pontiff  had 
not  less  near  to  his  heart  the  spiritual  and  intellectual 
than  the  political  direction  of  the  universe.  He  had  the 
utmost  zeal  for  the  extension  of  the  Kingdom  of  Christ.  The 
affair  of  the  Crusade  was,  as  we  shall  see,  ever  his  most 
pressing  care,  and  it  was  his  bitterest  grief  that  all  his  efforts 
to  rouse  the  Christian  world  for  the  recovery  of  Jerusalem  fell 


3 1 6  European  History,  918-1273 

on  deaf  ears.  He  was  strenuous  in  upholding  orthodoxy 
against  the  daring  heretics  of  Southern  France.  He  was 
sympathetic  and  considerate  to  great  religious  teachers,  like 
Francis  and  Dominic,  from  whose  work  he  had  the  wisdom 
to  anticipate  the  revival  of  the  inner  life  of  the  Church.  As 
many-sided  as  strong,  and  successful  as  he  was  strong, 
Innocent  in.  represents  the  culmination  of  the  papal  ideal  of 
the  Middle  Ages,  and  represents  it  worthily  and  adequately. 

Even  before  Innocent  had  attained  the  Chair  of  Peter,  the 
worst  dangers  that  had  so  long  beset  the  successors  of 
Innocent  III.  Alexander  iii.  were  over.  After  the  death  of 
and  Italy.  Henry  VI.  the  Sicilian  and  the  German  crowns 
were  separated,  and  the  strong  anti-imperial  reaction  that 
burst  out  all  over  Italy  against  the  oppressive  ministers  of 
Henry  vi.  was  allowed  to  run  its  full  course  The  danger  was 
now  not  so  much  of  despotism  as  of  anarchy,  and  Innocent, 
like  Hildebrand,  knew  how  to  turn  confusion  to  the  advantage 
of  the  hierarchy. 

No  real  effort  was  made  to  obtain  for  the  little  Frederick 
the  crowns  of  both  Germany  and  Sicily.  Constance,  freed 
The  Sicilian  from  her  husband's  control,  sensibly  changed  her 
^"*"""*'"  policy.  Her  keen  sympathies  with  her  father's 
minority  of  inheritance  had  made  her  an  unwilling  spectator 
Frederick.  Qf  ^j^g  harshness  and  cruelty  of  his  German  soldiers 
and  ministers.  While  Philip  of  Swabia,  her  brother-in-law, 
hurried  to  Germany  to  maintain,  if  he  could,  the  unity  of  the 
Hohenstaufen  Empire,  Constance  was  quite  content  to  secure 
her  son's  succession  in  Naples  and  Sicily  by  renewing  the 
homage  due  to  the  Pope,  by  renouncing  the  ecclesiastical 
privileges  which  Urban  11.  had  once  granted  to  Count  Roger 
[see  page  139],  and  promising  a  yearly  tribute.  Having  thus 
obtained  the  indispensable  papal  confirmation,  Constance 
ruled  in  Naples  as  a  national  queen  in  the  name  of  the  little 
Frederick.  She  drove  away  the  German  bandits  who  had  made 
the  name  of  her  husband  a  terror  to  her  subjects.  Markwald 
of  Anweiler  left  his  Apulian  fiefs  for  Romagna.     But  the  Pope 


Europe  in  the  Days  of  Innocent  III.,  1 198- 1 216     317 

joined  with  Constance  in  his  hostility  to  the  Germans.    Without 
Innocent  iii.'s  strong  and  constant  support  she  could  hardly 
have  carried  out  her  policy.     Recognising  in  the  renewal  of 
the  old  papal  protection  the  best  hopes  for  the  independence 
of  Sicily,    Constance,    on   her    death    in    11 98,    called    on 
Innocent  in.  to  act  as  the  guardian  of  her  son.    ^eath  of 
Innocent  loyally  took  up  her  work,  and  struggled   Constance, 
with  all  his   might  to  preserve   the  kingdom  of  "^' 
Frederick  against  his  many  enemies.      But  the  contest  was 
a  long  and  a  fierce  one.     No  sooner  was  Constance  dead 
than   the   Germans  came  back  to    their  prey.     The    fierce 
Markwald,   driven  from  Romagna  by  the  papal   innocent's 
triumph,   claimed  the  regency  and  the  custody   guardianship 
of    the-  king.      The    Saracens    and    Greeks    of  expulsion  of 
Sicily,   still    numerous    and    active,   joined    the  the  Germans. 
Germans.     Walter,    Bishop   of  Troja,    chancellor   of  Sicily, 
weaved  deep  plots  against  his  master  and  his  overlord.     But 
the  general  support  of  the  Church  gave  Innocent  a  strong 
weapon.     Roffrid,  Abbot  of  Monte  Casino,  a  tried  friend  of 
Her^ry  vi.,  declared  for  Innocent  against  Markwald,  who  in 
revenge  besieged  the  great  monastery,  until  a  summer  storm 
drove  him  baffled  from  its  walls.     But  the  purchased  support 
of  Pisa  gave  Markwald  the  command  of  the  sea,  and  Innocent 
had  too  many  schemes  on  foot  and  too  little  military  power 
at  his  command  to  be  able  to  make  easy  headway  against 
him.     At  last  Innocent  had  reluctant  recourse  to   Markwald 
Count  Walter  of  Brienne,  the  French  husband  of  and  waiter 
Tancred's  daughter  Albina,  and  now  a  claimant  °     "««ne. 
for  the  hereditary  fiefs  of  Tancred,  Lecce  and  Taranto,  from 
which,  despite  Henry  vi.'s  promise,  he  had  long  been  driven. 
For  almost  the  first  time  in  Italian  history,  Frenchmen  were 
thus  called  in  to  drive  out  Germans.      But  it  was  then  as 
afterwards  a  dangerous  experiment.     Walter  of  Brienne  and 
his  small  French  following  invaded  Apulia,  and  fought  hard 
against  Diepold  of  Acerra,  another  of  King  Henry's  Germans. 
Meanwhile  Markwald,  now  in  open  alliance  with  the  Bishop 


3i8  European  History^  918-1273 

of  Troja,  made  himself  master  of  Sicily,  and  regent  of  the 
young  king.  His  death  in  1202  removed  the  most  dangerous 
enemy  of  both  Innocent  and  Frederick.  But  the  war  dragged 
on  for  years  in  Apulia,  especially  after  Diepold  had  slain 
Walter  of  Brienne.  The  turbulent  feudal  barons  of  Apulia 
and  Sicily  profited  by  this  long  reign  of  anarchy  to  establish 
themselves  on  a  permanent  basis.  At  last  Innocent  sent  his 
own  brother,  Richard,  Count  of  Segni,  to  root  out  the  last  of 
the  Germans.  So  successful  was  he  that,  in  1208,  the  Pope 
himself  visited  the  kingdom  of  his  ward,  and  arranged  for  its 
future  government  by  native  lords,  helped  by  his  brother, 
who  now  received  a  rich  Apulian  fief.  It  was  Innocent's 
glory  that  he  had  secured  for  Frederick  the  whole  Norman 
inheritance.  It  was  amidst  such  storms  and  troubles  that 
the  young  Frederick  grew  up  to  manhood. 

In   central   and   northern  Italy,    Innocent  iii.    was   more 

speedily  successful  than  in  the  south.     On  Philip  of  Swabia's 

return  to  Germany,  Tuscany  and  the  domains  of 

and  the  tlie  Countcss  Matilda  fell  away  from  their  foreign 

inheritance     Jq^H  and  invoked  the  protection  of  the  Church. 

of  Matilda,        ^,     '  .  .        -       ^    .    . 

The  Tuscan  cities  formed  themselves  into  a  new 
league  under  papal  protection.  Only  Pisa,  proud  of  her  sea 
power,  wealth,  and  trade,  held  aloof  from  the  combination. 
It  seemed  as  if,  after  a  century  of  delays,  the  Papacy  was  going 
to  enjoy  the  inheritance  of  Matilda,  and  Innocent  eagerly  set 
himself  to  work  to  provide  for  its  administration.  In  the 
north  the  Pope  maintained  friendly  relations  with  the  rival 
communities  of  the  Lombard  plain.  But  his  most  immediate 
and  brilliant  triumph  was  in  establishing  his  authority  over 
Rome  and  the  Patrimony  of  St.  Peter.  On  his  accession  he 
found  his  lands  just  throwing  off  the  yoke  of  the  German 
Thetubjec-  garrisons  that  had  kept  them  in  subjection  during 
tionofRorae  Henry  vi.'s  lifetime.  He  saw  within  the  city 
Patrimony  of  power  divided  between  the  Prasfectus  Urbis,  the 
St.  Peter.  delegate  of  the  Emperor,  and  the  Suramus  Senator, 
the  mouthpiece  of  the  Roman  commune.     Within  a  month 


Europe  in  the  Days  of  Innocent  III.,  1 198- 1 216     319 

the  Prefect  ceased  to  be  an  imperial  officer,  and  became  the 
servant  of  the  Papacy,  bound  to  it  by  fealty  oaths,  and  receiving 
from  it  his  office.  Within  a  year  the  Senator  also  had  become 
the  papal  nominee,  and  the  whole  municipality  controlled  by 
the  Pope.  No  less  complete  was  Innocent's  triumph  over  the 
nobility  of  the  Campagna.  He  drove  Conrad  of  Urslingen 
back  to  Germany,  and  restored  Spoleto  to  papal  rule.  He 
chased  Markwald  from  Romagna  and  the  march  of  Ancona 
to  Apulia,  and  exercised  sovereign  rights  even  in  the 
most  remote  regions  that  acknowledged  him  as  lord. 
If  it  was  no  very  real  sway  that  Innocent  wielded,  it  at 
least  allowed  the  town  leagues  and  the  rustic  nobility  to  go 
on  in  their  own  way,  and  made  it  possible  for  Italy  to  work 
out  its  own  destinies.  More  powerful  and  more  feared  in 
Italy  than  any  of  his  predecessors,  Innocent  could  contentedly 
watch  the  anti-imperial  reaction  extending  over  the  Alps,  and 
desolating  Germany  by  civil  war. 

Despite  the  precautions  taken  by  Henry  vi.,  it  was  soon 
clear  that  the  German  princes  would  not  accept  the  hereditary 
rule  of  a  child  of  three.  Philip  of  Swabia  aban-  innocent  iii. 
doned  his  Italian  domains  and  hurried  to  and 
Germany,  anxious  to  do  his  best  for  his  nephew,  ^^^^^y- 
But  he  soon  perceived  that  Frederick's  chances  were  hope- 
less, and  that  it  was  all  that  he  could  do  to  prevent  the  un- 
disputed election  of  a  Guelf.  He  was  favoured  by  the 
absence  of  the  two  elder  sons  of  Henry  the  Lion.  Henry  of 
Brunswick,  the  eldest,  the  Count  Palatine  of  the  Rhine,  was 
away  on  a  Crusade,  and  was  loyal  to  the  Hohenstaufen, 
since  his  happy  marriage  with  Agnes.  The  next  son  Otto, 
born  at  Argenton  during  his  father's  first  exile,  had  never 
seen  much  of  Germany.  Brought  up  at  his  uncle  Richard  of 
Anjou's  court.  Otto  had  received  many  marks  of  Richard's 
favour,  and  looked  up  to  the  chivalrous,  adventurous  king  as 
the  ideal  of  a  warrior  prince.  Richard  had  made  him  Earl  of 
Yorkshire,  and  had  invested  him  in  11 96  with  the  county  of 
Poitou,  that  he  might  learn  war  and  statecraft  in  the  same 


320  £u  ropean  History,  918-1273 

rude   school  in   which  Richard  had  first   acquainted   him- 
self with  arms  and  politics.     Even  now  Otto  was  not  more 
than  seventeen  years  of  age.     Richard  himself,  as  the  new 
,     vassal  of  the  Empire  for  Aries  and  England,  was 

Election  of  ^  s  » 

Philip  of  duly  summoned  to  the  electoral  Diet,  but  his 
Swabia,  representatives  impoHtically  urged  the  claims  of 

Count  Henry,  who  was  ruled  ineh'gible  on  account 
of  his  absence.  Thus  it  was  that  when  the  German  magnates 
at  last  met  for  the  election,  on  8th  March  1 198,  at  Miihlhausen, 
their  choice  fell  on  Philip  of  Swabia,  who,  mindful  of  the 
third  century  Emperor,  Philip  the  Arabian,  took  the  title  of 
Philip  II. 

Many  of  the  magnates  had  absented  themselves  from  the 
Diet  at  Miihlhausen,  and  an  irreconcilable  band  of  partisans 
Counter-  refused  to  be  bound  by  its  decisions.  Richard 
election  of  Qf  England  now  worked  actively  for  Otto,  his 
otto  of  .  ?  ,  ,<-,  1,., 

Brunswick,     favourite  nephew,  and  found  support  both  m  the 

June  1198.  oi(j  allies  of  the  Angevins  in  the  lower  Rhine- 
land  and  the  ancient  supporters  of  the  house  of  Guelf. 
Germany  was  thus  divided  into  two  parties,  who  completely 
ignored  each  other's  acts.  Three  months  after  the  Diet  of 
Muhlliaiisen,  another  Diet  met  at  Cologne  and  chose  Otto  of 
Brunswick  as  King  of  the  Romans.  Three  days  afterwards 
the  young  prince  was  crowned  at  Aachen. 

A  ten  years'  civil  war  between  Philip  11.  and  Otto  iv.  now 
devastated  the  Germany  that  Barbarossa  and  Henry  vi.  had  left 
so  prosperous.  The  majority  of  the  princes  remained  firm  to 
Philip,  who  also  had  the  support  of  the  strong  and  homogene- 
ous official  class  of  minisieriales  that  had  been  the  best  helpers 
of  his  father  and  brother.  Nevertheless,  Otto  had  enough  of 
a  party  to  carry  on  the  struggle.  On  his  side  was  Cologne,  the 
great  mart  of  lower  Germany,  so  important  from  its  close 
trading  relations  in  England,  and  now  gradually  shaking  itself 
free  of  its  archbishops.  The  friendship  of  Canute  of  Denmark 
and  the  old  Guelf  tradition  combined  to  give  him  his  earliest 
and  greatest  success  in  the  north.     It  was  the  interest  of  the 


Europe  in  the  Days  of  Tnnocent  TIL,  1 1 98- 1 2 1 6     321 

baronage  to  prolong  a  struggle  which  secured  their  own  inde- 
pendence at  the  expense  of  the  central  authority.  Both 
parties  looked  for  outside  help.  Otto,  besides  his  Danish 
friends,  relied  on  his  uncle  Richard,  and,  after  his  death,  on 
his  uncle  John.  Philip  formed  a  league  with  his  namesake 
Philip  of  France.  But  distant  princes  could  do  but  little 
to  determine  the  result  of  the  contest.  It  was  of  more 
moment  that  both  appealed  to  Innocent  in.,  and  that  the 
Pope  wiUingly  accepted  the  position  of  arbiter.  'The 
settlement  of  this  matter,'  he  declared,  '  belongs  to  the 
Apostolic  See,  mainly  because  it  was  the  Apostolic  See  that 
transferred  the  Empire  from  the  East  to  the  West,  and  ulti- 
mately because  the  same  See  confers  the  imperial  crown.'  In 
March  1201  Innocent  issued  his  decision.  'We  pronounce,' 
he  declared,  '  Philip  unworthy  of  Empire,  and  absolve  all  who 
have  taken  oaths  of  fealty  to  him  as  king.  Inasmuch  as  our 
dearest  son  in  Christ,  Otto,  is  industrious,  provident,  discreet, 
strong  and  constant,  himself  devoted  to  the  Church  and 
descended  on  each  side  from  a  devout  stock,  we  by  the 
authority  of  St.  Peter  receive  him  as  king,  and  will  in  due 
course  bestow  upon  him  the  imperial  crown.'  The  grateful 
Otto  promised  in  return  to  maintain  all  the  possessions 
and  privileges  of  the  Roman  Church,  including  the  inherit- 
ance of  the  Countess  Matilda. 

Philip  of  Swabia  still  held  his  own,  and  the  extravagance 
of  the  papal  claim  led  to  many  of  the  bishops  as  well  as  the 
lay  magnates  of  Germany  joining  in  a  declaration  that  no 
former  Pope  had  ever  presumed  to  interfere  in  an  imperial 
election.  But  the  swords  of  his  German  followers  were  a 
stronger  argument  in  favour  of  Philip's  claims  than  the  pro- 
tests of  his  supporters  against  papal  assumptions.  As  lime  went 
on,  the  Hohenstaufen  slowly  got  the  better  of  the  Guelfs.  With 
the  falling  away  of  the  north.  Otto's  cause  became  distinctly 
the  losing  one.  In  1206  Otto  was  defeated  outside  the  walls 
of  Cologne,  and  the  great  trading  city  was  forced  to  transfer 
its  obedience  to  his  rival.     In  1207  Philip  became  so  strong 

PERIOD  II.  ^ 


322  European  History^  918-1273 

that  Innocent  was  constrained  to  reconsider  his  position,  and 
suggested  to  Otto  the  propriety  of  renouncing  his  claims. 
But  in  June  1208  Philip  was  treacherously  murdered  at 
Bamberg  by  his  faithless  vassal,  Otto  of  Wittelsbach,  to  whom 
he  had  refused  his  daughter's  hand.  It  was  no  political 
crime  but  a  deed  of  private  vengeance.  It  secured,  however, 
the  position  of  Otto,  for  the  ministeriales  now  transferred 
their  allegiance  to  him,  and  there  was  no  Hohenstaufen  candi- 
date ready  to  oppose  him.  Otto,  moreover,  did  not  scruple 
to  undergo  a  fresh  election  which  secured  for  him  universal 
recognition  in  Germany.  By  marrying  Beatrice,  Philip  of 
Swabia's  daughter,  he  sought  to  unite  the  rival  houses,  while 
he  conciliated  Innocent  by  describing  himself  as  king  '  by  the 
grace  of  God  and  the  Pope.'  Next  year  he  crossed  the  Alps 
to  Italy,  and  bound  himself  by  oath,  not  only  to  allow  the 
Papacy  the  privileges  that  he  had  already  granted,  but  to 
grant  complete  freedom  of  ecclesiastical  elections,  and  to 
support  the  Pope  in  his  struggle  against  heresy.  In  October 
1209  he  was  crowned  Emperor  at  Rome.  After  ten  years  of 
waiting.  Innocent,  already  master  of  Italy,  had  procured  for 
his  dependant  both  the  German  Kingdom  and  the  Roman 
Empire. 

Despite  his  preoccupation  with  Italy  and  Germany,  the 
early  years  of  Innocent's  pontificate  saw  him  busily  engaged  in 
Innocent  III.  Upholding  the  papal  authority  and  the  moral 
and  Philip  order  of  the  Church  in  every  country  in  Europe. 
Augustus.  j^^  consideration  of  the  immediate  interests  of 
the  Roman  see  ever  prevented  him  from  maintaining  his  prin- 
ciples even  against  powerful  sovereigns  who  could  do  much 
to  help  forward  his  general  plans.  The  most  conspicuous 
instance  of  this  was  Innocent's  famous  quarrel  with  Philip 
Augustus  of  France,  when  to  vindicate  a  simple  principle  of 
Christian  morals  he  did  not  hesitate  to  abandon  the  alliance 
of  the  '  eldest  son  of  the  Church '  at  a  time  when  the  fortunes 
of  the  Papacy  were  everywhere  doubtful.  Philip's  first  wife, 
Isabella  of  Hainault,  the  mother  of  the  future  Louis  viii.. 


Europe  in  the  Days  of  Innocent  TTT.,  1198-1216     323 

had  died  in  11 90,  just  before  her  husband  had  started  on 
his  Crusade.  In  1193  Philip  negotiated  a  second  marriage 
with  Ingeborg,  the  sister  of  Canute  vi.,  the  power-  ingeborg 
ful  King  of  Denmark,  hoping  to  obtain  from  his  "^  Denmark. 
Danish  brother-in-law  substantial  help  against  England  and 
the  Empire.  Philip  did  not  get  the  expected  political 
advantages  from  the  new  connection,  and  at  once  took  a 
strong  dislike  to  the  lady.  On  the  day  after  the  marriage 
Philip  refused  to  have  anything  more  to  do  with  his  bride. 
Within  three  months,  he  persuaded  a  synod  of  complaisant 
French  bishops  at  Compiegne  to  pronounce  the  marriage  void 
by  reason  of  a  remote  kinship  that  existed  between  the  two 
parties.  Ingeborg  was  young,  timid,  friendless,  helpless, 
and  utterly  ignorant  of  the  French  tongue,  but  King  Canute 
took  up  her  cause,  and,  from  her  retreat  in  a  French  con- 
vent, she  appealed  to  Rome  against  the  wickedness  of  the 
French  king  and  clergy.  Celestine  in.  proved  her  friend, 
and  finding  protestations  of  no  avail,  he  finally  quashed 
the  sentence  of  the  French  bishops  and  declared  her  the 
lawful  wife  of  the  French  king.  But  Philip  persisted  in 
his  repudiation  of  Ingeborg,  and  Celestine  contented  himself 
with  remonstrances  and  warnings  that  were  utterly  disre- 
garded. In  1196  Philip  found  a  fresh  wife  in  Agnes  of 
Agnes,  a  lady  of  the  powerful  house  of  Andechs-  ^^^ran. 
Meran,  whose  authority  was  great  in  Thuringia,  and  whose 
Alpine  lordships  soon  developed  into  the  county  of  Tyrol. 
Innocent  at  once  proved  a  stronger  champion  of  Ingeborg 
than  the  weak  and  aged  Celestine.  He  forthwith  warned 
Philip  and  the  French  bishops  that  they  had  no  right  to 
put  asunder  those  whom  God  had  joined  together.  *  Recall 
your  lawful  wife,'  he  wrote  to  Philip,  *  and  then  we  will  hear  all 
that  you  can  righteously  urge.  If  you  do  not  do  this,  no  power 
shall  move  us  to  right  or  left,  till  justice  be  done.'  A  papal 
legate  was  now  sent  to  France,  threatening  excommunication 
and  interdict,  were  Ingeborg  not  immediately  reinstated  in 
her  place.     For  a  few  months  the  Pope  hesitated,  moved  no 


324  European  History ^  918-1273 

doubt  by  his  Italian  and  German  troubles,  and  fearful  lest  his 
action  against  a  Christian  prince  should  delay  the  hoped-for 
Crusade.  But  he  gradually  turned  the  leaders  of  the  French 
clergy  from  their  support  of  Philip,  and  at  last,  in  February 
1200,  an  interdict  was  pronounced  forbidding  the  public  cele- 
bration of  the  rites  of  the  Church  in  the  whole  lands  that 
owed  obedience  to  the  King  of  France. 

Philip  Augustus  held  out  fiercely  for  a  time,  declaring  that 
he  would  rather  lose  half  his  lands  than  be  separated  from 

Agnes.  Meanwhile  he  used  pressure  on  his 
diet  over  bishops  to  make  them  disregard  the  interdict,  and 
France,  vigorously  intrigued  with  the  Cardinals,  seeking 

to  build  up  a  French  party  in  the  papal  curia. 
Innocent  so  far  showed  complacency  that  the  legate  he 
sent  to  France  was  the  king's  kinsman,  Octavian,  Cardinal- 
bishop  of  Ostia,  who  was  anxious  to  make  Philip's  humilia- 
tion as  light  as  possible.  His  labours  were  eased  by  the 
partial  submission  of  Philip,  who  in  September  visited 
Ingeborg,  and  promised  to  take  her  again  as  his  wife,  and  so 
gave  an  excuse  to  end  the  interdict.  Philip  still  claimed 
that  his  marriage  should  be  dissolved  ;  though  here  again  he 

suddenly  abandoned  a  suit  which  he  probably 
submission  saw  was  hopelcss.  The  death  of  Agnes  of  Meran 
of  Philip,        in  July  1201  made  a  complete  reconciliation  less 

difficult.  Next  year  the  Pope  legitimated  the 
children  of  Agnes  and  Philip,  on  the  ground  that  the  sentence 
of  divorce,  pronounced  by  the  French  bishops,  gave  the  king 
reasonable  grounds  for  entering  in  good  faith  on  his  union 
with  her.  Ingeborg  was  still  refused  the  rights  of  a  queen, 
and  constantly  besought  the  Pope  to  have  pity  on  her 
forlorn  condition.  The  Pope  was  now  forced  to  content 
himself  with  remonstrances.  Philip  declared  that  a  baleful 
charm  separated  him  from  Ingeborg,  and  again  begged  the 
Pope  to  divorce  him  from  a  union,  based  on  sorcery  and  witch- 
craft. The  growing  need  of  the  French  alliance  now  somewhat 
slackened  the  early  zeal  of  Innocent  for  the  cause  of  the 


Europe  in  the  Days  of  Innocent  III.,  ii 98-1 216     325 

queen.  But  no  real  cordiality  was  possible  as  long  as  the 
strained  relations  of  Ingeborg  and  Philip  continued.  At 
last  in  1 2 13,  in  the  very  crisis  of  his  fortunes,  Restitution  o( 
Philip  completed  his  tardy  reconciliation  with  ingeborg, 
his  wife,  after  they  had  been  separated  for  twenty  ^^^^' 
years.  Henceforth  Philip  was  the  most  active  ally  of  the 
Papacy. 

While  thus  dealing  with  Philip  of  France,  Innocent  enjoyed 
easier  triumphs  over  the  lesser  kings   of  Europe.     It  was 
his  ambition   to   break   through   the  traditional 
limits  that  separated  the  Church  from  the  State,   overiordship 
and  to  bind  as  many  as  he  could  of  the  kings  °^^'^^ 

._  ,         -n  1  •  /-T-i     Papacy  over 

of  Europe  to  the  Papacy  by  ties  of  political  Ponugai, 
vassalage.  The  time-honoured  feudal  superiority  Aragon.and 
of  the  Popes  over  the  Norman  kingdom  of  Sicily  ^  * 
had  been  the  first  precedent  for  this  most  unecclesiastical 
of  all  papal  aggressions.  Already  others  of  the  smaller  king- 
doms of  Europe,  conspicuous  among  which  was  Portugal, 
had  followed  the  example  of  the  Normans  in  becoming 
vassals  of  the  Holy  See.  Under  Innocent  at  least  three 
states  supplemented  ecclesiastical  by  political  dependence 
on  the  Papacy.  Sancho,  King  of  Portugal,  who  had  striven 
to  repudiate  the  former  submission  of  Affonso  i.,  was  in 
the  end  forced  to  accept  the  papal  suzerainty.  Peter,  King 
of  Aragon,  went  in  1204  to  Rome  and  was  solemnly  crowned 
king  by  Innocent.  Afterwards  Peter  deposited  his  crown  on 
the  high  altar  of  St.  Peter's  and  condescended  to  receive 
the  investiture  of  his  kingdom  from  the  Pope,  holding  it  as  a 
perpetual  fief  of  the  Holy  See,  and  promising  tribute  to 
Innocent  and  his  successors.  In  12 13  a  greater  monarch 
than  the  struggling  Christian  kings  of  the  Iberian  peninsula 
was  forced,  after  a  long  struggle,  to  make  an  even  more  abject 
submission.  The  long  strife  of  Innocent  with  John  of  Anjou, 
about  the  disputed  election  to  the  see  of  Canterbury,  was 
fought  with  the  same  weapons  which  the  Pope  had  already 
employed  against  the  King  of  France.     But  John  held  out 


326  European  History,  91 8- 1 27 3 

longer.  Interdict  was  followed  by  excommunication  and 
threatened  deposition.  At  last  the  English  king  surrendered 
his  crown  to  the  papal  agent  Pandulf,  and,  like  Peter  of 
Aragon,  received  it  back  as  a  vassal  of  the  Papacy,  bound 
by  an  annual  tribute.  Nor  were  these  the  only  kings  that 
sought  the  support  of  the  great  Pope.  The  schismatic 
princes  of  the  East  vied  in  ardour  with  the  Catholic  princes 
of  the  West  in  their  quest  of  Innocent's  favour.  King 
Innocent  Lco  of  Armenia  begged  for  his  protection.  The 
and  the  Bulgarian   Prince  John   besought   the  Pope  to 

monarchsof  grant  him  a  royal  crown.  Innocent  posed  as  a 
Europe.  mediator  in  Hungary  between  the  two  brothers, 

Emeric  and  Andrew,  who  were  struggling  for  the  crown. 
Canute  of  Denmark,  zealous  for  his  sister's  honour,  was  his 
humble  suppliant.  Poland  was  equally  obedient.  The  Duke 
of  Bohemia  accepted  the  papal  reproof  for  allying  himself 
with  Philip  of  Swabia. 

Despite  his  vigour  and  his  authority.  Innocent's  constant 
interference  with  the  internal  concerns  of  every  country  in 
Europe  did  not  pass  unchallenged.  Even  the  kings  who 
invoked  his  intercession  were  constantly  in  conflict  with  him. 
Beside  his  great  quarrels  in  Germany,  France,  and  England, 
Innocent  had  many  minor  wars  to  wage  against  the  princes  of 
Europe.  For  five  years  the  kingdom  of  Leon  lay  under  inter- 
dict because  its  king  Alfonso  had  married  his  cousin,  Beren- 
garia  of  Castile,  in  the  hope  of  securing  the  peace  between  the 
two  realms.  It  was  only  after  the  lady  had  borne  five  children 
to  Alfonso  that  she  voluntarily  terminated  the  obnoxious 
union,  and  Innocent  found  it  prudent,  as  in  France,  to  legiti- 
mise the  off"spring  of  a  marriage  which  he  had  denounced  as 
incestuous.  Not  one  of  the  princes  of  the  Peninsula  was 
spared.  Sancho  of  Navarre  incurred  interdict  by  reason  of 
his  suspected  dealings  with  the  Saracens,  while  the  marriage 
of  his  sister  with  Peter  of  Aragon,  the  vassal  of  the  Pope, 
involved  both  kings  in  a  contest  with  Innocent.  Not  only 
did  the  monarchs   of  Europe  resent,   so   far  as   they  were 


Europe  in  the  Days  of  Innocent  III.,  1 198- 1 216     327 

able,  the  Pope's  haughty  policy.  For  the  first  time  the 
peoples  of  their  realms  began  to  make  common  cause  with 
them  against  the  political  aggressions  of  the  Papacy.  ^^^  papacy 
The  nobles  of  Aragon  protested  against  King  and  the 
Peter's  submission  to  the  Papacy,  declared  that  Dangers  of 
his  surrender  of  their  kingdom  was  invalid,  and  innocent's 
prevented  the  payment  of  the  promised  tribute.  ''°  **^^' 
When  John  of  England  procured  his  Roman  overlord's  con- 
demnation of  Magna  Carta,  the  support  of  Rome  was  of  no 
avail  to  prevent  his  indignant  subjects  combining  to  drive 
him  from  the  throne,  and  did  not  even  hinder  Louis  of 
France,  the  son  of  the  papalist  Philip  11.,  from  accepting 
their  invitation  to  become  English  king  in  his  stead.  It  was 
only  by  a  repudiation  of  this  policy,  and  by  an  acceptance  of 
the  Great  Charter,  that  the  Papacy  could  secure  the  English 
throne  for  John's  young  son,  Henry  in.,  and  thus  continue 
for  a  time  its  precarious  overlordship  over  England.  For 
the  moment  Innocent's  iron  policy  crushed  opposition,  but 
in  adding  the  new  hostility  of  the  national  kings  and  the 
rising  nations  of  Europe  to  the  old  hostility  of  the  declining 
Empire,  Innocent  was  entering  into  a  perilous  course  of 
conduct,  which,  within  a  century,  was  to  prove  fatal  to  one  of 
the  strongest  of  his  successors.  The  more  political  the  papal 
authority  became,  the  more  difficult  it  was  to  uphold  its 
prestige  as  the  source  of  law,  of  morality,  of  religion.  Inno- 
cent himself  did  not  lose  sight  of  the  higher  ideal  because 
he  strove  so  firmly  after  more  earthly  aims.  His  successors 
were  not  always  so  able  or  so  high-minded.  And  it  was  as 
the  protectors  of  the  people,  not  as  the  enemies  of  their 
political  rights,  that  the  great  Popes  of  the  eleventh  and 
twelfth  centuries  had  obtained  their  wonderful  ascendency 
over  the  best  minds  of  Europe. 

The  coronation  of  Otto  iv.  did  not  end  Innocent's  troubles 
with  the  Empire.  It  was  soon  followed  by  an  open  breach 
between  the  Pope  and  his  nominee,  from  which  ultimately 
developed  something  like  a  general  European  war,  between 


328  European  History,  918-1273 

a  league  of  partisans  of  the  Pope  and  a  league  of  partisans 
of  Otto.     It  was  inevitable  that  Olto,  as  a  crowned  Emperor, 

should  look  upon  the  papal  power  in  a  way  very 
Innocent  different  from  that  in  which  he  had  regarded  it, 
with  Otto  IV.,  when  a  faction  leader  struggling  for  the  crown. 

Then  the  support  of  the  Pope  was  indispensable. 
Now  the  autocracy  of  the  Pope  was  to  be  feared.  The 
Hohenstaufen  tninisteriales,  who  now  surrounded  the  Guelfic 
Emperor,  raised  his  ideals  and  modified  his  policy.  Henry 
of  Kalden,  the  old  minister  of  Henry  vi.,  was  now  his  closest 
confidant,  and,  under  his  direction,  it  soon  became  Otto's 
ambition  to  continue  the  policy  of  the  Hohenstaufen.  The 
great  object  of  Henry  vi.  had  been  the  union  of  Sicily  with  the 
Empire.  To  the  alarm  and  disgust  of  Innocent,  his  ancient 
dependant  now  strove  to  continue  Henry  vi.'s  policy  by 
driving  out  Henry  vi.'s  son  from  his  Sicilian  inheritance. 
Otto  now  established  relations  with  Diepold  and  the  other 
German  adventurers,  who  still  defied  Frederick  11.  and  the 
Pope  in  Apulia.  He  soon  claimed  the  inheritance  of  Matilda 
as  well  as  the  Sicilian  monarchy.  In  August  12 10  he  occu- 
pied Matilda's  Tuscan  lands,  and  in  November  invaded 
Apulia,  and  prepared  to  despatch  a  Pisan  fleet  against  Sicily. 
Innocent  was  moved  to  terrible  wrath.  On  hearing  of  the 
capture  of  Capua,  and  the  revolt  of  Salerno  and  Naples,  he 
excommunicated  the  Emperor  and  freed  his  sul^jects  from 
their  oaths  of  fealty  to  him.  But,  despite  the  threats  of  the 
Church,  Otto  conquered  most  of  Apulia  and  was  equally 
successful  in  reviving  the  imperial  authority  in  northern  Italy. 
Innocent  saw  the  power  that  he  had  built  up  so  care- 
fully in  Italy  crumbling  rapidly  away.  In  his  despair  he 
Election  of  turned  to  France  and  Germany  for  help  against 
Frederick  II.,  the  audacious  Guelf.  Philip  Augustus,  though 
""•  still  in  bad  odour   at   Rome   through   his  per- 

sistent hostility  to  Ingeborg,  was  now  an  indispensable  ally. 
He  actively  threw  himself  into  the  Pope's  policy,  and  French 
and  Papal  agents  combined  to  stir  ud  disaffection  against 


Europe  in  the  Days  of  Innocent  III.,  1 198- 1 216     329 

Otto  in  Germany.  The  haughty  manners  and  the  love  of 
the  young  king  for  Englishmen  and  Saxons  had  already 
excited  disaffection.  It  was  believed  that  Otto  wished  to  set 
up  a  centralised  despotism  of  court  officials,  levying  huge 
taxes,  on  the  model  of  the  Angevin  administrative  system  of 
his  grandfather  and  uncles.  The  bishops  now  took  the  lead 
in  organising  a  general  defection  from  the  absent  Emperor. 
In  September  1211a  gathering  of  disaffected  magnates,  among 
whom  were  the  newly  made  King  Ottocar  of  Bohemia  and  the 
Dukes  of  Austria  and  Bavaria,  assembled  at  Niirnberg.  They 
treated  the  papal  sentence  as  the  deposition  of  Otto,  and 
pledged  themselves  to  elect  as  their  new  king  Frederick  of 
Sicily,  the  sometime  ward  of  the  Pope.  It  was  not  altogether 
good  news  to  the  Pope  that  the  German  nobles  had,  in 
choosing  the  son  of  Henry  vi.,  renewed  the  union  of  Germany 
and  Sicily.  But  Innocent  felt  that  the  need  of  setting  up  an 
effective  opposition  to  Otto  was  so  pressing  that  he  put  out 
of  sight  the  general  in  favour  of  the  immediate  interests  of  the 
Roman  see.  He  accepted  Frederick  as  Emperor,  only  stipu- 
lating that  he  should  renew  his  homage  for  the  Sicilian  crown, 
and  consequently  renounce  an  inalienable  union  between 
Sicily  and  the  Empire.  Frederick  now  left  Sicily,  repeated  his 
submission  to  Innocent  at  Rome,  and  crossed  the  Alps  for 
Germany. 

Otto  had  already  abandoned  Italy  to  meet  the  threatened 
danger  in  the  north.  Misfortunes  soon  showered  thick 
upon  him.  His  Hohenstaufen  wife,  Beatrice,  died,  and 
her  loss  lessened  his  hold  on  southern  Germany.  When 
Frederick  appeared,  Swabia  and  Bavaria  were  already 
ready  to  welcome  the  heir  of  the  mighty  southern  line, 
and  aid  him  against  the  audacious  Saxon.  The  spiritual 
magnates  flocked  to  the  side  of  the  friend  and  pupil  of  the 
Pope.  In  December  12 12  followed  Frederick's  formal 
election  and  his  coronation  at  Mainz  by  the  Archbishop 
Siegfried.  Early  in  12 13  Henry  of  Kalden  first  appeared 
at   his    court.      Henceforward    the   important   class    of  the 


330  European  History,  918-1273 

'  ministeriales '  was  divided.  While  some  remained  true  to 
Otto,  others  gradually  went  back  to  the  personal  representa- 
tive of  Hohenstaufen. 

Otto  was  now  thrown  back  on  Saxony  and  the  lower  Rhine- 
land.  He  again  took  up  his  quarters  with  the  faithful  citizens 
The  a  ai  °^  Cologne,  whence  he  appealed  for  help  to  his 
and  imperial  unclc,  John  of  England,  still  under  the  papal  ban, 
leagues,  iai3.  -yyith  English  help  he  united  the  princes  of  the 
Netherlands  in  a  party  of  opposition  to  the  Pope  and  the 
Hohenstaufen.  Frederick  answered  by  a  closer  and  more 
effective  league  with  France.  Even  before  his  coronation  he 
had  met  Louis,  the  son  of  Philip  Augustus,  at  Vaucouleurs. 
All  Europe  seemed  arming  at  the  bidding  of  the  Pope  and 
Emperor. 

John  of  England  now  hastily  reconciled  himself  to 
Innocent,  at  the  price  of  the  independence  of  his  kingdom. 
He  thus  became  in  a  better  position  to  aid  his  excom- 
municated nephew,  and  revenge  the  loss  of  Normandy  and 
Anjou  on  Philip  Augustus.  His  plan  was  now  a  twofold 
one.  He  himself  summoned  the  barons  of  England  to 
follow  him  in  an  attempt  to  recover  his  ancient  lands  on 
the  Loire.  Meanwhile,  Otto  and  the  Netherlandish  lords 
were  encouraged,  by  substantial  English  help,  to  carry  out  a 
combined  attack  on  France  from  the  north.  The  opposition  of 
the  English  barons  reduced  to  comparative  insignificance  the 
expedition  to  Poitou,  but  a  very  considerable  army  gathered 
together  under  Otto,  and  took  up  its  position  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Tournai.  Among  the  French  King's 
vassals,  Ferrand,  Count  of  Flanders,  long  hostile  to  his 
overlord  Philip,  and  the  Count  of  Boulogne,  fought 
strenuously  on  Otto's  side;  while,  of  the  imperial  vassals, 
the  Count  of  Holland  and  the  Duke  of  Brabant  [Lower 
Lorraine]  were  among  Otto's  most  active  supporters.  A 
considerable  English  contingent  came  also,  headed  by 
Otto's  bastard  uncle,  William  Longsword,  Earl  of  Salisbury. 
Philip  himself  commanded  the  chivalry  of  France,  leaving  his 


Europe  in  the  Days  of  Innocent  ITT.y  ii  98-1 216     331 

son  Louis  to  fight  against  John  in  Poitou.     On    27th  July 
the  decisive  battle  was  fought  at  Bouvines,  a  few  miles  south- 
west of  Tournai.     The  army  of  France  and  the   g^ttje  ^f 
Church  gained  an  overwhelming  victory  over  the  Bouvines, 
league  which  had  incurred  the  papal  ban,  and  "^*' 
Otto's  fortunes  were  utterly  shattered.     He  soon  lost  all  his 
hold  over  the  Rhineland,  and  was  forced  to  retreat  to  the 
ancient   domains  of  his   house   in  Saxony.     His  remaining 
friends  made  their  peace  with  Piiilip  and  Frederick.     The 
defection  of  the  Wittelsbachers  lost  his  last  hold  in  the  south 
of  Germany,  and   the  desertion  of  Valdemar  of  Denmark 
deprived  him  of  a  strong  friend  in  the  north.     John  with- 
drew from  continental  politics  to  be  beaten  more  decisively 
by   his  barons   than  he  had  been  beaten  in  Poitou  or  at 
Bouvines.     By  the  summer  of  1215,  Aachen  and  Cologne 
had    opened   their  gates   to   Frederick,   who    repeated    his 
coronation  in  the  old  chapel  of  Charlemagne.     Before  Otto's 
death  in  12 18  his  power  was  confined  to  Brunswick  and  the 
region  of  the  Harz.     His  brother  Henry  delivered   The  fail  of 
up  the   imperial   insignia  to  the  conqueror,  and  theOueifs 
received  a  confirmation  of  his  hereditary  estates,   triumph  of 
In    1235    the   establishment    of  the   Duchy    of  innocent. 
Brunswick-Liineburg,  in  favour  of  the  Guelfic  house,  secured 
for  it  a  permanent  position  among  the  territorial  powers  of 
northern  Germany.      The  higher  aspirations  of  the  descen- 
dants of  Henry  the  Lion  perished  for  ever  on  the  fatal  field 
of  Bouvines. 

Frederick  11.  was  now  undisputed  King  of  the  Romans,  and 
Innocent  iii.  had  won  another  great  triumph.  By  the 
Golden  Bull  of  Eger  (July  1213)  Frederick  had  already  re- 
newed the  concessions  made  by  Otto  to  the  Church,  and 
promised  obedience  to  the  Holy  See.  In  12 16  he  pledged 
himself  to  separate  Sicily  from  the  Empire,  and  establish  his 
son  Henry  there  as  king,  under  the  supremacy  of  the  Church. 
But  like  his  other  triumphs,  Innocent's  victory  over  the 
Empire  was  purchased  at  no  small  cost.     For  the  first  time, 


332  European  History,  918-1273 

a  German  national  irritation  at  the  aggressions  of  the  Papacy 
began  to  be  distinctly  felt.  It  found  an  adequate  expression 
in  the  indignant  verses  of  Walter  von  der  Vogelweide,  pro- 
testing against  the  priests  who  strove  to  upset  the  rights  of  the 
laity,  and  denouncing  the  greed  and  pride  of  the  foreigners 
who  profited  by  the  humiliation  of  Germany. 

Amidst  all  the  distractions  of  Western  politics,  Innocent  iii. 
ardently  strove  to  revive  the  crusading  spirit.  He  never 
Innocent  III.  Succeeded  in  raising  all  Europe,  as  several  of  his 
and  the  predccessors  had  done.     But  after  great  efforts, 

Crusades.  ^j^^  eloqucut  preaching  of  Fulk  of  Neuilly  stirred 
up  a  fair  amount  of  enthusiasm  for  the  crusading  cause,  and, 
in  1204,  a  considerable  crusading  army,  mainly  French, 
mustered  at  Venice.  It  was  the  bitterest  disappointment  of 
Innocent's  life  that  the  Fourth  Crusade  [see  chapter  xv.] 
never  reached  Palestine,  but  was  diverted  to  the  conquest  of 
the  Greek  Empire.  Yet  the  establishment  of  a  Catholic 
Latin  Empire  at  Constantinople,  at  the  expense  of  the  Greek 
schismatics,  was  no  small  triumph.  Not  disheartened  by 
his  first  failure.  Innocent  still  urged  upon  Europe  the 
need  of  the  holy  war.  If  no  expedition  against  the  Saracens 
of  Syria  marked  the  result  of  his  efforts,  his  pontificate 
saw  the  extension  of  the  crusading  movement  to  other 
lands.  Innocent  preached  the  Crusade  against  the  Moors 
of  Spain,  and  rejoiced  in  the  news  of  the  momentous  victory 
of  the  Christians  at  Navas  de  Tolosa  [see  chapter  xx.]. 
He  saw  the  beginnings  of  a  fresh  Crusade  against  the 
obstinate  heathen  on  the  eastern  shores  of  the  Baltic  But 
Extension  of  ^  these  Crusadcs  were  against  pagans  and 
thecrusad-  infidels.  Innocent  made  a  much  greater  new 
ingidea.  departure  when  he  proclaimed  the  first  Crusade 
directed  against  a  Christian  land.  The  Albigensian  Crusade, 
which  can  more  profitably  be  described  when  we  deal  with 
the  development  of  the  French  monarchy  [see  chapter  xviL], 
succeeded  in  destroying  the  most  dangerous  and  widespread 
popular  heresy  that  Christianity  had  witnessed  since  the  fall 


Europe  in  the  Days  of  Innocent  TIL,  ii 98-1216     333 

of  the  Roman  Empire,  and  Innocent  rejoiced  that  his  times 
saw  the  Church  purged  of  its  worst  blemish.  But  in  extend- 
ing the  benefits  of  a  Crusade  to  Christians  fighting  against 
Christians,  he  handed  on  a  precedent  which  was  soon  fatally 
abused  by  his  successors.  In  crushing  out  the  young 
national  life  of  southern  France  the  Papacy  again  set  a 
people  against  itself.  The  denunciations  of  the  German 
Minnesinger  were  re-echoed  in  the  complaints  of  the  last  of 
the  Troubadours.  Rome  had  ceased  to  do  harm  to  Turks 
and  Saracens,  but  had  stirred  up  Christians  to  war  against 
fellow-Christians.  God  and  His  Saints  abandon  the  greedy, 
the  strife-loving,  the  unjust,  worldly  Church.  The  picture  is 
darkly  coloured  by  a  partisan,  but  in  every  triumph  of 
Innocent  there  lay  the  shadow  of  future  trouble. 

Crusades,  even  against  heretics  and  infidels,  are  the  work 
of  earthly  force  rather  than  of  spiritual  influence.  It  was  to 
buildup  the  great  outward  corporation  of  the  innocent  iii  •■ 
Church  that  all  these  labours  of  Innocent  religious 
mainly  tended.  Even  his  additions  to  the  P°^'t'°"- 
Canon  Law,  his  reforms  of  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction,  dealt 
with  the  external  rather  than  the  internal  life  of  the  Church. 
The  criticism  of  James  of  Vitry,  that  the  Roman  Curia  was 
so  busy  in  secular  affairs  that  it  hardly  turned  a  thought 
to  spiritual  things,  is  clearly  applicable  to  much  of  Innocent's 
activity.  But  the  many-sided  Pope  did  not  ignore  the 
religious  wants  of  the  Church.  His  Crusade  against  heresy 
was  no  mere  war  against  enemies  of  the  wealth  and  power  of 
the  Church.  The  new  tendencies  that  were  to  transform 
the  spiritual  life  of  the  thirteenth  century  were  not  strange 
to  him.  He  favoured  the  early  work  of  Dominic :  he  had 
personal  dealings  with  Francis,  and  showed  his  sympathy 
with  the  early  work  of  the  poor  man  of  Assisi  [see  chapter 
xviii.].  But  it  is  as  the  conqueror  and  organiser  rather  than 
the  priest  or  prophet  that  Innocent  made  his  mark  in  the 
Church.  It  is  significant  that,  with  all  his  greatness,  he 
never  attained  the  honours  of  sanctity. 


334  European  History,  918-1273 

Towards  the  end  of  his  life,  Innocent  held  a  General 
Council  in  the  basilica  of  St.  John  Lateran.  A  vast  gather- 
^^  „      ^        ing  of  bishops,   heads  of  orders,  and  secular 

The  Fourth  ....  ,     ....  . 

General  dignitancs  gave  brilliancy  to  the  gathering  and 

Lateran  enhanced  the  glory  of  the  Pontiff.     Enthroned 

Council,  1315.  1  /•  ,  ■,■,■,. 

over  more  than  four  hundred  bishops,  the  Pope 
proudly  declared  the  law  to  the  world.  *  Two  things  we  have 
specially  to  heart,'  wrote  Innocent,  in  summoning  the 
assembly,  *  the  dehverance  of  the  Holy  Land  and  the  reform 
of  the  Church  Universal.'  In  its  vast  collection  of  seventy 
canons,  the  Lateran  Council  strove  hard  to  carry  out  the 
Pope's  programme.  It  condemned  the  dying  heresies  of 
the  Albigeois  and  the  Cathari,  and  prescribed  the  methods 
and  punishments  of  the  unrepentant  heretic.  It  strove  to 
rekindle  zeal  for  the  Crusade.  It  drew  up  a  drastic  scheme 
for  reforming  the  internal  life  and  discipline  of  the  Church. 
It  strove  to  elevate  the  morals  and  the  learning  of  the 
clergy,  to  check  their  worldliness  and  covetousness,  and  to 
restrain  them  from  abusing  the  authority  of  the  Church 
through  excess  of  zeal  or  more  corrupt  motives.  It  invited 
bishops  to  set  up  free  schools  to  teach  poor  scholars 
grammar  and  theology.  It  forbade  trial  by  battle  and 
trial  by  ordeal.  It  subjected  the  existing  monastic  orders 
to  stricter  superintendence,  and  forbade  the  establishment 
of  new  monastic  rules.  It  forbade  superstitious  practices 
and  the  worship  of  spurious  or  unauthorised  relics.  The 
whole  series  of  canons  sought  to  regulate  and  ameliorate 
the  influence  of  the  Church  on  society.  If  many  of  the 
abuses  aimed  at  were  too  deeply  rooted  to  be  overthrown 
by  mere  legislation,  the  attempt  speaks  well  for  the  character 
and  intelligence  of  Pope  and  Council.  All  mediaeval  law- 
making, civil  and  ecclesiastical  alike,  was  but  the  promulga- 
tion of  an  ideal,  rather  than  the  issuing  of  precepts  meant 
to  be  literally  executed.  But  no  more  serious  attempt  at 
rooting  out  inveterate  evils  was  ever  made  in  the  Middle 
Ages  than  in  this  Council 


Europe  in  the  Days  of  Innocent  III.,  1 1 98-1 216     335 

The  formal  enunciation  of  this  lofty  programme  of  reform 
brought  Innocent's  pontificate  to  a  glorious  end.  The  Pontiff 
devoted  what  little  remained  of  his  life  to  hurrying  on  the 
preparations  for  the  projected  Crusade,  which  was  ^g^tj,  ^f 
to  set  out  in  1217.  But  in  the  summer  of  1216  innocentiii., 
Innocent  died  at  Perugia,  when  only  fifty-six  years  »6t^J"iy  "i^. 
old.  If  not  the  greatest,  he  was  the  most  powerful  of  all  the 
Popes.  For  nearly  twenty  years  the  whole  history  of  Europe 
groups  itself  round  his  doings. 


CHAPTER   XV 

THE    BYZANTINE    EMPIRE    IN    THE    TWELFTH    CENTURY, 

THE    FOURTH    CRUSADE,  AND  THE   LATIN   EMPIRE 

IN    THE    EAST   (1095-I261)* 

rhe  Comnenian  dynasty  and  Alexius  i. — Decay  of  the  Empire— The  end  of 
the  Comneni — The  Angeli — The  mustering  of  the  Fourth  Crusade— The 
Conquest  of  Zara — The  First  and  Second  Captures  of  Constantinople — 
The  Partition  and  Organisation  of  the  Latin  Empire — The  Greek  Re\ival 
— Rivalry  of  Constantinople  and  Thessalonica — The  Latin  Emperors- 
Michael  Paloeologus  and  the  Fall  of  the  Latin  Empire — The  Franks  in 
the  Peloponnesus. 

The  Comnenian  dynasty,  finally  established  by  Alexius  l 
[see  chapter  vii.],  ruled  for  more  than  a  century  over  the 
Roman  Empire  in  the  East.  We  have  already 
Comnenian  noticed  the  most  stirring  episodes  of  its  external 
dynasty.  history,  in  tracing  the  dealings  of  the  Comnenian 
Emperors  with  the  Seljukian  Turks,  with  the  passing 
Crusaders,  with  the  permanent  Latin  garrison  in  Syria,  and 
with  the  Norman  rulers  of  Apulia  and  Sicily,  who  strove 
to  make  southern  Italy  the  starting-point  for  a  Norman 
conquest  of  the  Balkan  Peninsula.  It  remains  now  to 
describe  briefly  the  internal  history  of  the  Eastern  Empire 
during  the  twelfth  century,  as  a  necessary  preliminary  to  the 
understanding  of  the  collapse  of  the  Greek  power  in  1204. 

The  combination  of  strength  and  duplicity,  which  con- 
stituted the  practical  ability  of  Alexius  Comnenus,  had  saved 
Alexius  L,  'he  Byzantine  state  from  the  ruin  with  which  it 
loSi-ixiB.  had  been  threatened.  But  the  rescue  of  the 
Empire   had   been   accomplished   at  no   small    cost.      The 

*  To  the  authorities  mentioned  under  Chapter  vtl.  may  now  be  added 
Pears'  Fall  of  Constantinople,  being  tht  Story  of  the  Fourth  Crusadt, 
S86 


The  Byzantine  Empire  in  the  Twelfth  Century     337 

Crusaders  had  allowed  Alexius  to  resume  possession  of  a 
large  share  of  Asia  Minor,  but  the  constant  presence  of  Latins 
in  the  East  was  a  permanent  danger  to  him,  both  from  their 
superior  military  capacity  and  their  fierce  Catholicism.  The 
Eastern  Empire  sank  into  the  condition  of  stagnation,  which 
it  was  to  retain  for  the  rest  of  its  existence.  The  low  cunning 
and  trickery  of  Alexius  are  glorified  by  his  literary  daughter 
Anna  as  the  highest  resources  of  civilisation  when  face 
to  face  with  the  barbarian  Franks.  Such  methods  might 
save  the  state,  but  they  could  hardly  adapt  it  to  meet  the 
new  conditions  which  Western  activity  in  the  East  had 
brought  about. 

The  military  danger  of  the  Prankish  powers  was  not  the 
worst  result  of  the  Crusades  on  the  Byzantine  Empire. 
Even  more  important  was  the  sapping  of  its 
sources  of  wealth  and  the  decay  of  its  commercial  decay  of  the 
prosperity,  as  the  consequence  of  the  development  Eastern 
of  the  trade  of  the  Italian  republics,  like  Pisa,  ™p""*- 
Genoa,  and  Venice,  who  really  reaped  nearly  the  whole 
material  advantages  of  the  Crusades.  Acre  and  other 
Syrian  ports  began  to  supersede  Constantinople  as  the 
great  meeting-places  of  Eastern  and  Western  trade.  The 
skill  and  energy  of  the  Italian  merchants  transferred  the 
commerce  of  the  Levant  from  Greek  to  Western  hands. 
Since  the  loss  of  the  rich  agricultural  districts  of  Asia  Minor, 
the  commerce  of  Constantinople  was  the  one  really  solid 
source  of  Byzantine  prosperity.  The  revenue  of  the  imperial 
exchequer  now  began  to  fall  off,  and  the  disastrous  expedients 
of  Alexius  to  restore  it  made  permanent  ruin  more  certain. 
In  the  hope  of  making  the  Bosporus  and  Golden  Horn  as 
attractive  to  the  Italian  traders  as  the  waters  of  the  Levant, 
Alexius  sought  to  entice  the  Venetians  back  to  his  ports  by 
giving  them  exemption  from  customs  dues  (1082).  The 
Venetians  were  established  in  a  special  quarter  of  Constanti- 
nople, exempt  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Greek  authorities, 
with  its  Catholic  church,  its  walls,  and  its  magistrates.     The 

PERIOD  II.  Y 


33^  European  History,  918-1273 

Pisans  had  privileges  less  extensive  but  still  considerable. 
Such  concessions  made  the  Italians  easily  able  to  undersell 
the  native  merchants  and  to  establish  their  factories  on  an 
almost  independent  basis.  But  it  was  unlikely  that  the 
shrewd  Venetians  would  be  content  with  what  they  had  got. 
Their  settlement  within  the  Empire  as  traders  only  paved 
the  way  to  the  time  when  they  aspired  to  establish  themselves 
as  rulers.  It  was  a  strange  turn  to  make  arbiters  of  the 
destiny  of  the  Empire  those  Venetians  who  had  in  former 
times  protected  themselves  from  Western  Caesars  by  parading 
their  dependence  on  the  Emperor  at  Constantinople,  and 
whose  city  bears  to  this  day  the  abiding  impress  of  Byzantine 
art.  The  strong  Comnenian  Emperors  postponed  the  danger 
for  a  time,  but  when  the  Empire  was  again  divided  between 
rival  claimants,  it  was  as  natural  to  the  Venetians  as  it  was  to 
the  English  and  French  in  India  to  take  advantage  of  the 
decay  of  an  ancient  but  stagnant  civilisation  to  turn  from 
their  factories  and  counting-houses  to  play  the  part  of  con- 
querors and  rulers. 

It  is  one  of  the  innumerable  proofs  of  the  vitality  of  the 
East-Roman  system  that  this  result  came  so  slowly  and  suc- 
ceeded so  imperfectly.  The  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  Alexius 
seemed  to  revive  the  former  glories  of  the  Eastern  Empire. 
The  dynasty  was  firmly  settled  on  the  throne;  the  foreign 
enemies  driven  away  or  reduced  to  insignificance ;  the  internal 
decay  was  too  gradual  to  be  readily  perceived.  On  his  death 
John  II.,  ^"^  1 1 18  Alexius  handed  on  to  his  son  an  empire 
1X18-1143.  enlarged  and  peaceful.  John  11.  Comnenus  (1118- 
1143),  called  John  the  Good,  was  one  of  the  best  of  Byzantine 
rulers.  As  vigorous  a  ruler  and  a  better  soldier  than  his 
father,  his  private  character,  stainless  in  its  morals,  was  marked 
by  qualities,  such  as  frankness,  generosity,  and  mercy,  which 
rarely  adorned  the  throne  of  the  Eastern  Caesars.  He  reigned 
undisturbed  by  revolts  or  conspiracies,  save  those  of  his  sister 
Anna,  the  historian,  and  his  brother  Isaac,  and  these  foes 
within  his  household  received  from  him  a  generous  forgiveness 


Tlu  Byzantine  Empire  in  the  Twelfth  Century     339 

that  they  did  nothing  to  deserve.  John  was  mostly  occupied 
in  his  constant  campaigns  on  the  frontiers,  fighting  the  Patzi- 
naks  of  the  lower  Danube,  the  Hungarians  and  the  Servians 
in  Europe,  and  the  Seljukian  Turks  and  the  Armenians  in 
Asia.  Master  of  Cilicia,  he  forced  Raymond  of  Antioch 
to  acknowledge  his  supremacy.  Only  his  death  in  Cilicia, 
due  to  an  accident  in  the  hunting  field,  prevented  his  in- 
vasion of  the  Latin  kingdom  of  Syria.  Had  he  seriously 
grappled  with  the  reform  of  administration  and  the  finances, 
he  might  have  inaugurated  a  new  period  of  prosperity.  But 
his  effort  to  shake  off  the  commercial  supremacy  of  Venice 
involved  him  in  a  long  and  unsuccessful  war  with  the  rulers  of 
the  sea,  which  he  was  glad  to  end  by  restoring  the  Venetians 
to  their  former  privileges,  and  by  recognising  them  as  lords  of 
some  of  the  Greek  islands.  Even  as  it  was,  John  the  Good 
did  much  to  arrest  decay. 

Manuel  i.  Comnenus  (1143-1180),  John's  son  and  suc- 
cessor, was  a  worthy  heir  to  the  military  talents  of  his  father. 
But  his  violent  passions  suUied  his  private  life,  Manuel  i., 
and  his  extravagance,  ostentation,  and  vanity  took  "43-1180. 
away  from  the  lustre  of  his  domestic  administration.  He  was 
one  of  the  most  Western  in  temperament  of  all  the  Greek 
sovereigns.  He  was  proud  of  his  prodigious  personal  strength, 
of  his  handsome  person,  and  of  his  skill  in  all  chivalrous  exer- 
cises. He  was  the  only  Greek  Emperor  who  could  surpass 
the  most  famous  knights  of  the  West  in  the  mimic  war  of 
the  tournament.  He  had  the  spirit  of  a  knight-errant, 
suggesting  Richard  Coeur  de  Lion  rather  than  the  sly  and 
demure  Oriental.  When  he  had  safely  extricated  himself 
from  the  perils  of  the  Second  Crusade  [see  page  192],  he 
plunged  into  a  series  of  wars  in  which  he  sought  personal 
glory  rather  than  the  welfare  of  his  Empire.  There  were 
strange  tales  of  his  wonderful  personal  adventures  and  hair- 
breadth escapes  from  Patzinaks  and  Turks.  He  introduced 
\\'estern  tournaments  into  Constantinople,  had  a  truly  Prankish 
ardour  for  crusading,  re-armed  his  troops  after  the  Western 


340  European  History ^  918-1273 

fashion  with  ponderous  shields  and  heavy  lances,  and  eagerly 
sought  to  connect  himself  by  marriage  with  the  great  royal 
houses  of  the  West.  His  first  wife  Bertha — called  Irene  to 
satisfy  Greek  susceptibilities — was  a  sister-in-law  of  the  Emperor 
Conrad  iii.,  and  his  second  wife  was  a  princess  of  Antioch. 
His  daughter  married  in  succession  the  brother  of  the  King 
of  Hungary  and  the  son  of  the  Marquis  of  Montferrat  His 
son,  Alexius,  was  wedded  to  the  daughter  of  Louis  vii,  of 
France.  His  influence  extended  over  all  the  Danubian  states 
as  far  as  the  German  frontier.  His  wars,  if  not  always  politic, 
were  often  successful.  He  defeated  the  strenuous  attempts 
of  King  Roger  of  Sicily  and  his  son  William  the  Bad  [see 
page  236]  to  invade  his  Empire.  He  waged  a  long  and 
not  inglorious  war  with  Venice,  and  even  when  unable  to 
destroy  her  privileges  did  something  to  counterbalance  them 
by  calling  in  rival  Italian  traders,  such  as  the  Genoese.  When 
beaten  by  the  Seljuks,  he  was  able  to  negotiate  an  honour- 
able peace.  But  his  wastefulness  brought  the  financial  dis- 
orders to  a  crisis,  and  his  utter  neglect  of  routine  threw  the 
obsolete  administrative  system  into  confusion.  Yet  with  all 
his  faults  he  was  a  brilliant  personality,  and  with  his  death  the 
good  fortune  of  the  Comnenian  dynasty  came  to  an  end. 

Alexius  II.  (1180-1183),  the  son  of  Manuel,  was  a  boy  twelve 
years  old,  and  his  mother,  Mary  of  Antioch,  strove  to  carry  on 
Alexius  II.,  ths  government  in  his  name.  Her  incapacity  gave 
1180-X183,  an  opening  for  intrigues  of  the  members  of  the 
royal  house,  and,  two  years  later,  Andronicus  Comnenus,  cousin 
of  Manuel,  displaced  the  Empress  and  became  the  guardian 
,  of  Alexius  with  the  title  of  Caesar.     As  soon  as  he 

Usurpation  of 

Andronicus,  was  sccure  of  power,  Andronicus  murdered  his 
1183-1x85.  ward,  married  his  widow,  Agnes  of  France,  and 
made  himself  sole  Basileus.  Andronicus  was  a  strong  and 
brave  soldier,  but  overweeningly  ambitious,  wantonly  cruel, 
and  already  infamous  by  a  long  career  of  brutality  and  treachery. 
His  success  in  gaining  power  was  greater  than  his  success  in 
retaining  it.     Rebellions  broke  out  in  the  provinces.     Cyprus 


The  Byzantine  Empire  in  the  Twelfth  Century     341 

shook  itself  free  from  his  rule  under  the  local  Emperor  Isaac 
Comnenus,  who  finally  succumbed  to  Richard  of  England 
[see  page  301].  Even  the  reign  of  terror  which  marked  his 
rule  did  not  check  the  plots  of  the  angry  nobles.  The 
Normans  again  invaded  Macedonia,  and  captured  Thessa- 
lonica.  So  hateful  did  Andronicus  become  that  a  very  small 
incident  sufficed  to  bring  his  power  to  an  end.  During  his 
absence  from  Constantinople,  one  of  his  ministers  ordered 
the  arrest  of  an  incapable  and  cowardly  noble  named  Isaac 
Angelus.  Driven  to  despair  at  the  prospect  of  the  torments 
meted  out  for  Andronicus'  victims,  Isaac  plucked  up  courage 
to  resist,  and  took  refuge  in  St.  Sophia's.  The  mob  of  Constan- 
tinople arose  in  revolt,  declaring  that  it  would  have  '  no  more 
old  men  or  men  with  forked  beards  as  Emperors.'  End  of  the 
Andronicus  hurried  back,  but  all  classes  deserted  Comneni. 
him.  He  was  tortured  to  death  by  the  mob,  and  Isaac 
Angelus  was  declared  his  successor.  With  him  the  glorious 
house  of  Comnenus  ingloriously  expired  (1185). 

The  reign  of  Isaac  Angelus  ushered  in  a  worse  period  of 
degradation.  Even  the  brutality  of  Andronicus  had  been 
in  some  measure  redeemed  by  its  strength,  but  isaacii., 
under  his  weak  and  contemptible  successor  the  "85-1195. 
Empire  suffered  from  the  worst  results  of  incompetence.  The 
Emperor  lavished  his  revenues  in  building  churches  and 
palaces,  in  collecting  relics  and  sacred  icons,  in  ministering  to 
the  luxury  and  vanity  of  a  crowd  of  parasites  and  dependants. 
He  put  the  administrative  offices  up  for  sale,  and  allowed 
their  purchasers  to  recoup  themselves  by  oppressing  the  pro- 
vincials. His  ten  years'  rule  was  full  of  military  disasters. 
The  imposition  of  a  new  tax  was  followed  by  the  revolt  of 
the  Bulgarians,  who  had  lived  as  peaceful  subjects  of  the 
Empire  since  their  conquest,  two  hundred  years  previously, 
by  Basil  11,  [see  pages  163-165].  In  a  short  time  the  whole  of 
Bulgaria  had  shaken  off  the  yoke  of  Constantinople,  and  the 
mercenary  arms  of  Conrad  of  Montferrat.  The  efforts  of 
Isaac,  who  took  the  field  in  person  against  the  rebels,  were 


342  European  History,  918-1273 

powerless  to  win  back  a  warlike  and  united  people.  The 
loss  of  Bulgaria  was  not  the  only  humiliation  of  Isaac's  reign. 
We  have  already  seen  how  the  Third  Crusade  dealt  roughly 
with  his  power,  how  Frederick  Barbarossa,  provoked  by  his 
treachery,  forced  him  to  make  an  abject  submission,  and  how 
Richard  of  England  permanently  turned  Cyprus  into  a  feudal 
Prankish  kingdom,  utterly  unconnected  with  the  Empire. 
Isaac  had  also  to  buy  off  the  attacks  of  the  Sultan  of  Roum 
by  the  payment  of  tribute.  In  the  midst  of  all  these  disasters 
his  wretched  government  was  abruptly  ended  by  a  palace 
conspiracy,  formed  against  him  by  his  elder  brother  Alexius, 
while  he  was  absent  engaged  in  the  Bulgarian  war.  Isaac 
hurried  back  to  Constantinople,  only  to  be  deposed,  blinded, 
and  immured  in  a  monastery  (1195). 

Alexius  III.  Angelus  (i  195-1203),  was  as  wasteful,  as  profli- 
gate, and  as  incompetent  as  his  brother,  pillaging  his  sub- 
Aiexius  III.,  jects  to  reward  the  conspirators  who  had  helped 
1195-1203.  j^jj^  ^.Q  jj^g  throne.  Rebellions  broke  out  in  the 
provinces,  and  the  Venetians  and  Pisans  fought  out  their 
feuds  in  the  streets  of  the  capital.  The  efforts  to  reconquer 
Bulgaria  proved  abortive,  and  the  Turks  of  Roum  again 
threatened  the  heart  of  the  Empire.  The  utter  feebleness  of 
the  Byzantine  power  tempted  the  Emperor  Henry  vi.  to 
re-enact  the  part  of  Robert  Guiscard  and  Roger.  His  death 
postponed,  without  averting,  the  danger  of  Western  conquest. 
Philip  of  Swabia  was  the  brother-in-law  of  the  deposed 
Isaac,  and  welcomed  his  son  Alexius,  when  he  escaped  in  a 
Pisan  ship  from  his  ill -guarded  prison.  The  Venetians, 
though  loaded  with  privileges,  clamoured  for  more.  It  was 
just  at  the  moment  when  the  anarchy  of  Constantinople  had 
reached  its  height  that  the  army  of  Crusaders,  collected 
from  all  Europe  by  the  zeal  of  Innocent  iii.  and  the  preaching 
of  Fulk  of  Neuilly,  appeared  at  Venice,  waiting  to  take  ship 
thence  in  the  vessels  of  the  republic  for  the  Holy  Land. 

The  golden  age  of  the  Crusades  was  now  over.  The 
difficulties   that  limited  the  success  of  the  Third   Crusade 


The  Fourth  Crusade  343 

now  prevented  even  the  undertaking  of  a  new  one  on  the  same 
grand  lines.  The  long  efforts  of  Celestine  in.  to  start  a  new 
Crusade  had  borne  little  fruit.  Fulk  of  Neuilly  The  muster- 
began  his  preaching  very  soon  after  Innocent  iii.'s  p^°'^/*'* 
accession  to  the  Papacy,  and  the  new  Pope  warmly  crusade, 
supported  him.  But  none  of  the  great  princes  "98-1202. 
of  Europe  responded  to  his  call.  It  was  not  until  1201  that  the 
beginnings  of  a  crusading  army  was  gathered  together  under 
leaders  more  of  the  status  of  the  heroes  of  the  First  Crusade 
than  of  those  of  the  Second  or  Third.  Theobald  in.,  Count 
of  Champagne,  was  not  deterred  by  his  brother  Henry's  death 
from  striving  to  redeem  his  brother's  lost  kingdom.  Among 
the  lords  of  Champagne  that  attended  him  was  his  marshal, 
Geoffrey  of  Villehardouin,  who  has  left  us  a  famous  account 
of  the  expedition.  Among  Theobald's  companions  of  high 
rank  were  his  kinsman  Louis,  Count  of  Blois,  and  his  sister 
Mary,  who  accompanied  her  husband,  Baldwin  ix.,  Count  of 
Flanders,  Baldwin's  brothers  Eustace  and  Henry,  and  Simon 
of  Montfort,  soon  to  become  famous  as  the  leader  of  the 
Albigensian  Crusade.  Theobald  of  Champagne  was  ap- 
pointed general-in-chief,  and  it  was  resolved  to  attack 
Egypt,  as  the  real  centre  of  the  Ayoubite  power.  Early  in 
1 201,  ambassadors  of  the  Crusaders,  conspicuous  among 
whom  was  Villehardouin,  appeared  at  Venice  to  negotiate 
with  the  Republic  as  to  their  means  of  transport.  After 
lengthened  negotiations  a  treaty  was  concluded  between  them 
and  Henry  Dandolo,  the  bhnd  and  aged,  but  still  ardent, 
subtle,  and  active  Doge.  It  was  agreed  that  the  Venetians 
should  provide  the  necessary  transports,  with  provisions  for  a 
year,  and  a  convoy  of  fifty  galleys.  But  in  return,  the 
Frankish  Crusaders  agreed  to  pay  Venice  the  vast  sum  of 
85,000  marks  of  silver,  and  to  divide  all  conquests  and 
booty  equally  between  themselves  and  the  Venetians.  It  was 
characteristic  of  the  Italian  seafaring  republics  to  drive  hard 
bargains  with  the  Crusaders,  and  Dandolo  had  little  concern 
for  the  Holy  War,  though  he  had  infinite  zeal  for  the  interests 


344  European  History,  918-1273 

of  Venice.  As  soon  as  the  Crusaders  began  to  collect  by 
the  lagoons  to  embark  for  Egypt,  he  aspired  to  use  them  as 
soldiers  of  the  Republic  rather  than  of  the  Church.  The 
appearance  of  the  fugitive  Alexius  in  Italy  already  suggested 
the  idea  of  diverting  the  expedition  against  Constantinople. 

There  were  still  long  delays.  The  death  of  the  Count  of 
Champagne  left  vacant  the  supreme  command,  and,  after  several 
attempts  to  fill  it  up,  the  Crusaders  appointed  as  their  chief 
the  North  Italian  Boniface  of  Montferrat,  brother  of  Conrad 
of  Montferrat,  and  a  scheming  and  unscrupulous  adventurer. 
He  was  soon  approached  by  King  Philip  of  Swabia,  >frho 
urged  upon  him  the  claims  of  the  young  Alexius,  his  kinsman. 
The  Hohenstaufen  monarch  and  the  Doge  of  Venice  now 
combined  to  recommend  the  Crusaders  to  undertake  the 
restoration  of  Isaac  Comnenus,  as  a  preliminary  to  their 
attack  on  the  infidels.  Even  at  this  early  stage  it  is  more 
than  likely  that  the  Venetians  had  formed  a  deliberate  design 
to  divert  the  Crusade,  and  had  perhaps  even  an  understand 
ing  with  the  Saracens  to  that  effect. 

When  the  spring  of  1202  came,  the  passage  from  Venice 
was  still  unaccountably  delayed.  Many  of  the  Crusaders 
The  capture  had  spent  all  their  resources  during  their  long 
of  Zara,  laoa.  g^^y^  ^nd  the  leaders  were  quite  unable  to 
pay  the  Venetians  the  huge  sum  they  had  promised. 
Dandolo  now  proposed  that  they  should  acquit  themselves 
of  part  of  their  debt  by  helping  Venice  to  conquer  the 
maritime  town  of  Zara,  an  old  enemy  of  the  Republic, 
and  the  haunt  of  pirates  that  preyed  on  its  trade.  Zara 
belonged  to  the  King  of  Hungary,  wlio  had  also  taken 
the  cross.  But  the  spirit  of  adventure  and  love  of  booty  was 
stronger  among  the  Franks  than  zeal  for  the  Holy  War. 
Despite  the  protests  of  Simon  of  Montfort  against  the  turn- 
ing aside  of  a  crusading  army  to  fight  a  Catholic  and 
crusading  prince,  it  was  agreed  to  accept  Dandolo's  sugges- 
tion. In  October,  the  Crusaders  at  last  left  the  Lido.  In 
November  Zara  fell,  after  a  short  siege,  into  the  hands  of 


The  Fourth  Crusade  345 

the  united  Venetian  and  Frankish  host.  The  Pope  vigor- 
ously denounced  the  forsworn  soldiers  of  the  Cross.  But  the 
Venetians  paid  no  heed,  and  the  Franks  very  little,  to  his 
fulminations.  The  season  was  now  too  late  to  make  a  start, 
and  the  army  took  up  winter  quarters  in  Dalmatia.  Alexius 
now  appeared  in  person  in  the  crusading  camp, 
and  his  glittering  offers  were  greedily  accepted,  turned  against 
Boniface   of   Montferrat   thought   more   of  his  Constanti- 

nople,  1203. 

own  advantage  than  of  the  sacred  cause.  The 
pious  scruples  of  the  Count  of  Flanders  were  finally 
allayed.  In  the  early  summer  of  1203,  the  Crusaders 
made  sail  for  the  ^gean.  The  fatal  results  of  the  decay 
of  the  Greek  marine  now  made  themselves  clearly  manifest. 
Alexius  111.  was  the  first  ruler  of  Constantinople  who  had 
to  defend  his  capital,  without  having  the  command  of 
the  sea.  With  next  to  no  resistance,  the  Venetians  and 
Franks  passed  through  the  Dardanelles,  and  encamped  at 
Scutari.  The  land-attack  on  Constantinople  was  beaten  off, 
but  the  Venetians,  headed  by  the  blind  old  Doge,  stormed 
the  sea-wall,  and  burnt  the  adjacent  ports  of  the  city.  The 
incapable  and  cowardly  Emperor  fled  in  alarm  to  Thrace, 
whereupon  the  army  took  the  blind  Isaac  out  of  prison,  and 
restored  him  to  his  throne,  but  invited  his  son  Alexius  to 
share  it  with  him  (July  1203). 

The  Crusaders  had  made  an  easy  conquest,  but  their  main 
feeling  was  one  of  disgust  that  the  premature  surrender  of 
the   city  had   deprived  them  of  a   chance  of  a 
richer  plunder  than  their  imaginations   had  ever  J/constan" 
conceived  before  they  saw  the  wonders  of  the  nopie. 
New  Rome.      They  settled  down  for  the  next  R^f^""-^*'"" 

■'  of  Isaac 

winter    in    the    suburbs    of    the    capital,    while  Angeius  and 
Isaac   and   Alexius  iv.    left   no   stone   unturned  Aiexmsiv., 

July  1203. 

to   satisfy   their   clamour   for  their   pay.     When 
the  Emperors  were  reduced,  in  their  efforts  to  appease  the 
Latins,  to  plunder  the  churches  of  their  jewels  and  reliquaries, 
and   impose   odious   taxes   on  their   subjects,  the    mob    of 


34^  European  History,  918-1273 

Constantinople,  taught  by  the  success  of  recent  revolutions 
to  regard  itself  as  all-powerful,  rose  in  revolt  against  them, 
and  murdered  all  the  Latins  within  reach.  Isaac,  unnerved 
Revolution  by  Captivity,  died  suddenly,  it  was  said,  of 
in  Constant!-  fright.  Alcxius  IV.  was  Strangled.  A  strong 
Alexius  v.,  and  daring  adventurer,  Alexius  Ducas,  surnamed 
Feb.  1304.  Murzuphlus  from  his  shaggy  eyebrows,  was  pro- 
claimed the  Emperor  Alexius  v.  (February  1204).  The  house 
of  Angelus  thus  quitted  history  even  less  gloriously  than' the 
house  of  Comnenus. 

It  was  but  a  revolution  in  the  capital,  and  the  provinces 
hardly  recognised  the  usurper.  But  Alexius  v.  threw  a 
Second  cap-  new  energy  into  the  defences  of  Constantinople, 
tare  and  sack  ^nd  the  Crusaders  found  that  they  must  either 

of  Constant!-  ...  ,-       ,  .  •       r 

nopie,  retire  discomfited,  or  capture  the  city  for  a  second 

April  1304.  time.  After  two  months  of  preparations,  they 
advanced  in  April  to  the  final  assault.  This  time  they 
limited  their  attack  to  the  sea-wall.  The  first  effort  was 
a  failure,  but  a  few  days  later  a  second  onslaught  admitted 
them  into  a  corner  of  the  city.  There  was  still  a  chance 
for  the  Greeks,  if  they  had  had  courage  to  stubbornly 
defend  the  city  street  by  street.  But  the  mercenary  soldiers 
would  not  fight,  and  Alexius  v.,  despairing  of  further  resist- 
ance, fled  from  the  capital,  though  he  soon  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Crusaders,  who  put  him  to  death.  Constanti- 
nople now  belonged  to  the  Franks,  and  a  hideous  three  days 
of  plunder,  murder,  lust,  and  sacrilege,  at  last  satisfied  them 
for  the  moderation  they  had  been  forced  to  show  upon  the 
occasion  of  the  first  conquest.  The  priceless  relics  of  ancient 
art  were  barbarously  destroyed :  the  very  churches  were 
ruthlessly  pillaged,  and  the  city  of  Constantine  was  robbed 
for  ever  of  that  unique  splendour  that  had  made  it  for  ages 
the  wonder  of  the  world. 

The  cry  of  indignation,  that  had  already  broken  out  when 
the  Crusaders  turned  aside  to  besiege  Zara,  was  renewed  on 
their    abandoning    their    campaign    against    the   infidel    to 


The  Latin  Empire  in  the  East 


347 


conquer  a  Christian  city.     But  the  feebleness  of  the  opposi- 
tion  showed    that  the  crusading  spirit  was  dying,  and  even 
Innocent  ui.,  who   was   bitterly   grieved   at   the  The  partition 
failure  of  the  Crusade,  found  consolation  in  the  andorganisa- 
hoped-for   collapse    of  the   Greek    schism,    and  l°°j° 
made  his  peace  with   the   Latin   conquerors   of  Empire, 
Constantinople.      The   victorious   Westerns  now  '*°4'"  ^• 
proceeded  to  the  division  of  the  spoil     The  Venetians  and 


THE 

XATIN  EMPIRE 

COXSTANTIXOPLE 


ilVipoU 


Latin  States  ««  Si/ria \^y%^^        ZouaC  Greek  States.. 

Latin  Empire  and  its  dependenciet 


w\ 


the  Franks  still  stood  apart,  jealously  watching  over  their  re- 
spective interests.  There  was  no  longer  any  talk  of  appoint- 
ing a  new  Greek  Emperor.  It  was  agreed  to  elect  from  the 
crusading  host  a  Latin  Emperor  and  Patriarch,  and  it  was 
further  determined  that  the  party  that  furnished  the  Emperor 
should  yield  to  the  other  the  choice  of  the  Patriarch.  A 
college  of  six  French  prelates  and  six  Venetian  nobles  was 
set  up  to  elect  the  Emperor.  There  was  keen  rivalry  for  the 
post.     Boniface  of  Montferrat,  as  general,  seemed  to  have  an 


348  European  History,  918-1273 

obvious  claim,  but  the  Venetians  were  unwilling  to  support 
the  candidature  of  an  Italian  prince,  an  ally  of  the  Hohen- 
staufen.  Refusing  the  dangerous  honour  for  their  own  duke, 
the  Venetians  declared  for  Count  Baldwin  of  Flanders,  who 
was  duly  elected  Emperor  in  May.  The  papal  legate 
crowned  him  in  St.  Sophia's,  and  he  was  invested  with 
the  purple  buskins  and  all  the  other  trappings  of  the 
Basileus  of  the  Romans.  Thomas  Morosini,  a  Venetian, 
was  chosen  Patriarch.  But  the  election  of  the  heads  of  the 
Church  and  State  was  an  easier  business  than  the  division  of 
the  spoils  amidst  a  wliole  swarm  of  greedy  claimants. 

Like  the  conquerors  of  Jerusalem  after  the  First  Crusade, 
the  conquerors  of  Constantinople  set  up  a  feudal  state  on  the 
ruins  of  the  Oriental  system  that  they  had  destroyed.  The 
Emperor  Baldwin  was  to  be  overlord  of  all  the  Crusading 
chieftains,  and  was  moreover  to  have  as  his  domains  the 
capital,  saving  the  Venetian  quarter,  the  greater  part  of  Thrace 
with  Adrianople,  and  the  eastern  islands  of  the  -^gean, 
Samothrace,  Cos,  Lesbos,  Samos  and  Chios.  Boniface  of 
Montferrat  was  consoled  for  his  disappointment  with  the  title 
of  King  of  Thessalonica.  He  was  still  strong  enough  to  reject 
the  offer  of  a  patrimony  in  Asia  which  the  Latins  had  still  to 
conquer,  and  to  profess  that  he  held  Thessalonica  in  his  own 
right,  independently  of  the  Emperor  of  Romania.  He  estab- 
lished himself  in  Macedonia  and  Thessaly.  The  Venetians 
had  the  lion's  share  of  the  plunder.  They  had  henceforth  a 
large  slice  of  Constantinople  with  the  practical  monopoly  of 
the  trade  of  the  Empire.  They  also  were  recognised  as 
lords  of  most  of  the  islands  and  coast  lands,  including 
the  Ionian  islands,  Euboea,  most  of  the  Cyclades  and  some 
of  the  Sporades,  numerous  settlements  on  the  coasts  of 
the  Peloponnesus,  and  a  large  domain  north  of  the  Corinthian 
Gulf,  along  Acarnania,  i^itolia,  Epirus  and  Albania,  where, 
however,  they  were  not  strong  enough  to  penetrate  far  into 
the  interior.  Crete  they  purchased  from  Boniface  of  Mont- 
ferrat.    Dandolo,  who  assumed    the  title   of  Despotes^  now 


The  Latin  Empire  in  the  East  349 

styled  himself  'lord  of  a  quarter  and  half-a-quarter '  of  the 
Empire.  The  minor  Frankish  chiefs  also  received  great  fiefs. 
Louis  of  Blois  became  Duke  of  Nicaea  and  of  Nicomedia : 
Villehardouin  became  Prince  of  Achaia :  Odo  of  La  Roche 
Lord  of  Athens,  and  there  were  counts  of  Thebes,  dukes  of 
Philippopolis,  and  marquises  of  Corinth.  Each  feudatory 
had  still  his  fief  to  conquer  as  best  he  could,  and  the  lords,  to 
whom  lands  in  Asia  were  assigned,  never  obtained  effective 
possession  of  their  territories.  The  more  fortunate  European 
barons  could  only  enjoy  their  grants  by  calling  in  the  help  of 
vassal  chieftains,  whose  immunities  left  them  little  more  than 
a  show  of  power  outside  their  own  domains.  No  feudal 
state  was  ever  strong,  but  no  feudal  state  was  ever  so 
weak  as  the  Latin  Empire  in  the  East.  It  had  to  contend 
against  all  the  characteristic  evils  of  feudalism,  the  infinite 
multiplication  of  the  sovereign  power,  the  constant  feuds  of 
rival  chieftains,  the  permanent  jealousy  of  every  vassal  of  the 
power  of  his  overlord.  But  it  had  special  difficulties  of  its 
own  of  a  kind  impossible  to  be  got  over.  The  magnates  of 
the  expedition  had  cleverly  manipulated  the  division  of  the 
spoils  to  their  own  advantage,  and  the  poorer  Crusaders  were 
bitterly  discontented.  A  comparison  of  the  famous  history 
of  Villehardouin  with  the  less  well  known  account  of  the 
Crusade  by  the  simple  Picard  knight,  Robert  of  Clari,  shows 
how  bitterly  the  '  poor  knights '  resented  the  overbearing  con- 
duct of  the  'great  men,'  whose  standpoint  is  represented  by 
the  Marshal  of  Champagne.  Moreover,  Germans  fought  with 
Champenois  and  Burgundians,  North  Italians  with  Flemings, 
and  all  with  the  Venetians.  Even  if  the  Crusaders  had 
been  united,  they  were  a  mere  handful  of  adventurers.  The 
Venetians,  who  had  got  for  themselves  the  richest  and  most 
accessible  parts  of  the  Empire,  thought  little  of  colonisation 
and  much  of  trade.  Yet  even  the  Venetians  drew  wealth 
from  the  richly  cultivated  islands  which  now  became  the 
appanage,  and  were  soon  a  chief  source  of  wealth,  to  the 
noblest  houses  of  the  island  city.     The  Ionian  islands  and 


350  European  History,  918-1273 

Crete  remained  Venetian  for  many  centuries ;  the  interior 
uplands  were  hardly  Latin  for  two  generations.  It  speaks 
well  for  the  prowess  of  the  Prankish  lords  that  they  held 
their  position  so  long  as  this. 

There  was  no  attempt  at  mixing  between  Latins  and  Greeks. 
The  quick  sympathy  that  had  made  the  Normans  Italians  in 
Sicily,  English  in  England,  and  Irish  in  Ireland,  no  longer 
remained  with  the  Frankish  hosts.  Their  civilisation  was  too 
stereotyped,  their  ideas  too  stiff,  their  contempt  for  their  con- 
quered subjects  too  profound.  It  was  even  less  possible  for 
the  Greeks  to  assimilate  themselves  with  their  conquerors. 
The  old-world  civiHsation  of  the  Byzantine  realm  was  infinitely 
more  hide-bound  than  the  feudal  system  of  the  Franks.  It 
was  impossible  to  combine  French  feudalism  with  Byzantine 
officialism.  The  Greek  despised  the  rude  and  uncultivated 
•  barbarians '  who  now  ruled  the  heritage  of  Rome.  The 
Latin  scorned  the  cunning  and  effeminate  Eastern  who  had 
succumbed  so  readily  to  his  sword.  It  had  been  hard  enough 
for  the  Comneni  to  keep  together  the  decaying  fortunes  of  the 
Eastern  Empire.  It  was  quite  impossible  for  the  French  and 
Flemings  to  succeed  where  they  had  failed. 

The  barrier  of  religion  would  have  kept  the  Latins  and 
Greeks  asunder,  even  if  differences  of  nationality  and  civilisation 

The  Greek    had   not  provcd   effective   causes   of  separation. 

revival.  Despite  the  rejoicings  of  Innocent  iii..  Orthodox 
and  Catholic  were  more  divided  than  ever,  when  the  Filioque 
was  chanted  by  azymites  in  the  choir  of  St.  Sophia,  and 
beardless  Latins,  who  regarded  the  Pope  as  the  source  of  all 
ecclesiastical  power,  took  into  their  hands  every  Church 
dignity  and  possession,  and  branded  their  rightful  ow^ners  as 
schismatics.  Orthodoxy  and  the  pressure  of  the  Latin 
invaders  united  Greek  national  feeling  as  it  had  never  been 
united  before.  In  the  mountains  of  Albania  and  Epirus, 
the  bolder  Greeks  fled  from  the  yoke  of  the  conqueror,  and 
maintained  their  independence  against  any  force  that  the 
I^atins  could  bring  to  bear  against  them.     A  bastard  of  the 


The  Latin  Empire  in  the  East  351 

house  of  Angelus  became  Despot  of  Epirus.  Even  in  Thrace 
and  in  the  Peloponnesus  there  were  independent  Greek  States. 
Into  Asia  the  Crusaders  hardly  penetrated  at  all.  Two  brothers 
of  the  house  of  Comnenus  estabhshed  the  independence  of  dis- 
tant Trebizond,  and  dignified  themselves,  like  Isaac  in  Cyprus, 
with  the  title  of  Emperor.  Theodore  Lascaris,  Theodore  i. 
a  brave  soldier  who  escaped  from  the  sack  of  Lascaris, 
Constantinople,  proclaimed  himself  Emperor  at  *^°''"^*- 
Nicaea,  and  ruled  over  the  western  parts  of  Asia  Minor.  It 
was  well  for  Greeks  and  Latins  alike  that  the  dissension  and 
decay  of  the  Seljukians  of  Roum,  and  the  pressure  of  Tartar 
invasion,  deprived  Islam  of  its  power  of  aggression.  In  Europe 
the  Wallachio-Bulgarian  kingdom  easily  maintained  its  inde- 
pendence and  enlarged  its  boundaries  at  the  expense  of  the 
crusading  state.  Nothing  but  the  secure  possession  of  the 
great  military  position  of  Constantinople,  and  the  command 
of  the  sea,  which  the  Venetian  galleys  still  kept  open  for  them, 
allowed  the  Latin  Empire  to  keep  up  a  feeble  existence  for 
nearly  sixty  years. 

From  the  very  beginning  the  Latin  settlers  had  to  contend 
against  dissension  within  and  invasion  from  without.  Boniface 
of  Thessalonica   married   the   widow    of  Isaac    „.    . 

/      11     -1     1  Rivalry  of 

Angelus,   Margaret  of  Hungary  (called   by  the    constanti- 
Greeks   Irene),  and   posed   as   an   independent    "fpieand 

,    ,  r    ,       ^        1  1      •  Thessalonica. 

prince  and  the  protector  of  the  Greek  population. 
He  refused   homage   to  the  Emperor,   and  war  broke   out 
between  the  Flemings  of  Constantinople  and  the  Lombards 
of  Thessalonica.      No   sooner   were   his   pretensions   rudely 
shattered  than  the  Emperor  was  called  away  to  meet  the 
danger   of  Bulgarian   invasion.     Johanitsa,  the   tsar  of  the 
Bulgarians,  turned  his  arms  against  the  Crusaders,  and  in- 
vaded Thrace.     In  April  1205,  a  decisive  battle  was  fought  at 
Adrianople,  when  the   simulated  flight  of  the  wild   Bulgar 
hordes  drew  the  chivalry  of  the  West  to  break  up   Baldwin  i., 
their  solid  ranks.      Thereupon    the    Bulgarians  ^»<mi205. 
rallied,  and  took  advantage  of  the  enemy's  disorder  to  inflict 


352  European  History,  918-1273 

on  them  a  complete  defeat.  Louis  of  Blois  was  among  the 
slain.  Baldwin  was  taken  prisoner  and  murdered.  The 
Marshal  of  Champagne,  and  Henry  of  Flanders,  Baldwin's 
brother,  almost  alone  survived  of  the  Latin  chieftains. 

Henry  of  Flanders  had  already  made  some  progress  in  the 
conquest  of  Greek  Asia,  when  the  news  of  the  Bulgarian  in- 

Henry,         vasion  Called  him  to  defend  his  brother's  throne. 

iao5-i2i6.  j^g  y^ras  now  recognised  as  Emperor.  He  was 
politic  as  well  as  brave,  and  the  Greeks  themselves  admitted 
that  he  *  treated  the  Romans  as  if  they  were  his  own  people.' 
But  he  could  neither  conquer  Asia,  defeat  the  Bulgarians,  nor 
even  permanently  conciliate  his  Greek  subjects;  though  his 
zeal  for  shielding  them  from  Catholic  persecution  drew  upon 
him  the  thunders  of  the  Vatican.  He  made  a  treaty  with 
Theodore  Lascaris,  which  gave  him  at  least  a  little  corner  of 
Asia.  He  was  the  strongest  of  the  Latin  Emperors.  But  he 
profited  by  the  even  greater  weakness  of  the  kingdom  of 
Thessalonica.  In  1207,  Boniface  of  Montferrat  perished,  like 
Baldwin,  at  the  hands  of  the  Bulgarians.  The  Despot  of  Epirus 
took  advantage  of  the  minority  of  his  infant  son,  Demetrius, 
to  extend  his  conquests.  The  Frankish  lords  of  the  kingdom 
called  in  the  Emperor  Henry,  who  found  some  consolation 
for  his  disappointments  in  the  North,  when  he  gave  the  law  to 
the  Peloponnesus  and  the  islands  in  a  great  Diet  held  in  12 10, 
compelled  the  regent  of  the  young  king  to  do  him  homage,  and 
received  the  submission  even  of  the  Venetian  lords  of  the  Archi- 
pelago, conferring  on  the  great  house  of  Sanudo  the  Duchy  of 
the  Archipelago  or  the  Cyclades.  Even  the  Despot  of  Epirus 
formally  acknowledged  his  sovereignty.  Henry  died  in  12 16, 
and  with  him  perished  the  best  hopes  of  the  Latins  in  Greece. 
Peter  of  Courtenay,  Count  of  Auxerre,  a  grandson  of 
Louis  VI.  of  France,  and  the  husband  of  lolande,  sister  of 
^^^       Baldwin  and  Henry,  was  now  chosen  Emperor. 

Courtenay,    He  was  in  Europe  at  the  time  of  his  election, 

1216-12x9.       gj^^  hastened  to  Constantinople  to  take  possession 
of  the  Empire.    He  rashly  chose  to  disembark  at  Durazzo,  and 


The  Latin  Empire  in  the  East  353 

follow  the  ancient  Via  Egnatia  over  the  hills  to  Macedonia 
and  Thrace.  When  amongst  the  mountains,  his  little  army 
was  overwhelmed  by  the  Despot  of  Epirus,  and  he  himself  was 
captured,  and  died  in  captivity.  His  wife,  who  had  more 
prudently  proceeded  to  Constantinople  by  sea,  now  acted  as 
regent  for  her  young  son  Robert,  the  next  Emperor. 

The  reign  of  Robert  of  Courtenay  marked  the  rapid  decline 
of  the  Eastern  Empire.     It  witnessed  the  complete  destruc- 
tion of  the  Kingdom  of  Thessalonica.     In  1223,    Robert, 
when  King   Demetrius   was  abroad,   seeking  in  "19-1228. 
vain  Western  help,  Theodore  Angelus  took  possession  of  his 
capital,   and    henceforth   ruled   without   a    rival    from    the 
Adriatic  to  the  ^Egean  ;  and,    like  the  lords  of  pau  of 
Nicaea  and   Trebizond,    assumed    the    pompous  Thessalonica, 
style     of    Emperor     of    the    Romans.        John  ^"^' 
Vatatzes,    the    successor    of  Theodore    Lascaris   at   Nicsea, 
renewed   the   war   with   the    Latins   of  Constantinople.     It 
seemed   almost  a  race   between  the  two   Theodores,   as   to 
which  should  first  drive  out  the  Latins.      The  domain  of 
Robert  was  reduced  to  Constantinople  and  its  suburbs.     He 
went  to  implore  help  from  the  West,  and  died  during  his 
journey  in  1228. 

Baldwin  11.  (i  228-1 261),  the  youngest  of  Peter  of  Cour- 
tenay's  sons,  a  boy  of  eleven,  was  now  proclaimed  Emperor. 
John  de  Brienne,  the  ex-king  of  Jerusalem  Baldwin  11., 
[see  chapter  xix.],  was  soon  called  in  to  hold  the  "28-1261. 
regency.  He  married  his  daughter  to  Baldwin,  was  crowned 
joint-Emperor,  and  saved  his  ward's  throne  from  the  Greeks 
and  Bulgarians.  On  John's  death  in  1237,  new  perils  beset  the 
young  Baldwin.  The  Latin  state  had  had  a  few  years  of 
breathing  time  through  the  rivalry  of  the  Angeli  of  Thes- 
salonica and  the  house  of  Ducas,  to  which,  after  the  death 
of  Theodore  Lascaris,  had   passed   the   Empire   ,,  . 

'  ^  ^  Union  of 

of  Nicaea.      John   iii.    Ducas   ended    the   strife  Thessalonica 
in  his  own  favour  by  the  conquest  of  Thessalonica  ^""^  Nicaea. 
in  1 241.     Henceforth,  the  Angeli  had  to  be  contented  with 

PERIOD  II.  z 


354  European  History,  <^\Z-\2'j}, 

the  title  of  Despot  of  Epirus,  and  were  confined  to  the  uplands 
of  the  west,  A  single  strong  Greek  power  now  threatened 
John  III  Constantinople,  both  from  the  side  of  Asia  and 
Ducas.  the  side  of  Europe.     Moreover,  John  in.  was  a 

1W2-1254.  competent  administrator,  a  good  warrior,  and  an 
able  financier.  Nothing  but  the  mighty  walls  of  Constan- 
tinople, which  the  Greeks  had  vainly  attempted  to  assault, 
and  the  Venetian  command  of  the  sea,  now  saved  the  Latin 
Empire  from  immediate  extinction.  Baldwin  11.  spent  most 
of  his  long  reign  in  the  vain  quest  of  Frankish  assistance. 
He  left  his  son  as  a  pledge  to  Western  bankers,  and  sold 
the  most  precious  relics  of  Constantinople  to  St.  Louis. 
He  had  to  sell  the  lead  of  his  palace-roof  to  buy  food,  and 
warm  himself  by  burning  the  wood  of  his  outhouses.  But 
the  death  of  John  in.  in  1254  prolonged  the  long  agony  of 
the  Latin  Empire.  Michael  Palaeologus,  an  ambitious  and 
unscrupulous  soldier,  became  regent  for  the  infant  grandson 
of  John  in.,  and  soon  associated  himself  with  his  ward  as 
Michael viii.  join'  rulet.  In  1259  Michael  was  crowned 
Palaeologus,  Empcror  at  Nicaea,  and  the  rights  of  his  little 
"59-"  •  colleague  were  soon  forgotten.  But  Michael  viii. 

showed  vigour  and  military  capacity  which  went  some  way  to 
justify  his  usurpation.  In  1261,  he  profited  by  the  absence 
Conquest  of  ®^  ^^  Venetian  fleet  to  make  a  sudden  attack  on 
constantin-  Constantinople.  The  unlucky  Baldwin  could 
ope, I  I.  Q0-gj.  j^Q  effective  resistance.  On  15th  August, 
Michael  entered  in  triumph  the  ancient  capital,  and  the 
Latin  Empire  perished,  unwept  and  unhonoured. 

The  Venetians,  alarmed  to  find  that  Michael  had  transferred 
their  privileges  to  their  Genoese  rivals,  joined  with  the  Franks 
of  the  Peloponnesus  in  raising  a  cry  for  a  Crusade 
Greek  against  the  victorious  Greeks,  which  was  further 

Empire,  preached  by  Pope  Urban  iv.     Charles  of  Anjou, 

who  became  King  of  Naples  and  Sicily  in  1265, 
was  willing,  and  seemed  eminently  fitted,  to  carry  out  the  old 
aggressive  policy  of  the  Guiscards.     But,  though  the  proposal 


The  Latin  Empire  in  the  East  355 

that  he  should  lead  a  new  Crusade  against  the  Orthodox 
frightened  Michael  into  insincere  proposals  to  buy  off  Western 
opposition  by  ending  the  Greek  schism,  his  submission  had 
no  permanent  result  when  the  fear  of  a  Crusade  was  removed. 
Michael  never  ruled  with  the  authority  of  the  Macedonians 
or  the  Comneni,  but  his  careful  measures  of  reforms,  and  his 
warlike  capacity,  started  the  Greek  Empire  on  the  last  stage  of 
its  career,  which  gave  it  nearly  two  centuries  more  of  existence 
before  it  succumbed  to  the  Ottoman  Turks. 

The  Latin  power  still  partly  continued  in  the  islands  and 
in  the  Peloponnesus.  Not  only  did  the  Venetians  retain 
their  grip  on  the  Archipelago  and  the  coast,  The  Latins  in 
but  the  proximity  of  the  sea  enabled  some  Peloponnesus, 
of  the  Franks  of  Southern  Greece  to  continue  to  rule  their 
principalities,  after  Baldwin  11.  had  been  driven  from  his  throne. 
They  had  as  their  code  of  law  the  Assizes  of  Romania,  a  free 
adaptation  of  the  famous  Assizes  of  Jerusalem.  They  even 
effected  some  sort  of  partial  amalgamation  with  their  native 
subjects.  Their  churches  and  fortresses  long  remained,  as  in 
Cyprus  and  Syria,  the  strongest  witnesses  of  their  power. 
It  was  not  till  13 10  that  the  Dukes  of  Athens,  of  the  house  of 
Brienne,  succumbed,  not  to  the  Greeks,  but  to  their  own 
Catalan  mercenaries.  The  Princes  of  Achaia  reigned  even 
longer.  The  Venetians  saved  both  the  Ionian  islands  and 
Crete  alike  from  the  Greeks  and  from  the  Turks.  To  the  end 
of  the  Middle  Ages,  titular  dukes,  princes,  and  emperors  of 
the  Eastern  world  kept  up  the  memory  of  one  of  the  strangest 
and  most  daring  of  Western  conquests,  but  one  which  was 
useless  to  the  West,  and  only  weakened  the  Christian  East, 
at  a  time  when  the  rise  of  the  Ottoman  Turks  required  every 
effort  to  be  made  to  stem  the  tide  of  that  barbarian  conquest 
which  was  soon  to  prove  fatal  to  Latin  and  Greek  alike. 


356 


European  History,  918-1273 


GENEALOGY  OF  THE  COMNENI  AND  ANGELI. 


ISAAC  I^ 
1057-1059. 


John. 


ALEXIUS  I. 
1081-1118, 
VI.  Irene. 


Anna, 
m.  Nicephorus  Uryenntus. 


Isaac, 

grandfather  of 

Isaac, 

Emperor  of 

Cyprus. 


I 
JOHN  II., 

1118-1143, 
m.  Irene  of 

Huneary. 


Isaac.        Theodora 


lNUI 


MANUEL  I., 

1143-1180, 
m.  X.  Bertha  of 
Sulzbaoli, 
a.  Mary  of 
Ancioch. 


Louis  vii. 
of  France. 


ALEXIUS  II.,  m.  i.  Agnes    tn.  2.  ANDRONICUS  I. 
1180-1183.  of  France.  1183-1185. 

Manuel. 

Alexius, 
founder  of  line 
of  Emperors  of 

Trebizond. 


Andkonicus. 


John. 

Theodore, 

Emperor  of 

Thessalonica, 

1314-1230. 


Michael, 

Despot  of  Epirus, 

founder  of  line 

of  Despots  of 

Epirus. 


ALEXIUS  III., 
1193-1203. 


ALEXIUS  IV., 
murdered 


ISAAC  II. 
1185-1195, 
1 303-1204. 

Irrnk^ 
m.  PhiUp 
of  Swabia. 


m.  I.  Margaret  m.  1.  Boniface  of  Montferral 


of 
Hungary. 


King  of  Thessalonica, 
J.  1207. 


Demetrius, 

King  of  Thessalonica, 

dep.  1333. 


The  Latin  Empire  in  the  East 


357 


GENEALOGY  OF  THE  LATIN  EMPERORS 
OF  CONSTANTINOPLE. 

Locis  VI.  of  France. 


Baldwin  viii.,  Count  of  Flanders. 

I 

"  I 


Peter, 
m.  heiress  of  Courtenay. 


BALDWIN  I.  HENRY,  Iolande  m.  PETER  of  Courtenay, 

(ix.  of  Flanders),  1206-1216.  1216-1217, 

1 204-1205.  ob.  1218. 


ROBERT, 
1218-1228. 


BALDWIN  II., 

1228-1261, 

ob.  1273, 

tit.  Mary,  daughter  of 

JOHN  OF  BRIENNE, 

Co-Emperor, 

1231-1337. 


CHAPTER    XVI 

FREDERICK  II.  AND  THE  PAPACY^  (l  2 1  6-1  250) 

Character  and  Policy  of  Frederick  11. — His  Work  in  Naples  and  Sicily — 
Frederick  and  Honorius  in. — The  Early  Struggles  of  Frederick  and 
Gregory  IX. — Frederick's  Crtisade  and  its  Consequences — Peace  of  San 
Germano — Germany  under  Frederick — St.  Engelbert  and  Henry  vii. — 
German  Civilisation  under  the  Later  Hohenstaufen— The  Eastward  Ex- 
pansion of  Germany — Livonia  and  Prussia— Frederick  and  the  Lombard 
League  — Battle  of  Cortenuova — Renewed  Struggle  with  Gregory  ix. — 
The  Tartars — Innocent  iv.  and  the  Council  of  Lyons— Henry  Raspe  and 
William  of  Holland  —  The  Italian  Struggle — Frederick's  Plans  for 
Ecclesiastical  Revolution — Frederick's  Death. 

Frederick  ii.  was  just  twenty  years  old  when  the  death  of 
Innocent  nTTallowed  him  to  govern  as  well  as  to  reign.  He  was 
Character  of  of  middle  height,  and  well  proportioned,  though 
Frederick  II.  becoming  somcwhat  corpulent  as  he  advanced  in 
age.  He  had  good  features  and  a  pleasant  appearance.  His 
light  hair,  like  that  of  his  father  and  grandfather,  inclined 

*  Huillard-Br^hoUes'  Historia  Diplomatica  Friderici  Secundi  contains  a 
magnificent  collection  of  Frederick's  acts,  and  a  whole  volume  of  intro- 
duction, which  is  the  best  general  commentary  on  his  reign.  The  same 
writer's  Pierre  de  la  Vi^e  should  also  be  studied.  T.  L.  Kington's 
History  of  Frederick  II.  (2  vols.)  is  a  sound  and  elaborate  English 
version  of  the  Emperor's  career.  For  Frederick's  religious  ideas,  see  also 
Gebhart's  Vltalie  Mystique.  There  is  a  good  essay  on  Frederick  11.  in 
Freeman's  Historical  Essays^  First  Series.  Freeman's  over-emphasis  of 
the  continuity  of  imperial  tradition  may  be  usefully  contrasted  with  the 
view  held  by  Mr.  E.  Jenks,  in  his  interesting  Law  and  Politics  in  the 
Middle  Ages,  'that  the  Frank  Empire  in  both  its  stages  was  a  sham 
Empire.'  The  magnificent  editions  of  the  registers  of  the  thirteenth 
century  Popes,  now  being  published,  mainly  by  the  French  school  at 
Rome,  will  afford  a  solid  basis  for  the  detailed  history  of  the  Papacy. 
8M 


Frederick  IT.  and  the  Papacy  359 

towards  redness,  but  he  ultimately  became  very  bald.  Despite 
his  troubled  childhood,  passed  in  solitude  and  gloom  at  the 
palace  of  Palermo,  he  had  been  carefully  educated.  He 
became  familiar  with  many  tongues,  and  versed  in  many 
literatures.  The  half-Greek,  half-Arabic  cultivation  of  Sicily 
had  thoroughly  permeated  a  spirit  in  which  keen  rationalism 
and  dreamy  mysticism  were  curiously  interwoven.  He  had  a 
true  mediaeval  love  for  dialectic.  He  delighted  in  geometry 
and  in  astronomy.  He  regulated  his  public  and  private  life 
by  the  predictions  of  his  astrologers,  among  whom  Michael 
Scot  held  the  first  place.  He  was  curious  in  natural  history, 
collecting  a  great  menagerie  of  strange  animals  and  studying 
their  habits  and  structure.  The  camels  and  dromedaries, 
employed  in  carrying  his  baggage  train,  excited  the  wonder 
of  the  Italians,  and  his  elephant,  a  present  from  the  Sultan  of 
Egypt,  was  almost  as  famous  as  the  elephant  of  Charlemagne. 
In  his  concern  for  his  own  health  he  busied  himself  with 
surgery  and  medicine,  while  his  care  for  his  animals  turned 
his  interests  towards  veterinary  science.  He  enjoyed  hunting 
and  hawking,  not  only  as  a  sportsman,  but  as  a  naturalist. 
He  wrote  a  treatise  on  falconry  that  attests  his  zoological 
and  anatomical  knowledge.  Yet  w^ith  all  his  love  of  fresh  air 
and  exercise,  he  was  a  valetudinarian  who  depended  upon  his 
physicians  almost  as  much  as  upon  his  astrologers,  regulating 
his  life  and  diet  very  carefully,  and  indulging  so  frequently 
in  baths  that  his  enemies  reproached  him  with  bathing  on 
Sundays. 

With  advancing  life  Frederick's  personal  habits  grew  more 
and  more  oriental.  He  secluded  his  wives  from  the  public 
gaze,  keeping  them  under  the  custody  of  eunuchs  after  the 
Eastern  fashion,  and  maintaining  at  Lucera  a  regular  harem 
of  concubines,  the  expenses  of  which  were  duly  entered  in 
the  public  accounts  of  the  realm.  Though  a  respectable 
strategist,  Frederick  was  no  warrior,  taking  small  delight  in 
feats  of  physical  skill,  and  having  little  of  the  rough  vigour 
and  determination  of  his  chivalrous  contemporaries.     But  he 


360  European  History,  9 1 8- 1 27 3 

was  a  subtle  and  almost  a  great  statesman,  who  sought  to  gain 
his  ends  by  craft,  duplicity,  and  dexterity.  Courteous,  polished, 
and  seductive  in  manner,  he  seemed  to  belong  to  a  different 
race  from  that  of  his  rude  Swabian  and  Norman  ancestors. 
His  many-sided  character,  so  full  of  contradictions,  has 
nothing  of  the  homogeneity  and  simplicity  of  the  warriors  and 
statesmen  of  the  Middle  Ages,  but  at  one  time  reflects  the 
astute  and  effeminate  oriental,  and  at  another  anticipates  the 
accomplished  and  brilliant  despots  of  the  Italian  Renascence. 
His  want  of  sympathy  for  the  ideals  of  his  time  comes  out 
strongly  in  his  dealings  with  the  Church.  He  was  believed 
to  have  ipibibed  from  his  Arab  and  Jewish  masters  an  utter 
scepticism  as  to  all  religion.  Moses,  Mohammed,  and  Christ, 
he  is  reported  to  have  said,  were  three  impostors  who  had 
deluded  the  world  in  turn ;  and  he  is  also  alleged  to  have 
maintained  that  the  soul  perished  with  the  body.  But  if 
Frederick  upheld  these  views  before  a  select  circle,  he  was 
careful  to  submit  himself  to  all  the  obligations  of  the  Church, 
and  to  prove  his  orthodoxy  not  only  by  the  most  formal  and 
positive  denials  of  these  charges,  but  also  by  a  most  sanguinary 
persecution  of  heresy. 

Frederick's  character  and  policy  can  best  be  studied  in  his 
favourite  Sicilian  and  South  Italian  homes.   <  Despite  the  pro- 
tection of  Innocent  in.,  he  had  had,  as  we  have 

Frederick's  ,  ,._.,..  ...  ,  . 

policy  in         secu,  the  greatest  difficulties  in  maintaining  his 
Naples  and     position  both  against  the  untamed  descendants  of 
^"  the  old  Arab  lords  of  Sicily,  and  against  the  fierce 

and  turbulent  feudal  aristocracy  that  had  come  in  with  the 
Normans._jf»rhe  first  years  after  Innocent's  death  were  taken 
up  with  renewed  struggles  against  the  Saracens  in  Sicily.  It 
was  not  till  after  an  almost  constant  fight  between  1 221-12 25 
that  Frederick  succeeded  in  entirely  effecting  their  subjection. 
He  then  strove  to  divide  his  Arab  subjects  by  transporting 
a  large  number  of  them  to  the  desolate  town  of  Lucera 
on  the  mainland.  The  ruined  city  was  rebuilt  on  a 
magnificent  scale  for  its  infidel  inhabitants.     Workers  in  steel 


Frederick  II.  and  the  Papacy  361 

and  weavers  of  silk  made  Lucera  wealthy  and  prosperous, 
and  the  grateful  Arabs  showed  unwavering  fidelity  to  their 
sympathetic  conqueror.  Frederick  frequently  visited  Lucera, 
where  he  delighted  to  live  the  very  life  of  his  oriental  subjects. 
Frederick  looked  upon  the  Arabs  as  most  kings  looked  on 
the  Jews.  They  were  his  personal  slaves  and  dependants, 
whom  he  protected  the  more  since,  besides  the  commercial 
gifts,  which  they  shared  with  the  Hebrews,  they  were  doughty 
warriors,  who  were  ever  willing  to  fight  for  him  in  his  Italian 
wars.  Moreover,  their  loyalty  was  superior  to  the  terrors  of  the 
papal  ban,  and  their  arms  proved  an  admirable  counterpoise 
to  the  fierce  Norman  aristocracy,  which,  allying  itself  with 
the  Papacy,  sought  to  break  down  the  fabric  of  centralisation 
which  the  Sicilian  kings  had  established  at  its  expense, 
and  which  Frederick  now  strove  to  elaborate  into  a  strong 
despotism.  The  constant  feudal  revolts  were  suppressed  with 
firm  deliberation  and  cold-blooded  cruelty.  Hardly  less  for- 
midable to  Frederick  than  the  feudalists  were  the  great  cities 
such  as  Messina,  Syracuse,  and  Catania,  whose  liberties  were 
also  menaced  by  a  policy  that  concentrated  all  power  in 
the  monarch,  and  whose  frequent  rebellions  were  another 
continued  source  of  trouble.  ,  The  same  firm  hand  that 
^  checked  the  nobles  ultimately  managed  to  triumph  over  the 
disaffection  of  the  citizens. ) 

Victorious  over  Sarac«is,  nobles,  and  townsmen  alike, 
Fredenck_§kilfully  played  off  ?Jne- class  or  race  against  the 
others,  and  banished  from  his  court  the  turbulent  leaders  of 
the  lay  and  spiritual  aristocracy.  With  the  help  of  a  handful 
of  faithful  prelates  and  barons,  and  of  a  wider  circle  of  lawyers, 
notaries,  and  royal  dependants,  Frederick  issued  a  series  of 
laws  for  the  government  of  Sicily  and  Naples  that  frankly 
strove  to  abolish  the  feudal  state  in  the  interests  of  autocracv. 
He  resumed  possession  of  the  estates  that  had  been  carved 
from  the^ToyaT^domain  in  the  days  of  confusion.  Like 
another  Henry  of  Anjou,  he  either  destroyed  the  unauthorised 
castles,  erected  by  the  feudal  lords,  or  at  least  garrisoned  them 


362  European  History,  918-1273 

with  royal  troops  under  trusty  commanders.  Private  wars 
were  forbidden  under  pain  of  death,  and  even  the  judicial 
duel  was  only  allowed  in  specified  cases  and  under  careful 
precautions.  Criminal  jurisdiction  was  withdrawn  from  the 
nobles'  courts  and  put  in  the  hands  of  royal  judges.  Frederick 
even  made  it  a  merit  that  he  suffered  the  feudal  tribunals  to 
continue  to  exercise  civil  justice.  The  towns  were  deprived  of 
the  right  of  choosing  their  magistrates,  and  put  under  the  rule 
of  royal  officials,  while  councils  of  notables,  chosen  by  the 
inhabitants,  gave  the  magistrates  some  insight  into  public 
opinion,  or  at  least  proved  a  convenient  channel  for  receiving 
the  royal  commands.  The  feudal  prelates  shared  in  the  ruin 
of  their  lay  colleagues,  and  every  churchman  was  forced  to 
pay^jaxes,  and  to  abandon  civil  office.  The  Church  courts 
saw  their  jurisdiction  limited  and  their  privileges  curtailed. 
The  further  growth  of  ecclesiastical  property  was  prevented  by 
a  severe  law  of  mortmain. 

A  great  administrative  system  grew  up  on  the  ruins  of 
seignorial,  ecclesiastical,  and  municipal  independence.  AH 
laws  emanated  directly  from  the  monarch.  The  Magna  Curia, 
sitting  at  Capua,  took  supreme  cognisance  of  all  judicial 
business,  while  the  Magna  Curia  Rationum  occupied  the 
position  of  the  Angevin  Exchequer.  Chamberlains  looked 
after  the  finance  and  the  administration  of  the  provinces, 
while  Justices,  strangers  to  the  districts  in  which  they  bore 
rule,  tried  criminals  and  upheld  peace  and  good  order.  Local 
bailiffs  cared  for  the  royal  interests  in  the  villages,  and  acted 
as  judges  in  the  first  instance,  while  the  Grand  Justiciar,  the 
head  of  the  Court  of  Capua,  made  yearly  perambulations  of 
the  provinces  to  control  the  local  machinery.  Representative 
General  Courts  anticipated  by  a  generation  or  more  the 
system  of  estates  of  Northern  Europe,  and  brought  the 
autocrat  in  touch  with  the  needs  of  the  chief  orders  of  the 
community. 

The  arts  and  sciences  flourished  at  the  court  of  the  brilliant 
and  enlightened  young  despot     In  1224  Frederick  estab- 


Frederick  II.  and  the  Papcuy  363 

lished  the  .University  of  Naples,  and  provided  it  with  everj 
faculty,  '  in  order  that  those  who  have  hunger  for  knowledge 
may  find  within  the  kingdom  the  food  for  which  they  are 
yearning,  and  may  not  be  forced  to  go  into  exile  and  beg  the 
bread  of  learning  in  strange  lands.'  It  was  the  first  university 
in  Europe  established  by  royal  charter,  and,  all  through  its" 
hfstory,  the  rigid  dependence  of  its  teachers  and  students  on 
the  State  deprived  it  of  that  freedom  which  was  necessary  to 
play  a  real  part  in  the  history  of  thought,  though  the  fostering 
care  of  its  master,  which  prohibited  his  subjects  from  studying 
elsewhere,  made  it  an  efficient  educational  instrument,  and  it 
had  the  honour  of  numbering  among  its  earliest  disciples 
Thomas  of  Aquino.  The  more  ancient  school  of  medicine 
at  Salerno  was  revived  through  Frederick's  bounty,  and  no  one 
was  allowed  to  practise  the  physician's  art  within  the  reahn  with- 
out the  licence  of  the  Salerno  doctors.  At  Frederick's  acces- 
sion, we  are  told,  there  were  few  men  of  letters  in  Sicily. 
His  largesse  soon  attracted  to  his  court  doctors  from  every 
part  of  the  world.  The  palace  itself  became  a  centre  of 
intellectual  activity.  Michael  Scot  translated  for  Frederick 
many  of  the  works  of  Aristotle.  The  famous  mathematician, 
Leonard  of  Pisa,  who  introduced  Arabic  numerals  and  Arabic 
algebra  into  the  West,  enjoyed  the  sovereign's  patronage. 
Learned  Jews  and  Arabs  were  as  sure  of  Frederick's  favour 
as  the  best  of  Catholics.  Nor  were  the  lighter  and  more 
elegant  arts  forgotten.  It  is  possible  that  Frederick  himself 
wrote  Latin  poetry.  It  is  certain  that  his  compositions  in  the 
vulgar  tongue  mark  the  starting-point  of  the  vernacular  litera- 
ture of  Italy,  and  for  the  first  time  gave  a  currency  among 
the  great  and  learned  to  the  songs  of  the  Sicilian  dialect  that 
had  hitherto  only  enjoyed  the  favour  of  the  poor  and  humble. 
Dante  regarded  Frederick  as  the  father  of  Italian  poetry,  and 
the  example  of  the  king  and  his  court  gave  such  vogue  to  the 
Sicilian  idiom  that  it  was  nearly  a  century  before  the  ver- 
nacular poets  forsook  it  for  the  Tuscan.  Frederick  also  loved 
the  poets  of  Provence,  even  if  he  did  not  also  write  verses  in 


3^4  European  History,  gi%-i27 1 

the  tongue  of  the  Troubadours.  He  also  favoured  the  speech 
of  Northern  France,  and  recognised  its  general  prevalence  as 
the  common  language  of  knights  and  soldiers.  His  ministers, 
headed  by  the  famous  Peter  della  Vigna,  emulated  his  activity, 
and  his  children,  especially  the  bastard  Manfred,  strove, 
amidst  great  difficulties,  to  continue  his  work.  Frederick 
loved  art  so  well  that  he  rifled  Ravenna  to  adorn  his  palace 
at  Palermo,  and  collected  jewels,  plate,  and  costly  furniture 
as  well  as  manuscripts.  He  was  a  great  builder,  and  his 
summer  palace  at  Foggia,  where  he  loved  to  dwell  by  reason 
of  its  proximity  to  the  great  forest  of  the  Incoronata,  which 
was  reserved  for  the  royal  hunting,  was,  with  the  still  existing 
castle  of  Castel  del  Monte,  a  striking  example  of  the  severe 
yet  elegant  style  which  he  had  adopted. 

The  successor  of  Innocent  in.  was  Honorius  in.,  a  member 

of  the  noble  Roman  house  of  Savelli.     He  was  a  gentle, 

.    .  .        earnest,  mild-mannered  man,  who  had  grown  grey 

Frederick  ,-ij-i  •  t      r  . 

and  Hono.  whilc  dischargmg  a  monotonous  round  of  financial 
rius  111.,        business  in  the  papal  Curia.     He  was  neither  a 

I2i6>i3a7. 

statesman  nor  a  zealot,  yet  he  was  a  high-minded 
and  religious  prelate,  and  intent  above  all  things  _u2on_  re- 
newing the  Crusades.  He  had  been  tutor  of  Frederick,  and 
wished  him  well.  But  though  Honorius'  conciliatory  temper 
gave  the  young  king  ample  opportunities  for  working  out 
his  Sicilian  policy,  there  were  grave  matters  outstanding  that 
could  not  but  give  rise  to  difficulties  between  the  Papacy  and 
its  former  ward,  Frederick  had  proinised  Innocent  in.  to 
prevent  the  permanent  unidiT'of  the  Empire  and  Sicily  by 
investing  his  young  son  Henry  with  his  Italian  kingdom,  to 
be  held  as  a  fief  of  the  Papacy.  He  had  also  pledged  himself 
to  embark  personally  upon  AjCrUfiaiJe.  As  success  strength- 
ened his  love  of  power  and  impatience  of  external  control, 
Frederick  became  unwilHng  to  fulfil  either  of  these  obligations. 
Honorius  urged  him  repeatedly  to  depart  for  the  East  to  uphold 
the  declining  cause  of  the  Cross.  Frederick  exhausted  his 
ingenuity  in  piling  up  excuses  for  delay,  and  the  meek  Pope  was 


Frederick  II.  and  the  Papacy  365 


content  to  accept  them.  /At  last,  in  April  1220,  Frederick 
allowed  his  son  Henry  to  be  elected  King  of  the  Romans, 
and  therefore  his  successor  in  the  Empire  as  well  as  in  Sicily. 
Tfiis  was  an  impudent  violation  of  his  pUghted  word  and  an 
open  cSRance  of  the  Pope.  He  had  the  effrontery  to  pre- 
tend to  Honorius  that  the  election  had  been  made  without 
his  knowledge,  and  in  September  he  returned  from  Germany 
to  Italy,  professing  the  utmost  deference  to  the  papal  authority, 
and  offering  a  settlement  of  the  long-outstanding  dispute 
about  the  inheritance  of  the  Countess  Matilda.  He  was 
now  profuse  in  promises  to  the  Pope  and  clergy.  ^In_ 
November  1220  the  long-suffering  Honorius  crowned  him 
Emperor  at  Rome.  The_£ope,  moreover,  allowed  him  to 
keep  Sicily  for  his  lifetime,  on  condition  that  he  maintained 
therein  a  separate  administration  from  that  of  the  Empire.  In 
return  for  all  this,  Frederick  again  solemnly  took  the  Cross, 
and-lavished  concessions  on  the  Church.  He  annulled  all 
laws  hostile  to  the  privileges  of  the  clergy.  He  declared  the 
Church  ejcempt  from  all  taxes,  and  conferred  on  all  ecclesi- 
astical persons  absolute  immunity  from  lay  jurisdiction.  He 
sacrificed  the  rights  of  the  municipalities  in  favour  of  the 
prelates,  and  he  promised  to  lend  the  whole  force  of 
the  secular  power  to  supplement  the  Church's  efforts  for 
the  extirpation  of  heresy.  /  If  he  hoped  to  shift  on  the 
towns  and  the  heretics  som^  of  the  worst  disabilities  that  he 
had  imposed  upon  himself,  he  had  nevertheless  seriously 
limited  his  authority  and  hampered  his  Sicilian  policy.  It 
was  not  sound  statecraft  that  promised  freely  in  the  hope  of 
being  able  to  repudiate  the  concession  when  he  had  obtained 
the  end  for  which  he  affected  to  pay  the  price. \ 

Frederick  seemed  at  first  in  earnest  about  the  Crusade, 
but  he  again  piled  up~delay  upon~delay.  rinTsn  Damiena" 
was  lost  to  the  Christians  (see  chapter  xix.),  and  the  Pope,  who 
felt  that  Frederick  was  responsible  for  this  severe  blow,  mildly 
threatened  him  with  excommunication ;  but  Frederick  soon 
talked  him  over,  and  it  was  agreed  to  postpone  his  Crusade 


366  European  History,  918-1273 

until  1225.  Though  that  term  soon  passed  away,  Frederick 
now  contracted  his  second  marriage,  with  lolande  or  Isabella, 
daughter  of  John  de  Brienne,  and  the  heiress  of  the  kingdom 
of  Jerusalem.  This  match  gave  him  a  new  and  a  more 
personal  motive  to  undertake  the  promised  adventure.  Mean- 
while papal  legates  had  stirred  up  Germany  with  some 
purpose,  and  Hermann  of  Salza,  Grand  Master  of  the  Teutonic 
Order,  won  over  many  of  the  princes.  The  eager  Pope  at 
last  thought  that  Europe  was  again  on  the  verge  of  making  a 
real  effort  to  redeem  the  recent  failures.  But  the  organisa- 
tion of  Sicily  lay  nearer  the  Emperor's  heart  than  the  delivery 
of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  from  the  infidel.  ,-  The  establishment 
of  the  Saracens  at  Lucera  was  a  curious  comment  on  his 
crusading  zeal,  and  directly  threatened  the  neighbouring 
papal  territories  with  infidel  invasion  at  the  very  moment 
when  Frederick  was  calling  on  the  inhabitants  of  Spoleto,  a 
fief  of  the  Holy  See,  to  render  him  military  service.  The 
new  laws  promulgated  for  his  Southern  dominions  afflicted 
the  clergy  with  severe  disabilities,  and  gave  the  lie  direct  to 
the  promises  made  after  Frederick's  coronation.  Moreover, 
iiUi^2  26  Frederick  held-a-grcat  diet  at  Cremona,  where  he 
renewed^THe  ancient  imperial  claims  over  Lombardy.  In 
their  alarm  the  Lombard  cities  renewed  their  league,  and 
blocked  the  roads  by  which  the  imperial  troops  could  cross 
over  the  Alps  from  Germany.  Frederick  put  the  guilty  cities 
under  the  imperial  ban,  ar^d  a  German  prelate  declared  an 
interdict  over  their  lands.  (^Honorius  at  last  lost  ail  patience. 
He  pronounced  the  interaicfinvalid,  and  prepared  to  renew 
the  ancient  league  between  the  Papacy  and  the  Lombard 
cities.  Despite  the  incredible  forbearance  of  the  Pope,  the 
lying  and  chicanery  of  the  Emperor  had  wantonly  provoked  a 
rupture.  The  death  of  Honorius  in  March  1227  precipitatetl 
the  inevitable  renewal  of  the  old  contest  of  Papacy  and 
Empire.  ^ 

The  next  Pope  was  Ugolino,  cardinal  bishop  of  Ostia.  a 
kinsman  of  Innocent  iii.,  a  man  of  the  highest  character,  aud 


Frederick  II.  and  the  Papacy  3^ 

an  ardent  upholder  of  the  great  Pope's  ideas.    He  had  long 
been  known  as  the  special  patron  of  St.  Francis  and  St.  Do- 
minic (see  chapter  xviii.),  and  the  most  strenuous  The  first 
foe  of  all  sorts  of  heretics.     Gregory  ix.  (thisjyas  blt^e^en 
the  name  he  assumed)  was  already  a  very  old  man.   Frederick 
But  the  fire  of  youthful  enthusiasm  still  glowed  Gregory  ix 
within  him,  and  his  strong  will  and  restless  energy   1227-1230. 
at  once  brushed  aside  the  specious  excuses  that  had  so  long 
deceived  his  predecessor.     For  the  moment  it  seemed  asJL,_ 
Frederick  was  at  last  in  earnest-;;for-^Tfie''Cn^ade.     Bands 
of  German,  Italian,  and  French  warriors  gathered  together  in 
Apulia  during  the  summer,  and  on  8th  September  Frederick  ^ 
himself  took  ship  at  Brindjsi  for  the  Holy  Land.     But  pesti- .. 
lence  had  already  decimated  the  crusading  army,  and  after  a 
few"days  Frederick  put  back  at  Otranto,  allegfng  that  a  sharp 
attack  of  fever  had  necessitated  his  return.     The  Emperor 
soon  recovered,  but  the  Landgrave  of  Thuringia,  the  com- 
mander of  his  army,  now  died,  and  many  of  the  survivors 
of  the  expedition   went   back  to  their  homes.     Frederick's 
excuses  availed  him- little  with^regory  ix.     On  TgtlTSep- 
tember  the  Pope  pronounced  him  excoinmunicatg,  and  laid" 
under  interdict  every  spot  wherein  he  might  chance  to  tarry. 
This  was  the  signal  for  a  violent  renewal  of  the  ancient  strife 

between Papacy _ and   Empire..     Gregory   denounced    the 

Emperor  in  threatening  manifestos,  and  swarms  of  Mendicant 
Friars  wandered  throughout  Italy,  seeking  to  turn  Frederick's 
subjects  from  their  allegiance  to  the  forsworn,  grasping,  and 
profligate  Emperor.  Frederick  did  not  shrink  from  the  con- 
flict '  No  Roman  Emperor,'  he  declared,  *  has  ever  been  so 
badly  treated  by  a  Pope.  The  Roman  Church  is  so  swollen 
with  avarice  that  the  goods  of  the  Church  will  not  suffice  to 
satisfy  it,  and  it  is  not  ashamed  to  disinherit  and  make  tribu- 
tary emperors,  kings  and  princes.*  For  the  moment  Frederick 
was  in  the  stronger  position.  The  Pope's  emissaries  failed 
to  turn  either  Italy  or  Germany  from  its  allegiance.  The 
partisans_o£jthe^  Emperor    stirred    up  a  tumult  in  Rom^ 


368  European  History,  918-1273 

and  at  Easter  1228  Gregory  was  forced  to  take  flight  to 
Yrterbo.     -  ~" 

/  In  June  Frederick  again  took  ship  at  Brindisi,  and  landed 
ih  September  in  Acre.  His  wife,  Isabella  of  Brienne,  died 
^    ^    .  , ,       before  his  embarkation,  on  the  birth  of  their  son 

Frederick  8  ' 

Crusade,  Conrad,  but  Frederick  still  claimed  the  crown  of 
1228-1229.  Jerusalem.  Gregory  now  forbade  the  excommuni- 
cate Emperor  from_presumptuously  undertaking  the  holy 
v.-ork,  and  commanded  the  faithful  to  withdraw  from  his 
armies.  As  Frederick  still  persisted,  the  sentence  of  excom- 
munication passed  because  of  his  refusal  to  become  a  Crusader 
was  renewed  because  he  went  to  the  Holy  Land  without  recon- 
ciling himself  to  the  Church.  The  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem  and 
the  Orders  of  the  Temple  and  the  Hospital  obeyed  the  papal 
command.  But  the  rash  violence  of  the  Pope  overreached 
itself,  and  many  Crusaders,  conspicuous  among  whom  was  the 
young  Teutonic  Order  and  its  famous  master,  Hermann  of 
Salza,  did  not  scruple  to  follow  Frederick  to  battle.  Public 
opinion  blamed  the  Pbpelor  his  rigour,  and  a  contemporary 
said  that  Frederick  was  the  victim  of  Gregory,  as  Christ  was 
the  victim  of  Caiaphas.  Though  not  unprepared  for  battle, 
Frederick  trusted  more  to  negotiation  than  to  his  arms. 
Long  before  his  departure  for  Palestine,  he  had  been  con- 
ducting friendly  negotiations  with  El-Kamil,  the  Sultan  of 
Egypt.  In  February  1229  he  concluded  a  ten  years'  truce 
with  the  Sultan,  by  which  Bethlehem,  Nazareth,  and  Jeru- 
salem were  restored  to  the  Christians,  on  condition  only  that 
the  Mosque  of  Omar  remained  in  Saracen  hands.  On  Mid- 
Lent  Sunday  Frederick  took  the  crown  of  Jerusalem  from  the 
high  altar  of  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  and  placed  it 
on  his  own  head.  But  the  Patriarch  cast  an  interdict  over 
the  Holy  Places,  and  no  priest  could  be  found  to  hallow  the 
coronation  by  celebrating  the  offices  of  the  Church.  Frederick 
gave  fresh  cause  for  scandal  by  visiting  the  Mosque  of  Omar. 
He  soon  returned  to  Acre,  and  in  June  was  back  in  Italy. 
Despite  the  thunders  of  the  Church,   the  excommunicate 


Frederick  II.  and  the  Papacy  369 

Emperor  had  done  more  for  the  Christian  cause  than  a 
generation  of  orthodox  pilgrims.  Hermann  of  Salza  declared 
wTUT  good  reason  that  Frederick  could  have  obtained  still 
better  terms  for  the  Christians  had  it  not  been  for  the 
hostility  of  Pope  and  clergy. 

During  Frederick's  absence,  Gregory  had  devastated  Apulia 
with  fire  and  sword.  His  dead  wife's  father,  John  de  Brienne, 
the  ex-king  of  Jerusalem,  acted  as  captain  of  the  papal  mer- 
cenaries against  him.  On  Frederick's  sudden  reappearance, 
the  papal  troops  were  driven  over  the  frontier  and  the  Patrimony 
of  St.  Peter  itself  threatened  by  the  victorious  Emperor. 
Gregory  found  that  his  rashness  had  brought  him  into  an 
impossible  position,  and  was  glad  to  accept  the  mediation 
which  Hermann  of  Salza  and  Duke  Leopold  of  Austria  now 
proffered.  On  July  23,  1230,  peace  was  made  The  Peace 
between  Pope  and  Emperor  at  San  Germano.  ofSanCer- 
In  return  for  a  promise  to  protect  the  Pope's  ™^°°'  "3*-' 
doiniriions  and  a  confirmation  of  the  papal  rights  over  Sicily, 
Frederick  was  released  from  his  excomrnunication.  Soon 
after.  Pope  and  Emperor  met  at  Anagni  with  Hermann  of 
Salza  as  the  only  witness  of  their  conference.  'The  Pope,' 
wrote  Frederick, '  has  opened  to  me  his  heart,  and  has  calmed 
my  spirit.  I  will  remember  the  past  no  longer.'  'The 
Emperor,'  wrote  Gregory,  '  has  come  to  seek  me  with  the  zeal 
of  a  devoted  son,  and  has  shown  to  me  that  he  is  ready  to 
accomplish  all  my  desires.'  Yet,  despite  these  mutual  protes- 
tations, the  Treaty  of  San  Germano  so  little  went  to  the  root  of 
the  matter  thaTTl  was  little  more  than  a  hollow  truce.  Both 
sides  still  watched  each  other  with  jealous  suspicion.  How- 
ever, the  truce  was  kept  for  several  years,  since  neither  Pope 
nor  Emperor  was  ready  to  strike  the  decisive  blow  for  power. 

Frederick  devoted  the  period  succeeding  theTreatyjofLSan 
Germano  to  the  building  up  of  his  Southern  despotism.  His 
policy  now  became  more  exclusively  Italian.  With  the  hope 
of  getting  help  from  the  German  princes  in  carrying  out  his 
Southern  schemes,  he  recklessly  played  into  their  hands,  and 

PERIOD  II.  2  A 


370  European  History,  918  1273 

wantonly  destroyed  the  well-ordered  authority  over  his  Northern 
kingdom  that  he  had  inherited  from  his  father  and  grand- 
contrast  father.  His  German  and  Sicilian  policies  stand  in 
between  the  Strongest  contrast.  While  he  trampled  down 
Italian  and  ^  feudal  Communities  in  the  Norman  kingdom 
German  jn  favour  of  a  centralised  bureaucracy  dependent 

'"'  '^^*  upon  himself,  he  threw  to  the  winds  every  mon- 

archical and  national  tradition  in  Germany.  There  was  some- 
thing of  the  wilfulness  that  is  so  characteristic  of  him  in  this 
strangely  twofold  and  contradictory  action.  It  strikes  at  the 
very  root  of  Frederick's  claims  to  the  higher  statesmanship. 
Their  only  reconciliation  is  the  fact  that  the  Emperor's  policy 
was  but  the  policy  of  the  moment.  So  long  as  he  could  crush 
his  papal  enemy,  he  was  utterly  careless  of  the  general  tendency 
of  his  work.  The  ruin  of  the  Hohenstaufen  was-  already  pre- 
pared for  when  Frederick  bartered  his  German  kingship  for  an 
immediate  triumph  over  his  hated  foe.  It  was  all  the  more 
certain,  since  the  elaborate  edifice  that  he  imagined  he  was 
building  up  in  Italy  was  but  a  house  erected  on  the  sand. 

The  long  civil  war  between  Frederick  and  Otto  of  Saxony 

had  done^much  to  shake  the  authority  of  the  German  king 

and  stimulate  the  development  of  the  feudal  prin- 

Government       .    ,  •  .   ,  ^  ,    ,      .  , 

of  St.  Engei-  ciple.  A  partial  recovery  was  ertected  during  the 
bert,  years  succeeding  the  collapse  of  the  Guelf,  when 

1330-1335.  ^^^  ^.^^  ^j^  ^^  Engelbert,  archbishop  of  Cologne, 
contributed  powerfully  towards  restoring  the  prestige  of  the 
absentee  sovereign.  Like  Barbarossa,  Frederick  sought  to 
rule  by  means  of  the  German  episcopate,  but  the  bishops  of 
his  time  were  no  longer  in  the  commanding  position  which 
the  warlike  prelates  of  the  twelfth  century  had  held.  The 
episcopal  towns  which  they  had  once  ruled  through  their 
officials  had  become  great  centres  of  commerce  and  wealth, 
and  were  rapidly  advancing  on  the  road  to  autonomy.  The 
lay  princes  were  more  independent,  and  even  the  viinisteriahs, 
who  had  played  so  decisive  a  part  in  earlier  struggles,  were 
attaining  an  independent  and  permanent  position  of  their  own 


Frederick  II.  and  the  Papacy  37 1 

as  a  lower  aristocracy  whose  imperial  offices  were  becoming 

hereditary  fiefs.     There  was  not  time  enough  for  Engelbert's 

attempts  at  reformation  to  succeed.     It  was  not  until  1219 

that  the  last  partisans  of  the  Guelfs  tendered  their  submission. 

But  even  before  that,  in  1216,  Frederick  had  CQnferred  on  his 

four=year-old  son  Henry  the  duchy  of  Swabia,  and  in   1220 

heTiad  procured,  as  we  have  seen,  his_electioij,  as  King  of  the 

Romans.     He  smoothed  the  way  to  this  by  a  formal  alliance 

with  the  ecclesiastical  princes,  conferring  upon  them  a  series  of 

privileges  that  extended  to  them  complete  jurisdiction  over 

their  fiefs.^     In  1222  Henry  was  crowned  king  at  Aachen  by 

Engelbert,  who  '  cherished  him  as  a  son  and  honoured  him  as 

a  maslerT    Henceforth  the  administration  was  carried  on  in 

the  name  of  the  young  king, 

Engelbert  watched  with  a  jealous  eye  the  power  of  Valde- 

mar  11.  of  Denmark,  who  had  been  allowed  by  Frederick  to 

retain  possession  of  Nordalbingia  and  the  extensive  German 

districts  which  he  had  occupied,  when  fighting  as  a  partisan 

of  Otto  IV.   .  But  the  German  lords  of  the  conquered  districts 

were  averse  to  foreign  domination,  and,  headed  by  Count 

Henry  of  Schwerin,  sought  to  restore  their  estates  to  their 

fatherland.    In  1223  Henry  of  Schwerin  had  the 

good  luck  to  take  the  King  of  Denmark  prisoner,  vaidemar  of 

and  in  i22(;  Vaidemar  only  obtained  his  release  Denmark,  1223. 

.  1227 

at  the  price  of  renouncing  Schwerm,  Holstein,  and 

his  other  German  acquisitions.  Afterwards  Vaidemar  sought 
to  regain  his  losses,  but  in  1227  he  was  defeated  at  the  bloody 
battle  of  Bernhoved  in  Holstein,  and  was  glad  to  renew  the 
conditions  which  he  had  accepted  two  years  before.  Hence- 
forth the  Danes  were  confined  to  their  own  territories,  and  the 
chief  hindrance  was  removed  to  the  expansion  of  the  German 
power  in  the  Baltic  lands. 

Engelbert's  war  against  Denmark  was  the  greatest  evidence 
of  his  energy  and  success.     Before  the  struggle  was  over  he 

^  It  is  printed  in  Altmann   and  Beraheim,  Ausgewahlte  UrkutuUn, 
pp.  18-20. 


372  European  History ^  918-1273 

was  assassinated  in  1225  by  a  band  of  robber  knights,  wlio 
resented  his  strenuous  maintenance  of  public  order.  The 
Church  honoured  him  as  a  martyr,  and  he  was  soon  added 
to  the  catalogue  of  saints.  He  left  no  competent  successor, 
and  the  land  fell  into  such  anarchy  that  a  chroni- 

HenryVII.,  ,    •       i     ,         ^  i      ,    i 

King  of  the       clcr  complameu  that  Germany  had  become  as 

Romans,  1223-  jj^^j  ^s  Israel  under  the  Judges,  when  there  was 
1235.  ,  . 

no  kmg,  and  every  man  did  what  was  right  m 

his  own  eyes.  The  young  Henry  vii. — so  Frederick's  son 
was  generally  called— attained  man's  estate  in  the  midst  of 
these  disturbances.  He  was  a  dissolute,  capricious,  feather- 
headed  youth,  quite  unable  to  uphold  order  or  frame  a  clear 
and  consistent  policy.  Complaints  of  the  disorders  arising 
from  his  neglect  soon  crossed  the  Alps  to  his  father,  but 
Frederick's  exhortations  and  remonstrances  only  irritated  his 
son  against  him  without  turning  him  from  his  evil  ways. 
Before  long  the  growing  differences  between  Frederick  and 
Henry  added  a  new  element  of  difficulty  t6~the  Emperor's 
position.  The  King  of  the  Romans  sought,  so  far  asTi'e~could, 
to  maintain  a  diametrically  different  policy  from  that  approved 
of  by  the  Emperor.  The  last  generation  of  the  '  ministeriales,' 
utterly  alienated  from  his  father,  abetted  his  designs  and  gave 
them  some  coherence. 

In  1231  Frederick  forced  Henry  to  promulgate  at  Worms 
a  Statiitum  in  favorem  principum,  which  in  1232  he  personally 
confirmed  at  a  diet  at  Civitate  in  Friuli.^  It  was 
Privileges  to  the  elaboration  and  the  generalisation  of  his  alli- 
the  Princes,  ^nce  twclve  ycars  earlier  with  the  prelates.  '  Let 
every  prince,  declared  the  Emperor,  '  enjoy  in 
peace,  according  to  the  approved  custom  oT  his  land,  his  im- 
munities, jurisdictions,  counties  and  hundreds,  both  those  which 
belong  to  him  in  full  right,  and  those  which  have  been  granted 
out  ttHtim "in  fief.'  It  was  a  complete  recognition  of  the 
territorial  supremacy  of  the  great  nobles,  whether  church- 
men or  laymen.     No  new  castle  or  city  was  to  be  set  up 

'  Allmann  and  Bemheim,  Ausgewdhlte  Urkunden,  pp.  20-22. 


Frederick  II.  and  the  Papacy  373 

within  their  dominions,  even  by  the  Emperor.  The  hundreds 
men  \centumgrm}i{\  were  tc^ct  in  their  name,  and  no  new 
money  was  to  be  struck  in  any  prince's  land  that  could  reduce 
the  currency  of  his  local  mintage.  The  towns  and  the  lesser 
estates  were  to  be  depressed  in  their  favour.  The  cities  were 
not  to  exercise  jurisdiction  outside  the  circuit  of  their  walls, 
were  not  to  entertain  Pfahlbiirger,  or  harbour  fugitives  or  the 
vassals  of  any  prince.  It  was  a  complete  renunciation  of  the 
earlier  policy  of  the  Hohenstaufen.  But  thoughjdwerful  in 
securing  the  territorial  supremacy  of  the  princes,  Frederick's 
law  had  little  effect  in  checking  the  growth  of  municipal 
autonomy.  The  greater  cities  were,  already  getting  rid  of 
their  episcopal  or  baronial  lords,  and  Frederick  was  quite 
unable  to  check  the  flowing  tide. 

In  his  shiftless  way  Henry  tried  to  pose  asthe  champion 
of  the  towns  and  the  lesser  nobility,  that  was  gradually  evoli:. 
ing  out  of  the  ancient  official  class,  against  the  Persecution 
great  feudalists  whom  his  father  so  obstinately  of  Heresy, 
favoured.  Since  Frederick  wished  to  remain  for  the  moment 
on  good  terms  with  the  Church,  Henry  ostentatiously  took  up 
an  anti-clerical  attitude..  He  had  favoured  the  savage  perse- 
cutions of  heresy  which  Frederick  had  allowed  Franciscan  and 
Dominican  inquisitors  to  carry  out  in  Germany  as  well  as  in 
Italy  (see  also  chapter  xviii.).  Conspicuous  among  them  was  the 
Franciscan,  Conrad  of  Marburg,  who  wandered  *  preaching  and 
teaching' all  over  Germany  until  1233,  when  he  was  assassinated. 
Henry  now  sought  to  end  the  persecution  which  he  had  once 
favoured.  But  in  1234  a  regular  crusade  was  fought  against 
the  Stedinger  of  the  mouths  of  the  Weser,  who  had  refused 
to  pay  their  tithes.  They  were  easily  defeated,  and  those 
who  escaped  massacre  abandoned  their  homes  and  took  shelter 
in  Friesland. 

Henry's  relations-^itb  Fredefick  had  jQiig_been  strained. 
In  1232  he  visited  his  father  in  Friuli,  and  was  forced  to 
renew  his  oaths  of  obedience.  But  his  blunders  and  follies 
crowned  all  his  enterprises  with  failure,  and,  after  his  father 


374  European  History,  918-1273 

had  been  forced  to  disavow  all  responsibility  for  his  rash  deeds, 
the  young  king  strove  to  unite  the  towns  and  the  lesser 
Revolt  and  nobles  in  revolt  against  the  Emperor  (i  234).  In 
Ruin  of  Henry,  1 235  Frederick  was  compelled  to  appear  in  Ger- 
"^'  many,  where  he  easily  put  down  his  son's  rebellion. 

The  cities  adhered  for  the  most  part  to  the  Emperor,  and  the 
'  minis^nales  *  and '  te5f6f  nobles  were  not  strong  enough  to 
stand  alone.  On  the  advice  of  the  peace-loving  Hermann  of 
Salza,  the  young  king  made  his  submission  to  his  father. 
His  punishment  was  perpetual  imprisonment  in  Apulia.  In 
1242,  wearied  with  the  restraint,  he  rode  his  horse  over  a 
precipice,  and  perished. 

Never  was  Frederick's  power  so  strongly  manifested  as  during 
his  visit  to  Germany  in  1235.  In  the  summer  he  celebrated 
^^  T..      r       at  Worms  his  third  marriage,  with  Isabella  of 

The  Diet  of  — — —  **  ' 

Mainz  and  Engbnd,  the  sister  of  Henry  iii.,  and  soon 
the  English       afterwards^  TiSTd   a   numerously  attended    Diet 

marriage,  1235.  . 

at  Mainz,  where  he  published  a  series  of  famous 
constitutions,  in  some  of  which  he  sought  to  extend  to 
Germany  some  of  the  principles  that  had  for  so  long  in- 
spired his  Sicilian  policy.  He  established  a  court  justiciar 
\justiciarius  curice],  who  was  to  hold  sessions  of  his  court  on 
all  lawful  days,  hearing  all  causes  save  the  high  matters 
which  the  Emperor  reserved  for  himself.  This  class  included 
all  the  questions  of  dispute  that  might  arise  between  the 
great  vassals.  Frederick  strove  to  limit  private  war  to  cases 
where  justice  should  be  denied,  and  to  raise  up  beside  the 
courts  of  the  princes  the  imperial  court  which  he  had  thus 
reorganised.  But  at  the  same  time  he  renewed  the  former 
privileges  granted  to  the  princes,  and  thus  made  his  reforms  of 
no  effect.  The  feudal  magnates  were  still  to  exercise  every 
regalian  right,  the  bishops  were  still  to  keep  a  tight  hold 
over  their  see  towns,  and  the  free  municipalities  were  still  to 
renounce  the  protection  of  their  '  Pfahlburger,'  and  see  their 
independence  circumscribed  by  the  local  grandees.  Tlie 
lesser  nobility  soon  succumbed  before  these  blows,  and  the 


Frederick  11.  and  the  Papacy  375 

future  of  Germany  was  thus  intrusted  to  the  great  feudatories. 
A  good  illustration  of  this  is  the  circumstance  that  the  ancient 
power  of  electing  the  kings  passed  away  from  the  general 
assembly  of  the  barons  to  the  limited  circle  of  magnates,  who 
were  later  known  as  the  seven  electors.  In  the  same  con- 
ciliatory spirit,  those  who  had  a  hand  in  the  revolt  of  King 
Henry^irere"  fully  pardoned,  and  special  concessions  to  the 
more  powerful  princes  bound  them  individually  to  the  imperial 
cause.  Among  these  may  be  specially  mentioned  the  re 
cognition  of  Otto  of  Liineburg,  the  heir  of  the  Guelfs,  as  Duke 
of  the  new  duchy  of  Brunswick  (see  also  page  331).  Frederick's 
friendship  with  the  Guelfs,  following  closely  upon  his  alliance 
with  England,  clearly  marks  his  departure  from  his  ancestors' 
policy.  Even  the  towns  were  conciliated  by  the  renewal  of 
their  privileges.  Only  the  Duke  of  Austria,  the  brother-in-law 
of  Henry  vii.,  still  remained  unappeased.  He  was  proscribed 
in  the  diet  of  1236  and  his  territories  invaded.  But  the  Duke 
resisted  so  vigorously  that  Frederick,  who  had  before  this 
returned  to  Italy,  was  forced  once  more  to  cross  the  Alps. 
Early  in  1237  the  Emperor  entered  Vienna  in  triumph,  though 
even  after  this  the  stubborn  duke  held  his  own,  and  when 
peace  was  at  last  made  in  1239,  he  secured  the  full  restitution 
of  his  estates. 

Frederick  took  with  him  to  Vienna  Conrad,  his  son  by 
Isabella  of  Brienne,  then  a  boy  of  nine.  The  assembled 
princes  declared  that  the  little  Conrad  was  to  be 

Conrad, 

preferred  to  Henry,  as  David  had  been  put  in    King  of  the 

the  place  of  Saul.     He  was  elected  King  of  the   Romans, 

Romans,  and   on   Frederick's   speedy  return   to 

Italy,  the  government  of  Germany  was,  for  a  second  time, 

carried    on    in    the    name  of   a   boy-king.      The    troubles 

that   had   disturbed  the  reign  of  Henry  were  now  quickly 

renewed. 

Notwithstanding  the  rapid  diminution  of  the  royal  power, 
the  age  of  Frederick  11.  is  one  of  no  small  moment  in  the 
development  of  German  civilisation,  though  little  of  the  credit 


376  European  History ^  918-1273 

for  it  can  be  set  down  tO-the absentee  and  incurious  Emperor, 

But  in  truth  the  removal  of  the  imperial  authority  was  not 

all  loss.      It  had  never  been  sufficient  of  a  reality 

Gorman  r  n    ^ 

Civilisation  to  securc  for  all  Germany  permanent  peace,  and 
under  even  in  the  days  of  the   strongest  of  German 

Frederick  II.     ,  .  -,       r    \  •       /.        ,     ,  i-  ,  i 

kmgs  much  of  the  ment  of  upholding  order  and 
civilisation  had  belonged  to  the  local  potentates.  Their  com- 
plete recognition  and  the  full  legalisation  of  their  power  now 
substituted  a  large  number  of  small  local  centres  of  authority 
for  the  one  unifying  power  of  the  old  German  king.  German 
unity  suffered,  but  national  unity  was  a  far-oflF  ideal  in  Northern 
"Europe  in  the  thirteenth  century.  The  great  development  of 
trade,  wealth,  law,  literature,  and  civilisation  showed  that 
Germany  was  far  from  being  an  absolute  loser  by  the  change 
^_of  system.  Unluckily  the  power  of  these  lesser  rulers  did  not, 
as  in  France,  prepare  THe  way  for  a  strong  monarchy  when 
the  time  grew  ripe  for  a  single  government.  Germany  paid 
the  penalty  for  her  premature  unity  under  her  early  kings  by 
her  inability  to  set  up  a  national  authority  when  national  states 
became  possible. 

Despitfi_lhe-_hostility  of  emperor  and.  prinrfis,  thp  t/^aais 
more  than  held  their  own.     Great  changes  were  coming  over 

the  commercial  relations  of  Europe.     The  volume 

Commerce  ^ 

and  the  of  trade  was  much  greater,  and  now  flowed  in 

Towns.  channels   which    gave   Germany   a    larger   share 

of  the  world's  traffic.  The  rich  products  of  the  East  now 
came  from  Venice  over  the  Brenner,  and  either  went  down 
the  Lech  to  Augsburg  and  Niirnberg  or  descended  the  Rhine 
to  marts  like  Cologne,  where  the  traders  of  the  north  and 
south  met  together,  and  the  cloth  of  Flanders  or  the  wool  of 
England,  and  the  wood,  iron,  and  coarse  products  of  the 
Baltic  were  bartered  for  the  more  costly  articles  of  luxury 
that  had  come  over  the  Alps.  -^  Safe  behind  their  strong  walls, 
the  citizens  could  hold  their  oVn  against  prince  or  emperor, 
while  their  interest  in  the  maintenance  of  the  public  peace 
and  the  safety  of  the  roads  and  waterways  attracted  them  to 


Frederick  II.  and  the  Papacy  377 


ihe  side  of  any  powerful  and  peace-loving  ruler.  J  A  few  strong 
princes  could  keep  better  order  than  a  mass  of  robber-nobles 
levying  endless  tolls  and  exactions  on  all  goods  passing 
through  their  territories.  Even  before  the  fall  of  the  Hohen- 
staufen  the  towns  had  not  only  escaped  the  direct  rule  of  the 
Emperor,  but  had  gradually  withdrawn  themselves  from  the 
authority  of  the  neighbouring  lords.  The  extension  of  the 
German  race  and  power  to  the  East  opened  up  for  them  new 
avenues  for  trade. 

The  development  of  local  authorities  was  marked  by  the 
growth  of  local  codes  of  laws.  The  earliest  code  of  German 
customary  law,  the  Sachsenspiegel,  was  drawn  up 
before  the  fall  of  Henry  vii.,  and  prepared  the 
way  for  a  series  of  similar  collections  of  customs  in  the 
second  half  of  the  thirteenth  century.  The  towns  followed 
the  same  process,  and  it  became  the  ideal  of  each  community 
to  attain  the  laws  which  a  more  ancient  and  better  established 
community  already  enjoyed.  For  the  East  the  customs  of 
Magdeburg,  for  the  North  the  laws  of  Lubeck,  which  them- 
selves were  derived  from  those  of  Soest  in  Westphalia, 
became  the  model  on  which  the  newer  towns  based  their 
constitutions. 

Literature  followed  the  direction  of  politics  and  law.     The 
use  of  the  vernacular  tongue  spread  as,  side  by  side  with  the 
Latinised  culture  of  the  clergy  and  the  popular 
epics  that  had  flourished  at  least  since  Barbarossa's 
days,  the  lay  nobles  and  knights  developed  a  literary  medium 
of  their  own.     The,  early  part  of  the  thirteenth  century  was 
the  great  period  of  the  Minnesinger,  the  knightly 
poets  of  love,  whose   polished  and  spontaneous  singer 
lyrics,  inspired  by  the  Troubadours  of  the  Langue  ^"'^  t'^* 
d'oc,  celebrated  chivalrous  devotion  to  beauty  and 
romantic  affection  in  terms  that  showed  how  far  society  had 
outgrown  the  rudeness  of  the  Dark  Ages.     Side  by  side  with 
them  was  the  great  school  of  romancers,  influenced  by  North- 
French  models,  who  told  to  German  ears  the  romances  of 


378  European  History,  918-1273 

Charlemagne  and  Arthur.  Lyrists  Uke  the  Tyroler  Walter 
von  der  Vogelweide,  and  epic  poets  like  Wolfram  of  Eschen- 
bach  and  Gottfried  of  Strassburg,  found  their  best  welcome 
at  the  courts  of  the  more  cultured  princes,  such  as  Frederick 
of  Austria  and,  above  all,  Hermann  of  Thuringia,  whose 
castle  of  the  Wartburg,  dominating  his  town  of  Eisenach,  has 
an  almost  legendary  celebrity  in  their  history.  I^le_as  he 
was  in  their  land,  Frederick  himself/did  not  neglect  to  show 
his  favour  to  the  German  poets.  (But  the  fact  that  the  im- 
pulse that  inspired  so  much  of  their  work  came  from  France 
showed  that  the  Germany  of  the  later  Hohenstaufen  was  not 
only  losing  its  primacy  in  politics,  but  failed  even  to  gain 
the  headship  in  thought  and  art.^  The  German  builders  of 
Frederick's  age  continued  to  construct  their  churches  on 
Romanesque  lines,  and  the  'French  style'  of  Gothic  only 
came  in  very  slowly  and  partially.  The  fact  that  Germany  pos- 
sessed no  university  indicated  her  subordinate  position  in  the 
world  of  thought.  Though  one  of  the  strongest  of  the.  thir- 
teenth century  scholastics,  Albert  the  Great,  was  a  German, 
more  of  his  work  was  accomplished  at  Paris  than  at  Cologne. 
The  extension  of  German  influence  over  the  North  and 
East  showed  that  the  spirit  of  the  great  Saxon  and  Frankish 
TheExpan-  Empcrors  continued  to  inspire  the  Germans 
sionof  Qf    thg    thirteenth    century.      The    triumph    of 

Germany  in     _„,,  ,^,,  /.-r^  .,, 

the  North  St.  Engclbcrt  over  Valdemar  of  Denmark  had 
and  East.  restored  German  hegemony  over  the  Baltic  lands. 
From  it  followed  the  commercial  supremacy  of  Liibeck,  the 
domination  of  the  Margraves  of  Brandenburg  over  the 
Decay  of  Slavonic  Dukes  of  Pomerania,  and  the  extension 
the  Slavonic  of  German  influence  beyond  the  Oder.  The 
States.  ancient  strength  of  the  Polish  monarchy  declined, 

and  the  Russian  monarchy,  which  had  been  so  powerful 
under  Saint  Vladimir  and  laroslav  the  Great,  split  up  even 
more  hopelessly  than  the  more  western  Slavonic  state.  The 
only  strong  Slavonic  power  was  Bohemia,  which  all  through 
the  thirteenth  century  increased  greatly  in  importance  under 


Frederick  II.  and  the  Papacy  379 

Ottocar  f.  (i  197-1230),  Wenceslas  in.  (i 230-1 253),  and 
Ottocar  II.  (1253-1278).  But  the  Czech  monarchs  became 
so  powerfully  attracted  by  German  civilisation  that  they 
welcomed  German  merchants,  minstrels,  priests,  and  knights, 
and  were  soon  to  profit  by  the  growing  weakness  of  the 
German  power  to  put  themselves  among  the  mightiest  of 
Teutonic  states. 

The  decline  of  the  Slavonic  world  left  to  itself  the  hea- 
thenism of  the  East  Baltic  lands.  From  the  Gulf  of  Finland 
to  the  borders  of  Germany  the  savage  and  pagan  . 

Livonians,    Esthonians,    Lithuanians,   and   Prus-   nian  and 
sians  still  lived  their  old  fierce  lives,  and  it  was  Prussian 

Crusades. 

not  till  early  in  the  thirteenth  century  that  a  pious 
missionary,  named  Christian,  took  up  in  earnest  the  long- 
interrupted  work  of  St.  Adalbert,  and  became  the  first  bishop 
of  the  Prussians.  A  little  before  this  Alberl  of  1Buxh owHen, 
a  canon  of  Bremen,  set  up  the  bishopric  of  Riga,  which 
became  the  centre  of  missionary  effort  among  the  heathen 
of  Livonia.  The  result  was  that  Germany  had  the  credit 
of  bringing  religion  and  civilisation  to  the  race  that  had 
escaped  the  nearer  influence  of  Poles  and  Russians.  In 
1200  Bishop  Albert  of  Riga  established  the  order  of  Knights 
of  the  Sword,  a  military  brotherhood  of  the  crusading  type, 
specially  destined  to  subdue  the  heathens  of  the  Livonian 
lands.  More  than  twenty  years  later  the  Prussians  pressed 
Poland  so  severely  that  the  latter  country  had  to  call  in 
German  help.  The  Teutonic  Order,  engaged  for  The  Knights 
nearly  a  hundred  years  in  the  Holy  Land,  had  °^  *^^  Sword 

'.....  .  .        .  and  the 

never  obtamed  m  that  region  the  importance  or  Teutonic 
the  wealth  of  the  Temple  or  the  Hospital.  Her-  Knights, 
mann  of  Salza,  the  friend  of  Frederick  11.,  had  convinced 
himself  that  the  affairs  of  the  Christians  in  Syria  were 
desperate,  and  even  before  Frederick's  crusade  had  shown 
his  willingness  to  transfer  his  main  activity  against  the 
Prussians.  Frederick  11.  himself  confirmed  and  enlarged  the 
offers   of  the    Polish    duke,    and   from    1230    onwards    the 


jSo  European  History,  9 1 8- 1 273 

Teutonic  Knights  were  busily  engaged  waging  war  in 
Prussia.  Bit  by  bit  the  military  monks  overcame  the 
obstinate  resistance  of  the  heathen.  Even  more  arduous 
was  the  struggle  of  the  Knights  of  the  Sword  in  Livonia. 
But  in  both  lands  the  discipline  of  the  few  finally  prevailed 
over  the  disorderly  heroism  of  the  undisciplined  barbarians. 
The  two  orders  formed  a  close  alliance,  and  before  the  end  of 
the  century  Livonia,  Curland,  and  Prussia  were  altogether  in 
their  power,  leaving  Lithuania  alone  as  the  last  resting-place 
of  heathenism  in  Central  Europe.  Thus  was  effected  the  last 
great  expansion  of  Germany  to  the  east.  While  the  Knights 
of  the  Sword  remained  a  limited  conquering  class,  powerless 
to  prevent  the  continuance  of  the  native  idiom  and  manners 
of  their  newly  Christianised  subjects,  Prussia  gradually  became 
almost  as  much  Germanised  as  Pomcrania  or  Silesia.  German 
traders  followed  the  Teutonic  warriors,  and  in  both  lands  a 
German  burgher  class  supplemented  the  work  of  the  ruling 
aristocracy.  Even  in  Poland  German  towns_grew  up  every- 
where. The  Baltic  bade  fair  to  become  a  German  lake,  and 
the  Scandinavian  powers  shrank  back  into  insignificance  and 
isolation. 

While  the  German  race  was  working  its  way  to  fresh 
destinies  with  little  guidance  from  its  nominal  king,  ^red:. 
Breach  tno}^  himself  was  again  becoming  embroiled  in 

between         the  troublcs  of  Italian  and  ecclesiastical  politics. 

rnd*the  L^om-  ^^^^  ^"  ^^  Q"^^'  ^''"^s  *^^^  followed  the  Treaty  of 
bard  Cities,  Sau  Gcrmauo,  the  Lombard  cities  had  watched 
"■'^  with  alarm  the  despotic  and  anti-municipal  policy 

of  the  Emperor.  So  early  as  1232  delegates  from  Lombardy 
renewed  their  league,  which  was  soon  to  be  extended 
by  the  inclusion  of  the  chief  towns  of  Romagna  and  the 
March.  Other  leagues  grew  up  in  Tuscany  and  Umbria. 
Soon  Frederick's  suspicions  were  excited,  and  his  anger 
passed  all  bounds  when  the  North-Italian  cities  formed  a 
close  alliance  with  the  revolted  King  Henry,  who  founJ 
south  of  the  Alps  the  civic  support  that  he  had  sought  in 


Frederick  II.  and  the  Papacy  381 

vain  to  procure  in  Germany.  Frederick  at  once  strove  to  set 
up  some  power  antagonistic  to  the  League.  Faithful  in  North 
Italy  to  his  German  policy,  he  saw  in  the  feudal  aristocracy 
his  best  immediate  support.  Even  under  the  shadows  of  the 
Alps  the  Italian  barons  had  not  the  strength  and  commanding 
position  of  the  Teutonic  feudalists.  But  some  of  the  more 
capable  barons  were  able  to  extend  their  authority  by  exer- 
cising influence  over  the  cities,  and  chief  among  these  was  the 
ancient  house  of  Romano,  German  in  its  origin,  and  now 
represented  by  the  two  brothers  Eccelin  and  Alberic,  who 
had  established  themselves  in  Verona  and  Vicenza  respec- 
tively. It  was  upon  this  bastard  feudalism  of  Italy,  that 
owed  half  its  importance  to  its  capacity  for  establishing  civic 
tyranny,  that  Frederick  henceforth  chiefly  relied.  It  was  a 
policy  even  more  fatal  to  him  than  his  alliance  with  the 
princes  in  Germany.  But  for  the  moment  it  attained  an  equal 
success.  After  all,  feudal^uffians  like  Eccelin  were  better 
figMers  than  the  ill-trained  militia  of  the  Lombard  cities. 

In  1236  Frederick  was  back  in  Italy,  and  found  a  ready 
welcome  from  Eccelin  da  Romano,  who  now  aspired  to 
appropriate  the  whole  region  between  the  Alps  and  the 
Adige,  and  soon  made  himself  lord  of  Padua  and  Treviso. 
Recalled  over  the  mountains  by  the  Austrian  troubles, 
Frederick  again  appeared  in  Italy  in  1237.  But  a  small 
portion  of  his  army  came  from  Germany.  He  relied 
for  the  most  part  on  the  Ghibelline  barons  of  Italy,  on 
Eccelin  and  his  following,  and  on  his  trusty  Saracens 
from  Lucera.  The  Lombard  League  sought  in  vain  to  with- 
stand his  progress.  Frederick's  clever  strategy  soon  out- 
generalTed  the  civic  host,  and  on  27th  November 

111  /•     .       T  •         „       Battle  of 

1237  the  whole  army  of  the  League  was  signally  cortenuova, 
defeated  at  Cortenuova,  half-way  between  Brescia  ^^th  Nov. 
and  Milan.     Taken^at  a  disadvantage,  the  valour 
of  the  "citizens   was   powerless   to   withstand   the   skill  and 
discipline  of  the  imperial  army.     The  Milanese  abandoned 
their  carroccio  in  their  flight,  and  their  Podest^  the  Venetian 


382  European  History,  918-1273 

Tiepolo,  fell  into  the  victor's  hands.  Frederick  celebrated  his 
success  by  a  sort  of  Roman  triumph  through  the  streets  of 
Cremona,  where  his  famous  elephant,  with  its  Saracen  drivers 
on  its  back,  dragged  the  captured  carroccio  of  Milan  through 
the  town,  with  the  Podest^  Tiepolo  tightly  bound  to  its 
standard-pole.  Soon  after^  Frederick  married  his  daughter  to 
Eccelin,  and  granted  the  dominion  of  Sardinia  to  his  bastard 
son  Enzio,  who  had  wedded  the  heiress  of  the  island.  The 
majority  of  the  cities  desisted  from  the  hopeless  struggle 
and  made  peace  with  the  victor.  Only  a  few  irreconcilable 
Guelfic  strongholds,  including  Milan,  Alessandria,  Brescia, 
Piacenza,  and  Bologna,  persisted  in  withstanding  the  Emperor. 
They  could  again  hope  for  the  support  of  the  Pope,  who  now 
thought  the  time  was  ripe  for  breaking  with  the  Emperor. 
/  During  the  years  of  peace  Gregory  ix.  had  busied 
himself    with    the    suppression    of   heresy,  the  organisation 

of  the  Inquisition,  the  encouragement  of  the 
as  legislator  ucw  ordcrs  of  Mendicant  Friars  [see  Chapter 
and  religious  xviii.],  the  rekindling   of  the  religious   zeal   of 

(Europe,  and  his  great  work  of  ecclesiastical 
legislationJ  In  his  war  against  the  heretics  he  had,  as  we 
have  seen,' the  Emperor  no  less  than  the  Mendicants  as  his 
allies.  He  firmly  identified  the  Papacy  with  the  new  religious 
movement  when  he  canonised  Francis  and  Dominic  and  the 
Emperor's  kinswoman,  St.  Elizabeth  of  Thuringia,  the  devoted 
disciple  of  Conrad  of  Marburg.  With  the  help  of  his  peni- 
tentiary, Raymond  of  Pennaforte,  he  collected  the  consti- 
tutions and  decretals  of  earlier  Popes  in  an  official  code  of 
five  books,  which  was  invested  with  exclusive  authority  in  the 
courts  and  the  law-schools.  Henceforth  the  Decretals  of 
Gregory  ix.  stood  side  by  side  with  the  Decretum  of  Gratian 
itself  among  the  authoritative  texts  of  the  Canon  I>aw.  It  was, 
in  a  measure,  an  answer  to  the  antagonistic  legislation  of 
Frederick  in  Sicily.  But  all  Gregory's  efforts  could  do  little 
to  stop  the  progress  of  the  Emperor,  and  he  was  further 
hampered  by  the  constant  turbulence  of  the,  Jloinans,  who 


Frederick  II.  and  the  Papacy  383 

more  than  once  drove  him  from  their  city.     After  the  triumph 
at-Gremona,  Frederick  significantly  sent  the  Milanese  carroccio 
to  the  Roman  enemies  of  the  Pope.    Gregory's   Renewed 
turn  would  come  when  the  last  of  the  Lombard  breach 
cities  had  been  reduced.     Frederick  was  already  Gregory  and 
boasting  of  his  intention  to  restore  Middle  Italy  Frederick, 
to  its  obedience  to    the   Empire.      Accordingly  "^^' 
Gregory  openly  declared  himself  on  the  side  of  the  Lom- 
bard League.    Hermann  of  Salza  made  his  last  efforts  on  behalf 
of  peace,  but  his  death  soon  removed  the  one  man  whom  both 
Pope  and  Emperor  implicitly  trusted.    1 11  March  1239  Gregory 
for  a  second  time  launched  a  bull  of  excommunication  against 
Frederick,  and  absolved  his  subjects  from  their  allegiance. 

The  new  contest  between  Pope  and  Emperor  was  waged 
with  "extraordinary  and  almost  unprecedented  bitterness  and 
violence.  The  Emperor  reproached  the  Pope  for  standing  in 
The  way  of  the  repression  of  heresy  in  Lombardy,  and  called 
upon  all  kings  and  princes  to  unite  against  the  greedy  and 
self-seeking  priest  who  sought  to  make  the  humiliation  of  the 
Roman  Caesar  the  first  step  towards  the  abasement  of  all 
temporal  authority.  The  Pope  answered  by  accusing  Fred- 
erick of  the  most  outspoken  blasphemy,  of  utter  incredulity, 
and  the  most  shameless  profligacy.  It  was  significant  that 
both  Frederick  and  Gregory  strove  hard  to  get  public  opinion 
on  their  side,  and  that  neither  failed  to  win  over  a  body 
of  ardent  supporters.  — — ^ 

GregQry  did  his  best  to  stir  up  a  revolt  in  Germany. 
His  legate  proposed  the  election  of  the  King  of  Den- 
mark,   as   King    of   the    Romans    in    place    of  ^  „ 

°  .  ^  Collapse  of 

Conrad ;  but,  despite  the  adherence  of  the  the  German 
Duke  of  Austria  and  of  other  discontented  mag-  oppos't'on- 
nates,  the  scheme  was  shattered  through  the  steady  devotion 
of  the  German  episcopate  to  the  young  king.  It  was  equally 
in  vain  when  Gregory  offered  the  crown  to  Robert  of  Artois, 
St.  Louis'  brother.  The  French  nobles  roundly  told  the 
Pope  that  even  if  the   Emperor  deserved  deposition,   his 


384  European  History,  giZ-i2y I 

deprivation  could  only  be  effected  by  a  General  Council 
Heade3~by  the  regent,  Siegfried,  Archbishop  of  Mainz,  the 
Gerggan^crgy  rojeotod  the  alliance  of  the  Papacy,  so  that 
Frederick  was  able  to  carry  on  his  war  against  Gregory  in 
Italy  without  the  distraction  of  a  German  revolt  Even  the 
Mendicant  preachers  of  the  papal  sentence  did  little  to  turn 
German  opinion  away  from  the  Emperor. 

Frederick  answered  Gregory's  attacks  by  declaring  the 
incorporation  of  the  March  of  Aricona  and  the  Duchy  of 
Frederick's  Spolcto  with  the  imperial  dominions,  and  by 
successes  absolving  the  inhabitants  of  those  regions  from 
in  Italy.          ^j^^-^  ^^^j^^  ^^  ^j^^  p^p^^     jj^  turned  from  his 

Lombard  enemies  to  invade  the  papal  territory,  and  made 
himself  master  of  Ravenna  and  Faenza,  and  before  long  of 
towns  so  near  Rome  as  Foligno  and  Viterbo.  Nothing  but 
a  strange  freak  of  fidelity  on  the  part  of  the  Romans  to 
Gregory  saved  the  holy  city  from  the  Emperor's  advance. 
Secure  for  the  moment  in  his  capital,  Gregory  strove  to 
emphasise  the  solemnity  of  his  ecclesiastical  censures  by 
summoning  a  Council  to  Rome,  to  join  with  him  in  the  con- 
demnation of  the  Emperor.  But  the  Pope's  violence  had 
alienated  even  clerical  opinion,  and  a  mere  handful  of  prelates 
answered  his  summons.  Frederick  derided  the  packed 
Council,  and  refused  safe -conducts  to  those  wishful  to 
take  part  in  it.  Nevertheless  a  certain  number  of  North- 
Italian,  French,  and  Spanish  bishops  and  abbots  collected 
together  in  the  spring  of  1241  at  Genoa,  and  the  Pope,  by 
lavish  payments,  prevailed  on  the  Genoese  to  provide  a  fleet 
to  take  them  to  Rome.  However,  the  seafaring  towns,  with 
Pisa  at  their  head,  were  all  on  the  Emperor's  side,  and 
an  imperial  fleet,  superior  in  numbers  and  fighting  capacity, 
bore  down  upon  the  densely  packed  Genoese  galleys  near  the 
island  of  Giglio.  After  a  show  of  resistance,  the  mass  of  the 
Genoese  fleet  was  captured.  Most  of  the  Spanish  prelates 
escaped,  but  a  crowd  of  French  and  North-Italian  ecclesi- 
astics, including  three  archbishops  and  the  abbots  of  Cluny, 


Frederick  II.  and  the  Papacy  385 

Citeaux,  and  Clairvaux  fell,  with  the  delegates  of  the  Lom- 
bard towns,  into  the  hands  of  the  imperialists.  The  prisoners 
were  taken  by  Enzio  to  Naples,  '  crowded  together  ^^^  capture 
in  oppression  and  bonds,  and  tormented  by  hunger  of  a  General 
and  thirst,'  until  the  prison  wherein  they  were  °""'^* '  ^^^' 
cast,  'heaped  together  like  pigs,'  seemed  a  'welcome  place 
of  rest.'^  Flushed  with  this  signal  triumph,  Frederick  once 
more  advanced  upon  Rome.  This  time  Gregory  could  not 
resist  his  progress.  The  enemy  were  at  the  gates  when,  on 
2ist  August,  the  aged  Pontiff  suddenly  ended  his  long  and 
stormy  career. 

When  the  rival  heads  of  Christendom  were  thus  fiercely 
contending  for  supremacy,  Europe  was,  for  the  first  time 
since  the  tenth  centurv,  menaced  with  the  horrors   „.    t- 

' '  .  The  Danger 

of  barbarian  invasion.  The  great  Tartar  Empire,  from  the 
which  had  already  conquered  China  and  threatened  '^^''^^''s- 
the  whole  Eastern  world,  now  found  an  easy  victim  in 
the  divided  principalities  of  Russia,  and  poured  its  hordes 
of  fierce  warriors  over  the  plains  of  Poland  and  Hungary. 
Germany  itself  .was  now  threatened  by  their  advance,  but 
Pope  and  Emperor,  though  they  reproached  each  other 
with  indifference  to  the  danger,  were  unable  to  make  even 
a  truce  to  resist  the  common  enemy.  In  1240  the  sack  of 
Kiev  by  the  Mongol  chieftain  Baty,  grandson  of  Genghiz 
Khan,  led  directly  to  the  invasion  of  the  West.  The  young 
King  Conrad  armed  Germany  to  meet  the  savage  hosts  of 
Baty.  Luckily  for  Europe  the  death  of  the  Khan  of  All  the 
Tartars  called  Baty  back  to  Asia,  and  the  alarm  of  the 
Mongol  fury  passed  away  as  quickly  as  it  arose. 

The  triumph  of  Frederick  was  further  assured  by  Gregory's 
death.  With  affected  moderation  Frederick  withdrew  for  the 
moment  to  Naples,  but  a  mere  handful  of  cardinals  ventured 
to  assemble  in  conclave.     Their  choice  fell  upon  Celestine  iv., 

^  A  good  account  of  this  '  Capture  of  a  General  Council '  is  given  by 
Mr.  G.  C.  Macaulay  in  the  English  Historical  Review,  vol.  vi.  (1891), 
pp.  1-17. 

PERIOD  II.  2  B 


386  European  History,  9 1 8- 1 273 

who  died  in  a  few  weeks,  before  there  was  time  to  consecrate 
him.  For  more  than  eighteen  months  the  Holy  See  now 
remained  vacant,  but  finally,  in  June  1243,  the  cardinals 
agreed  to  elect  Sinobaldo  Fiesco,  a  Genoese  cardinal,  who 
had  been  professor  of  law  at  Bologna,  and  was 
IndThTcVi^'  reputed  to  be  Ghibelline  in  his  sympathies.  But 
tinuationof  as  Pope  Innoceut  IV.,  the  imperialist  lawyer 
the  struggle,    ghowed  from   the  first  a  stern  determination  to 

J  243- 1250, 

continue  the  policy  of  Gregory  ix.  The  saying 
attributed  to  Frederick,  '  I  have  lost  a  good  friend,  for  no 
Pope  can  be  a  Ghibelline,'  though  probably  never  uttered, 
expressed  the  facts  of  the  case.  Some  hollow  negotiations 
for  a  pacification  were  entered  upon,  but  soon  broke 
down.  Within  a  year  of  Innocent's  election,  Frederick's 
Saracen  hordes  were  again  ravaging  the  Campagna.  In  June 
1244  Innocent  fled  from  Rome  to  Genoa,  whence  he  crossed 
the  Alps  and  took  up  his  abode  in  the  free  imperial  city  of 
Lyons.  It  shows  the  weakness  of  Frederick  in  the  Arelate 
that  Innocent  was  able  to  live  in  a  town  nominally  subject  to 
the  Emperor  as  long  as  he  chose.  So  safe  did  the  Pope  feel 
himself  that  he  summoned  to  Lyons  the  General  Council  which, 
as  Gregory  ix.  had  already  designed,  should  strengthen  the 
papal  condemnation  of  the  Emperor  by  the  ratification  of  the 
prelates  of  Christendom. 

In  June  1245  the  Council  assembled  at  Lyons.  It  was 
reckoned  the  thirteenth  General  Council,  according  to  the 
The  Council  ^o^nan  computation,  but  even  the  French  refused 
of  Lyons  and  to  acknowledge  it  as  such,  and  very  few  German 
tioVoT*'*'  prelates  ventured  to  attend  its  sessions.  How- 
Frederick,  ever,  a  fair  attendance  of  prelates  was  ensured, 
**♦*  though  the  presence  of  a  bishop  like  Grosseteste, 

who,  five  years  later,  remonstrated  before  the  Pope's  face 
against  the  exactions  of  his  agents  and  his  abuse  of  his 
patronage,  showed  that  there  was  some  spirit  left  among  the 
fathers  of  the  Council.  Five  troubles,  declared  Innocent, 
grieved  his  spirit,  and  the  calling  of  the  assembly  was  destined 


Frederick  II.  and  the  Papacy  387 

to  relieve  Christendom  from  them.  Its  business  was  the  protec- 
tion of  Christianity  from  the  Tartars,  the  ending  of  the  schism 
between  the  Eastern  and  Western  Churches,  the  extirpation  of 
heresy,  the  revival  of  the  Crusades,  and  the  condemnation  of 
the  Emperor.  In  practice  the  last  item  absorbed  all  the 
energy  of  the  Council,  though  the  presence  of  the  fugitive 
Latin  Emperor,  Baldwin  11.,  did  something  to  make  the 
fathers  realise  the  sorry  plight  of  Eastern  Catholicism  and 
the  need  of  uniting  all  sorts  of  Oriental  Christians  against  the 
Tartars  and  Turks.  Frederick  condescended  to  send  as  his 
representative  to  the  Council  his  chief  justiciary,  Thaddseus  of 
Suessa,  but  his  condemnation  was  a  foregone  conclusion,  and 
Thaddseus  had  difficulty  in  obtaining  a  brief  adjournment 
whUe  he  returned  to  Italy  to  acquaint  his  master  with  the 
state  of  affairs  at  Lyons.  Without  waiting  for  the  arrival  of 
Peter  della  Vigna,  whom  Frederick  now  despatched  to  repre- 
sent him.  Innocent  on  17th  July  pronounced  in  the  name 
of  the  Council  the  deposition  of  his. enemy,  both  as  regards 
the  E'mpTre  and  his  two  kingdoms.  *We  order,'  added  he, 
'those  who  have  the  right  of  election  within  the  Empire  to 
proceed  at  once  to  a  fresh  election.  As  regards  Sicily,  we  our- 
selves will  do  all  that  is  fitting,  after  taking  the  advice  of  our 
brethren  the  cardinals.' 

The  last  hope  oL  Christendom  lay  in  the  mediation  of 
Louis  IX.,  who  saw  that  the  continued  contest  of  Pope  and 
Emperor  was  fatal   to  the   prospects  of  a  great 
Crusade.  The  French  king  met  Innocent  at  Cluny,   and  Wiinam 
and  Frederick  offered  to  allow  the  archbishop  of  of  Holland, 
Palermo  to  thoroughly  investigate  his  orthodoxy.        '  "*^^' 
But  nothing  came  of  these  projects,  and  the  blame  of  reject- 
ing all  compromise  lay  mainly  at  the  door  of  the  Pope,     ^he 
spiritual  benefits  first  awarded  to  those  who  had  assumed  the 
Cross  to  free  the  Holy  Sepulchre  were  now  offered  to  all  who 
would  take  up  arms  to  carry  out  the  Lyons  sentence  against 
the  Emperor.     In  1246  the  papal  intrigues  so  far  prevailed 
in  Germany  that  four  archbishops,  a  considerable  number  of 


388  European  History^  918-1273 

bishops,  and  a  few  temporal  princes  met  together  and  elected 
as  King  of  the.Homans  Henry  Raspe,  Landgrave  of  Thur- 
ingia,  the  brother-in-law  and  persecutor  of  St.  Elizabeth. 
rhe  majority  of  the  Gexmans -remained  true  to  Frederick, 
though  enough  Crusaders  flocked  to  Henry's  standard  to 
enable  him  to  win  a  victory  over  his  rival  King  Conrad,  near 
Frankfurt.  'He  shows  us  his  back  and  not  his  face,'  boasted 
Henry  over  his  defeated  enemy.  '  He  fled  as  men  are  wont 
to  fly  who  fight  with  the  Holy  Empire.'  But  jie^t-year 
Conrad  turned  the  tables  on  Henry,  who  fled  home  and 
died  soon  afterwards  in  the  Wartburg.  The  imperial  crown 
now  went  begging Jor  a  time.  'I  will  willingly  fight  the 
enemies  of  the  Church,'  declared  King  Haco  of  Norway, 
to  whom  it  was  off'ered,  'but  I  will  not  fight  against  the 
foes  of  the  Pope.'  At  last  the  young  Willianij  Count  of 
Holland,  was  persuaded  to  accept  election  by  the  papalists. 
But  only  one  lay  prince,  the- Duke  of  Brabant,  William's  uncle, 
associated  himself  with  the  bishops  who  assembled  for  the 
choosing  of  the  new  monarch.  For  the  rest  of  Frederick's  life 
a  fierce  fight  was  fought  between  William  and  Conrad.  Neither 
of  the  two  could  succeed  in  crushing  the  other,  and  Germany 
gradually  drifted  into  all  the  worst  horrors  of  feudal  anarchy. 
Frederick  remained  in  Italy,  struggling  with  all  his  might 
against  the  papal  partisans,  and  holding  his  own  so  far  that 
Innocent  found  it  wise  to  remain  at  Lyons.  Now 
visions  of  a  that  all  possibility  of  reconciliation  with  the 
lay  Papacy  Church  was  cut  off",  Frederick  threw  prudence  to 
Ecciesiasti-  ^^  winds.  Hc  no  longer  scrupled  against  solicit- 
cat  Revoiu-  jng  the  help  of  the  heretical  Cathari  that  still 
swarmed  all  over  Lombardy.  Visions  of  power 
such  as  he  had  never  imagined  in  the  days  of  his  success  now 
began  to  flit  before  his  mind.  The  apocalyptic  visions  of  the 
Neapolitan  seer,  the  abbot  Joachim,  began  to  weigh  upon 
his  mystical  temperament.  Despite  the  canonisation  of 
Francis  of  Assisi  and  the  enrolment  of  his  followers 
under  the  banners  of  the  Papacy,  there  was  still  an  under- 


Frederick  II.  and  the  Papacy  389 

current  of  revolutionary  religious  feeling  in  Italy  of  the  sort 
that  afterwards  found  expression  in  the  risings  of  the  Frati- 
celli.  Of  this  opinion  Frederick  now  began  to  make  himself 
the  mouthpiece,  hoping  thus  to  be  revenged  upon  his  enemies, 
and  to  win  for  himself  that  first  position  in  the  world  to 
which  he  conceived  he  was  divinely  called.  He  had  long 
used  the  Franciscan  doctrine  of  Poverty  as  a  weapon  against 
the  greedy  political  Popes.  'It  is  upon  poverty  and  sim- 
plicity,' he  wrote  in  1227,  'that  the  Primitive  Church  was 
built,  in  those  days  when  she  was  the  fruitful  mother  of 
saints.  No  one  may  presume  to  lay  other  foundations  for 
her  than  those  appointed  by  the  Lord  Jesus.'  He  now 
worked  out  the  same  idea  in  a  manifesto  addressed  to  all 
Christian  princes.  '  God  is  our  witness,'  he  declared,  '  that 
our  intention  has  always  been  to  force  churchmen  to  follow 
in  the  footsteps  of  the  Primitive  Church,  to  live  an  apostolic 
life,  and  to  be  humble  like  Jesus  Christ.  In  our  days  the 
Church_has_becomfi  worldly.  We  therefore  propose  to  do 
a  work  of  charity  in  taking  away  from  such  men  the  treasures 
with  which  they  are  filled  for  their  eternal  damnation.'  *  Help 
us,'  he  wrote  later,  'to  put  down  these  proud  prelates,  that 
we  may  give  mother  Church  more  worthy  guides  to  direct 
her.'  But  his  only  conception  of  ecclesiastical  reform  was 
the  absorption  of  the  Church  in  the  State.  Even  in  their 
affliction  the  Orthodox  princes  of  the  East  seemed  to  him 
fortunate,  since  they  had  no  Pope  or  independent  patriarchs 
to  contend  against.  He  now  strove  to  exclude  all  papal 
authority  from  Naples  by  condemning  to  the  flames  the 
introducers  of  papal  bulls  and  all  who,  under  pretext  of 
religion,  spoke  or  acted  against  his  authority.  He  anticipated 
Henry  viii.  in  his  effort  to  abolish  the  papal  power,  and,  like 
the  great  Tudor,  condemned  as  traitors  or  heretics  all  who 
denied  his  absolute  supremacy  over  the  Church.  More  than 
that,  Frederick  proclaimed  himself  as  worthy  of  the  adoration 
of  his  subjects,  like  the  pagan  Emperors  of  old.  He  claimed 
to  be  a  vicar  of  Christ,  a  lay  pope,  a  Christian  caliph — nay, 


390  European  History,  918-1273 

an  emanation  of  the  Divinity.  Jesi,  his  birth-place,  was  the 
blessed  Bethlehem  where  Caesar  first  saw  the  light,  and  Peter 
della  Vigna  was  the  apostle  of  the  imperial  Messiah,  the  Peter 
who  would  never  betray  his  master. 

The  contest  was  fought  out  fiercely  with  sword  and  fire. 
The  Guelf  and  Ghibelline  towns  were  pillaging,  burning  and 
The  Italian  destroying  each  other.  Enzio,  the  son,  and  Eccelin, 
struggle,  the  son-in-law  of  Caesar,  strove  to  stamp  out  in 
xa45.ia5o.  blood  all  Guelfic  resistance  in  Northern  Italy. 
Frederick  of  Antioch,  another  bastard  of  Frederick's,  worked  a 
similar  reign  of  terror  in  Tuscany.  So  well  did  Frederick's  for- 
tunes go,  that  he  dreamt  of  crossing  the  Alps  and  marching  to 
Lyons.  In  1247  he  was  turned  from  his  bold  purpose  by  the 
unexpected  revolt  of  Parma.  He  hurried  back  from  Turin 
eager  for  revenge.  Before  long  the  dispersed  partisans  of 
The  Revolt  Pope  and  Emperor  flocked  to  Parma,  eager  to 
of  Parma.  defend  or  attack  the  city.  With  all  his  energy, 
Frederick  could  only  blockade  it  on  one  side,  and  neither 
dearth  of  provisions  nor  the  hideous  cruelty  of  the  Emperor 
moved  the  Parmesans  to  think  of  surrender.  At  last  in 
despair  Frederick  built  over  against  Parma  a  new  city  called 
Vittoria,  devastating  the  whole  Parmesan  territory  to  supply 
it  with  building  materials  and  fortifications.  But  in  1248  the 
Parmesans  made  a  great  sally,  won  an  unexpected  victory, 
slaying  the  faithful  Thaddaeus  of  Suessa,  destroying  utterly 
Frederick's  new  city,  and  leading  home  spoil  the  carroccio  of 
imperialist  Cremona  and  the  whole  harem  of  the  Emperor, 
that  had  been  unable  to  keep  up  with  his  rapid  flight. 

Everything  ""w  wpnt  agajpst  Frp-dgrirk.  Despite  the  reign 
of  terror  exercised  in  the  South,  plots  and  conspiracies  multi-_ 

plied,  and  the  Apulian  barons  rose  in  revolt. 
d"n  "v-^'**'  '^^^  blind  rage  of  the  suspicious  despot  now  fell 
and  captivity  on  Peter  della  Vigna,  his  trusted  confidant,  who 
ofEnrio,  jjj^^j  \Qn^g  kept,  as  Dautc  says,  the  two  keys  of 
Frederick's  heart.  He  was  arrested  on  charges  of 
conspiring  with  the  Pope  to  murder  his  master.     His  eyes 


Frederick  II.  and  the  Papacy  391 

were  cruelly  torn  out,  and  he  sought  his  own  death  to  avoid 
further  torture.  In  1249  Frederick's  favourite  son  Enzio 
was  defeated  and  taken  prisoner  by  the  Bolognese  at  Fossalta, 
and  spent  the  rest  of  his  life  in  hopeless  captivity.  But 
Frederick  was  not  yet  at  the  end  of  his  resources.  In  1250 
fortune  smiled  once  more  on  his  cause.  The  Ghibellines  of 
Lombardy  at  last  won  the  upper  hand.  Good  news  came 
from  beyond  the  Alps  of  Conrad's  triumphs  over  William  of 
Holland.  Frederick  himself  spent  most  of  the  year  at  Foggia, 
surrounded  by  his  faithful  Saracens,  in  whom  he  still  placed 
his  chief  trust.  Towards  the  end  of  the  year  he  ogathof 
started  once  more  for  the  north,  but  he  was  seized  Frederick, 
with  a  mortal  illness  before  he  had  traversed  many  ^*^°" 
stages.  He  took  to  his  bed  at  Fiorentino,  a  hunting  lodge  a 
few  miles  short  of  Lucera.  An  ancient  prediction  of  his 
astrologers  that  he  would  die  near  iron  gates  at  a  town  called 
Flora  further  troubled  his  spirit.  '  This  is  the  spot,'  he  said, 
'  long  ago  foretold  to  me  where  I  must  die.  The  will  of  God 
be  done.'  He  calnily^£w  up  a  will,  bequeathing  to  Conrad 
both  the  Empire  and  the  kingdom,  while  his  favourite  bastard, 
Manfred,  who  carefully  ministered  to  his  last  hours,  was  to 
act  as  his  regent  in  his  brother's  absence.  On  19  th  December 
he  died,  either,  as  his  friends  believed,  calmly  and  religiously, 
clad  in  the  white  robe  of  the  Cistercians  and  reconciled  to 
the  Church  by  the  Archbishop  of  Palermo,  or  a  prey  to 
hideous  despair  and  misery,  as  the  Friars  his  enemies  loved 
to  imagine.  He  was  buried  beside  his  Norman  ancestors  at 
Palermo,  where  his  tomb  may  still  be  seen.  With  him  expired 
the  Roman  Empire  as  a  real  claimant  to  any  share  of  the  rule 
of  the  world,  though  for  another  generation  faction  raged 
more  fiercely  than  ever  as  to  the  disposal  of  its  heritage.  X^?_ 
Papacy  had  at  last  triumphed  over  the  Empire.  The  sacerdo- 
tium  had  laid  low  the  regnum,  and  alllhat  remains  of  the 
history  of  the  world-strife  of  Pope  and  Emperor  is  to  write  its 
epilogue.  But  the  mystic  followers  of  the  abbot  Joachim 
could  not  believe  that  their  hero,  the  all-powerful  Emperor, 


392  European  History,  918-1273 

was  removed  from  the  world.  *  He  shall  resound,'  they 
cried,  'among  the  people;  he  is  alive,  and  yet  is  not  alive.' 
But  though  many  impostors  arose  in  his  name,  Frederick 
came  not  back  to  his  disciples,  nor  did  he  leave  behind  him 
any  successor.  The  last  of  the  great  Emperors  and  the  first 
of  great  modern  Kings,  Frederick,  with  all  his  brilliant  gifts, 
was  but  the  most  dazzling  of  the  long  line  of  imperial  failures. 
Though  he  filled  so  large  a  part  in  the  history  of  his  own 
day,  he  left  singularly  little  behind  him.  Yet  as  we  survey 
the  horrors  through  which  the  generations  that  succeeded 
him  travelled  slowly  to  the  realisation  of  a  brighter  future,  we 
shall  not  think  Dante  wrong  when  he  puts  the  golden  age  of 
Italy  in  the  time  ere  Frederick  had  been  hounded  to  death 
by  his  remorseless  enemies. 


CHAPTER    XVII 

FRANCE  UNDER  PHILIP  AUGUSTUS  AND  ST.  LOUIS 
(1180-I270)* 

Home  Policy  of  Philip  Augustus — The  Fall  of  the  Angevins  and  the  Conquest 
of  Normandy  and  Anjou  -The  Albigensian  Crusade— The  establishment 
of  Simon  of  Montfort  in  Toulouse,  and  the  Reaction  under  Raymond  Vli. 
— The  Relations  of  Philip  and  his  People — Paris — Administrative  Reforms 
— Death  and  Character  of  Philip — Reign  of  Louis  viii. — The  Conquest 
of  Poitou  and  the  Renewal  of  the  Albigensian  Crusade— The  Regency  of 
Blanche  of  Castille  and  the  Feudal  Reaction — The  Treaty  of  Meaux — 
Character  of  St.  Louis — His  Personal  Government — The  Settlement  of 
the  South  and  West— Battle  of  Saintes  and  Treaty  of  Lorris — Alfonse 
in  Poitou  and  Tpulouse — Charles  in  Anjou  and  Provence — Foreign  Policy 
of  St.  Louis — His  Relations  to  Pope  and  Emperor — France  the  Chief 
Power  of  Europe — Home  Policy  of  St.  Louis — The  Administrative  System 
— Baillages  and  S^ndchauss^es — Enquesteurs — The  Parliament  of  Paris — 
Finance,  Coinage,  Trade,  Towns — Last  Years  and  Death  of  St.  Louis — 
The  Position  of  France. 

We  have  already  dealt  with  the  external  history  of  France  up 
to  the  time  of  the  battle  of  Bouvines.  We  have  witnessed 
Philip  Augustus'  early  struggles  with  Henry  of  Anjou,  his 
participation  in  the  Third  Crusade,  his  matrimonial  difficulties, 
the  struggle  they  involved   him  in  with  Innocent  iii.,  and 

^  Delisle's  Catalogue  des  Actes  de  Philippe  Auguste  and  Hutton's  Philip 
Augustus  cover  the  early  part  of  this  period.  For  the  fall  of  John,  see 
Bemont's  Condamnation  de  Jean  Sans  Terre,  in  Revue  Historique,  xxxii. , 
33-74,  290-311,  For  the  Albigensian  Crusade,  see  Teyxsit's  I/istoire  des 
Albigeois,  and  Douai's  Les  Albigeois,  and  Lea's  History  of  the  Inquisition 
in  the  Middle  Ages.  For  the  reign  of  Louis  vni.,  the  best  work  is  Petit- 
Dutaillis'  Rigne  de  Louis  VIII.,  in  the  Bibliotheqne  de  I'ecole  des 
hautes  Etudes.  For  St.  Louis,  Wallon's  Histoire  de  Saint  Louis  is 
a  useful  but  not  an  original  summary.     Joinville's  contemporary  Vie  dc 

393 


394  European  History,  918-1273 

the  subsequent  league  between  himself  and  the  great  Pope 
which  contributed  so  powerfully  towards  the  abasement  of 
the  Guelfs.  /  It  remains  now  to  speak  of  Philip  Augustus' 
reign  as  affecting  France  itself,  and  to  show  how,  by  the  defeat 
and  disruption  of  the  Angevin  monarchy,  the  royal  domain 
was  enormously  extended,  how  by  the  identification  of  the 
monarchical  cause  with  the  orthodox  Crusade  against  the 
Albigensian  heretics  the  way  was  paved  for  the  subjection  of 
the  Langue  d'oc  to  the  Langue  d'oil,  and  how  the 

Home  policy    ...  ,     ,  ,.       ,         i      •    •  •  e 

of  Philip         beginnings  of  the  centralised   administration  of 

Augustus,  jhg  monarchy,  and  the  establishment  of  the  first 
X180-1333. 

modern  capital,  increased  the  power  of  the  French 

state,  even  more  than  Philip's  conquests  increased  the  ex- 
tent of  its  dominions.     Under  Philip's  son,  Louis  viii.,  and 
his  grandson,  Louis  ix.,  the  same  principles  of  external  growth 
and   internal  organisation  were  still  further  worked  out,  so 
that  when  the  collapse  of  Frederick  11.  left  vacant  the  hegemony 
of  Europe,  the  France  of  St.  Louis  was  more  than  ready  to 
step  into  the  place  left  empty  by  the  fall  of  the  Hohenstaufen. 
\With  the  return  of  Phihp  11.  from  the  Crusade,  the  inter- 
rupted struggle  between  France  and  the  Angevin  monarchy 
The  Fall      ^^^^  ^'  oxic^  resumcd.  \  Despite  the  advantages 
of  the  which  the  blundering  knight-errantry  of  Richard  i. 

ngcvins.  Qf{gfg^  tQ  j^ig  more  politic  antagonist,  Philip  was 
not  yet  in  a  sufficiently  strong  position  to  reap  much  fruit 
from  his  enemy's  mistakes.  Richard's  pp\vj--a';t]fi_^of  Chateau 
Gaillard_bloc]s£d-iliu  way  lu  llnTinvasion  of  Normandy,  and 
the  South  was  still  a  strange  region  to  the  King  of  Paris.     In 

Saint  Louis  should  above  all  be  studied.  Boutaric's  Saint  Louis  et 
Alfonse  de  PoitierSf  the  essay  in  vol.  vii.  of  the  Nouvelle  histoire  de 
Languedoc,  and  Sternfeld's  Karl  von  Anjouals  Graf  von  Provence  shovi  well 
the  process  of  the  Southward  expansion  of  France.  For  Louis'  relations 
to  the  Papacy  consult  Berger's  Saint- I^ouis  et  Innocent  IV,  See  also  Lecoy 
de  la  Marche's  Saint  Louis  sa  famille  et  sa  cour  in  Revue  des  questions 
historiques,  t.  xxiv.,  and  Beugnot's  Essai  sur  les  constitutions  de  Saint 
Louis.  Ch.  V.  Langlois'  Rigne  de  Philippe  le  Ilardi  gives  an  admirable 
lummary  of  the  state  of  France  as  it  was  left  at  St.  Louis'  death. 


France  under  Philip  Augustus  and  St.  Louis     395 


1199  Richard  perished  in  an  obscure  contest  with  a  petty 
lord  of  the  Limousin,  and  Philip  at  once  swooped  down 
on  Evreux  and  conquered  it  with  little  difficulty.  But  very 
soon  Philip's  quarrel  with  Innocent  iii.  made  him  glad  to 
accept  the  proposals  of  John's  mother,  the  aged  Eleanor  of 
Aquitaine,  to  revert  to  his  ancient  alliance  with  John.  A 
treaty  was  signed  by  which  Philip's  son  Louis  was  married 
to  Blanche  of  Castile,  the  daughter  of  King  Alfonso  viii. 
and  John's  sister  Eleanor.  Evreux,  with  Philip's  other 
Norman  conquests,  were  made  over  to  the  bridegroom  as 
the  lady's  marriage  portion.  Before  long,  however,  the 
wilfiil  and  rapnYious  tyranny  of  "John  created  a-jyicLesptead 
discontent  in  his  French  dominions,  of-J»hich  Philip  was 
skilful"gtl6Llbli  trraValTEimself  to  the  full.  No  sooner  had  the 
FrerfcB  monarch  made  a  partial  peace  with  the  Pope  than 
he  listened  to  the  complaints  of  the  barons  of  Poitou, 
headed  by  the  indignant  Hugh  of  Lusignan,  Count  of  La 
Marche,  whose  betrothed,  Isabella,  the  heiress  of  Angouleme, 
had  been  carried  off  from  him  and  wedded  to  the  English  King. 
In  Tgn-a  Philjp  fjiiTP'^"""^  J"^"  *"  •■""^^'- hfif^^'e  his  suzerain's 
COUrt^at  Paris  the  rnn^p1aint«;  r\i  \h(^  Pr.i>PTn'o  lords.  The 
English  Kmg  refused  to  appear,  and  was  sentenced  in  default 
to  lose  all  his  French  fiefs.  The  murder  of  Arthur  of  Brittany 
still  further  increased  the  ill-^rTelFagainst  John,  and  the 
de^h  of  Eleanor  of  Aqulfame  soon  afterwar3^-4epHTed"him 
ofjiis^  wisest  counselton — "Tmtig~TOTITse "  of  1 20  j-4Philip . 
gradually'c&i^quei'od.  all  Normandy,  and  the  Norman  Jjarogs, 
disgusted  at  John's  inactivity  in  defending  them,  were  gradu- 
ally alienated  from  his  side.  Anjou,  Touraine,  and  Maine  were 
won  with  even  less  difficulty.  After  Arthur's  The  con- 
death,  Brittany  passed  over  from  the  Angevin  to  quest  of  Nor- 
the  Capetian  oTjedience,  and,  after  a  brief  period  of  Anjou^  and 
French  occupation,  a  new  line  of  Breton  began  in  Po»tou. 
1 2 13  with  Peter  Mauclerc,  which,  if  not  very  faithful  to  France, 
at  least  acknowledged  no  other  overlord.  After  Eleanor's 
death  the  personal  loyalty  of  Aquitaine  to  the  house  of  the 


396  European  History,  918-1273 

Guilhems  was  greatly  relaxed,  and  before  12 13  most  of  Poitou 
had  passed  over  to  Philip  Augustus.  It  was  John's  wish  to  win 
back  Poitou  that  led  him  to  interfere  actively  in  the  general 
European  struggle  that  centred  round  the  contest  betweejD  his 
neph'ew  Otto  and  Frederick  of  Sicily.  The  victory  of  Bou- 
vinB?  assured  for  PJiilifiJ:he_pe,rinanentjdQmHiation  oveTTJot- 
mandy,  Mainej_Agjflu^Xpyj?ine,  and  Poitou.  Only  the  south 
of  Aquitame  remained  in  the  hands  of  John  and  his  successors. 
These  enormous  additions  to  the  monarchy  were,  for  the  most 
part,  kept  within  the  royal  domain.  Their  acquisition  was, 
the  more  significant  because  of  the  rapidity  with  which  the 
bardlR'and  people  of  the'AhgevTrtTlOTTlTmbns'acceptecrth^ 
of  the  King  of  France'.  Even  in  England  Philip's  triumph 
^oduced  so  little  irritation  that  the  opposition  to  John  cheer- 
fully called  in  his  son  Louis  to  be  their  king  in  the  place 
of  the  hated  tyrant.^  Though,  after  John's  death,  Louis  was 
forced  in  121 7  to  return  to  France  and  renounce  his  English 
Louis  in  throne  in  favour  of  the  little  Henry  in.,  his  pre- 
Engiand.  scncc  In  England,  and  the  long  war  that  preceded 
13x5-12x7.  ^^^  attended  it,  made  impossible  any  real  efforts 
to  win  back  the  Angevin  inheritance.  The  fall  of  the 
English  power  in  France  first  made  possible_ji^real  French 
natioiTunited  in  common  obedience  to  the  Capetian  monarchs. 
It  was^nb"TeS5^ital  in  fostering  a  similar  national  life  beyond 
jhe  CHannel.  Henceforth  England  and  France  were  separate 
and  antagonistic  though  closely  inter-related  nationahties. 
Their  common  destiny,  which  had  begun  with  the  Norman 
Conquest,  was  now  rudely  shattered.  The  fragments  of  the 
Aquitanian  heritage  that  still  remained  faithful  to  its  English 
dukes  belonged  to  the  feudal  and  anti-monarchical  South.  T  All 
that  England's  kings  had  once  ruled  in  the  Langiie  d'oil  was  now 
transferred  to  Philip,  who  became  henceforward  not  only  the 
supreme  monarch,  but  the <iifect  feudal  lord  of_the  most  vigor- 
ous  and  most  patriotic  regions  that  constitutedlhlsEiQfftJom. 

1  Petit-Dutaillis'   Louis    VIII.,   pp.'  30-183,    gives  by  far   the  best 
account  of  this  expedition. 


France  under  Philip  Augustus  and  St.  Louis     397 

While  Philip  was  thus  conquering  the  Angevin  North,  a 
North-French  Crusade  was  indirectly  preparing  the  way  for  the 
direct  rule  of  the  Capetian  kings  over  the  South,   phiiip  h. 
There  had  long  been  three  chief  political  and  intel-  and  the 
lectual  centres  of  South-French  nationality.    Two 
of  these,  the  duchy  of  Aquitaine  and  the  county  of  Toulouse 
[see  pp.  90-91],  were  within  the  limits  of  the  French  kingdom. 
The  third,  the  county  of  Provence,  was  beyond  the  Rhone, 
and,  as  a  part  of  the  ancient  Arelate,  subject  to  none  save 
the   Emperor.      It   was,    however,   a   sufficiently  representa- 
tive stronghold  of  Southern  ideas  for  the  term  Provengal  to 
be  used  as  an  equivalent  to  the  tongue  and  literature  of  Oc. 
At  these  three  courts  chiefly  flourished  the  subtle  and  exquisite 
literature  of  the  Troubadours,  whose  delicate  lyrics  first  showed 
the    literary  capacity  of  the   vernacular  Romance   tongues, 
despite  the  limitations  of  their  subjects,  and  the  rigid  fetters 
of  their  metric  forms.     The  end  of  the  twelfth  century,  the 
age  of  Richard  the  Lion  Heart,  of  Bertrand  of  xheAibi- 
Born,    and   of  Bernard   of  Ventadour,   was  the  e^nsian 

1      •  •  •        •,       1  •  /-     1       rr.         1       -1  Heresy  and 

palmiest  time  m  the  history  of  the  Troubadours,  the  Trouba- 
and  the  most  flourishing  period  of  the  brilliant,  ^o^fs. 
corrupt,  stormy,  attractive  civilisation  of  the  Languedoc.  The 
heresy,  at  once  social  and  religious,  of  Jjoe  Albigenses  [see 
pp.  2 1 6-2i7]7tookardeep~EoTd  in  these  w-ild  jregifinSj^where 
the  fiercest  acts  of  feudal  violeuce^and  the  bot-house  growth 
of  a  premature  culture  stood  over-against  each  other  in  the 
Strangest  contrast.  While  elsewhere  the  wild  misbelief  of  the 
twelfth  century  easily  melted  away  before  the  steady  influence 
of  the  Church,  in  Languedoc  and  Provence  alone  it  bade  fair 
to  become  the  faith  of  a  whole  people.  Toulouse  and  its 
neighbourhood  were  full  of  open  foes  of  Church  and  clergy ; 
the'barons  of  the  land  were  either  heretics  themselves,  or 
favourers  of  heresy.  The  clergy  were  so  unpopular  that  when 
they  went  abroad  they  carefully  concealed  their  tonsure.  *I 
had  rather  be  a  chaplain,'  became  a  popular  form  of  speech 
in  cases  where  a  good  Christian  had  been  wont  to  say,  *  I  had 


398  European  History,  918-1273 

rather  be  a  Jew.'  *  If  Black  Monks,'  wrote  the  poet  Peire 
Cardinal,  *  may  win  salvation  of  God  by  much  eating  and  by 
the  keeping  of  women,  White  Monks  by  fraud.  Templars  and 
Hospitallers  by  pride,  Canons  by  lending  money  on  usury, 
then  for  fools  I  hold  St.  Peter  and  St.  Andrew,  who  suffered 
for  God  such  grievous  torments.  Kings,  emperors,  counts, 
and  knights  were  wont  to  rule  the  world,  but  now  I  see  clerks 
holding  dominion  over  it  by  robbery,  deceit,  hypocrisy,  force, 
and  exhortation.'  ^  The  freebooting  barons  took  this  state  of 
feeling  as  an  excuse  for  laying  violent  hands  on  the  property 
of  the  Church.  Moral  excesses,  wilder  than  the  ordinary 
immorality  of  a  brutal  age,  became  widespread.  The  whole 
land  was  filled  with  the  tumult  and  licence  of  a  premature 
revolution. 

Since  the  absorption  of  Aquitaine  within  the  Angevin 
dominions,  the  court  of  Toulouse  had  become  more  important 
Raymond  VI.  than  evcr  as  a  centre  of  Languedocian  life, 
of  Toulouse.  Raymond  vi.,  the  great-grandson  of  Raymond  iv., 
of  Saint  Gilles,  the  hero  of  the  First  Crusade,  was  then  Count 
of  Toulouse.  He  was  a  prince  of  wide  connections,  extensive 
dominions,  and  considerable  personal  capacity.  Through  his 
mother,  Constance,  daughter  of  Louis  vi.,  he  was  the  first 
cousin  of  Philip  Augustus.  His  marriage  with  Joan  of  Anjou, 
the  sister  of  Richard  i.  and  John,  had  secured  him  peace  with 
his  hereditary  foe.  He  ruled  not  only  over  Toulouse  and  its 
dependencies ;  as  Duke  of  Narbonne  he  was  lord  of  the 
Rouergue  and  the  great  coast  region  that  extended  from  the 
frontiers  of  Roussillon  to  the  right  bank  of  the  Rhone ;  as 
Marquis  of  Provence,  he  ruled  over  a  fertile  portion  of  the 
Arelate  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhone,  extending  farther  north 
than  Valence,  and  including  the  important  town  of  Avignon. 
He  was  a  notorious  enemy  of  the  clergy,  and  abettor  of 
heretics,  and  only  less  conspicuous  in  the  sahie  policy  was 

'  Miss  Farnell's  Lives  of  the  Troubadours,  with  Specimens  of  theit 
Poetry,  give  this  (p.  222)  and  other  illustrations  of  Proven9aI  feeling. 
Luchaire's  Innocent  III.  et  la  Croisade  des  Albis^eois  !s  useful  for  the 
whole  subject. 


France  under  Philip  Augustus  and  St.  Louis     399 

his  vassal  Raymond  Roger,  Viscount  of  Beziers.  [Feeble 
efforts  had  long  been  made  by  the  Church  to  grapple  with 
the  growing  heresy,  but  the  only  response  in  Languedoc  was 
fresh  murders  of  priests,  and  expulsions  of  bi^ops  from  their 
dioceses,  and  of  abbots  from  their  monasteries.  )So  far  back  as 
1 184  Lucius  III.  had  ordered  all  bishops  to  make  inquiries  as 
to  the  presence  of  heretics  within  their  jurisdictions,  a  step 
from  which  the  earlier  or  Episcopal  Inquisition  first  arose.  But 
little  was  actually  effected  until  the  accession  of  Innocent  iii. 
marked  the  beginning  of  a  more  vigorous  line  of  action.  In 
1 198  two  Cistercian  monks  were  sent  with  the  position  of 
apostolic  legates  to  win  back  the  Toulousan  heretics  to  the 
Church.  For  years  they  laboured  incessantly,  wandering  and 
preaching  throughout  the  land,  and  their  unwearied  zeal  soon 
led  a  small  band  of  enthusiasts  to  join  them  in  their  work. 
Innocent  gave  further  powers  to  Peter  of  Castelnau,  and 
Amaury,  abbot  of  Ctteaux.  In  1206  accident  further  associ- 
ated with  them  the  Spanish  canon  Dominic  (see  chapter  xviii.), 
who  for  ten  long  years  preached  with  infinite  perseverance, 
but  little  success,  and  carefully  kept  himself  free  from  share 
in  the  violent  measures  that  ere  long  supplemented  the 
legitimate  propaganda  of  orthodoxy. 

Peaceful  means  had  availed  little  to  win  over  the  Albi- 
genses.     Accident  rather  than  design  led  Innocent  iii.  to  fall 
back  on  force  as  well  as  persuasion.     In  1207 
Peter  of  Castelnau  excommunicated  Raymond  vi.   peter  of 
for  refusing  to  restore  certain  churches  on  which   Castelnau, 
he  had  laid  violent  hands.     Like  his  father-in-law 
against   Becket,    Raymond   spoke   sharp  words   against   the 
meddlesome  priest,  and  one  of  his  knights,  taking  him  at 
his    word,    went    to    Saint-Gilles    and    murdered  the  legate 
in  January    1208.      This   deed   of  blood   was   soon   amply 
avenged.      Innocent    iii.   deposed   Raymond   and   preached 
a    Crusade   against   him    and    his   heretic    subjects,    whom 
he    pronounced    worse    than    Saracens.      A   twenty    years' 
struggle  then  began  in  the  South,  which  did  not  end  until 


400  European  History,  918-1273 

Languedoc  lay  ruined  and  helpless  at  the  mercy  of  the 
North. 

A  swarm  of  North  French  warriors  took  the  cross  in  obedience 
to  the  papal  appeal,  though  Philip  Augustus  prudently  with- 
The  Aibi.  held  from  the  whole  movement.  Some  of  the 
gensian  Cru-   greatest  of  his  feudatories,  including  the  Duke  of 

sade  and  °  . 

Simon  de  Burgundy,  were  there,  while  among  the  lesser 
Montfort.  lords,  the  unbending  will  and  fierce  religious  zeal 
of  Simon,  Count  of  Montfort,  soon  gave  him  the  claim  for  the 
first  position  among  the  leaders  of  the  holy  war,  though  Abbot 
Amaury  of  Citeaux,  the  Pope's  legate,  directed  the  policy  of 
the  whole  expedition.  Raymond  quailed  before  the  storm. 
He  submitted  himself  absolutely  to  the  legate,  paid  a  severe 
penance  for  his  crime  before  the  abbey  church  of  Saint- 
Gilles,  surrendered  his  castles,  and  promised  to  chastise 
the  heretics  that  he  had  favoured.  In  June  1209  he  was 
absolved,  and  suffered  to  take  the  cross  against  his  own 
subjects. 

Raymond  Roger  of  Beziers  scorned  to  share  in  his  over- 
lord's submission.  The  full  fury  of  the  Crusaders  was  turned 
against  him,  and  after  fearful  bloodshed  his  dominions  were 
overrun.  After  two  refusals  from  greater  lords,  the  legate 
prevailed  upon  Simon  of  Montfort  to  accept  the  territory  of 
the  heretic  viscount,  which  the  Pope  had  pronounced  forfeited. 
The  Crusaders  now  went  home,  and  the  second  act  of  the 
long  struggle  began  when  Montfort  began  to  govern  the 
dominions  which  .his  good  sword  and  papal  favour  had 
won  for  him. 

After  the  return  of  the  Northern  armies,  the  cowed  South- 
erners again  plucked  up  courage,  and  Montfort  soon  found 
that  he  had  to  hold  Beziers  and  Carcassonne  against  the 
hostility  of  a  whole  people.  The  war  now  assumed  a  political 
as  well  as  a  religious  character,  for  Simon  was  resisted  not 
only  by  reason  of  his  orthodoxy,  but  as  a  Northern  interloper 
who  had  made  religious  zeal  a  pretext  for  personal  aggrandise- 
ment.    Before  long  Raymond  vi.  forgot  his  humiliation,  and 


France  under  Philip  Augustus  and  St.  Louis     401 

again  took  arms.     As  the  result,  a  second  Crusade  was  pro- 
claimed in   121 1,  and  once  more  the  South  was  deluged  in 
blood.     Peter  11,  of  Aragon,  a  famous  Crusader 
beyond  the  Pyrenees,  at  last  proposed  his  media-  Aragon  and 
tion,  but  so  strongly  did  the  lust  for  Southern  t^*  battle  of 

,  ,  , .    .  ,      ,     ,  /.   Muret,  xai3. 

estates  sharpen  the  religious  zeal  of  the  army  of 
the  Church  that,  though  Innocent  iii.  was  willing  to  accept 
his  offers,  the  French  themselves  insisted  on  continuing  the 
Crusade.  Irritated  at  the  rejection  of  his  offer,  Peter  him- 
self intervened  on  behalf  of  the  Count  of  Toulouse,  but  in 
1213  he  lost  his  army  and  his  life  at  the  battle  of  Muret, 
where  Montfort's  clever  tactics  won  a  decided  victory.  This 
settled  the  fate  of  the  South.  Raymond  vi.  abandoned 
Toulouse,  and  was  glad  to  save  his  life  by  another  abject 
submission.     Simon  de  Montfort  became  Count 

Simon  de 

of  Toulouse  and  Duke  of  Narbonne.    He  divided  Montfort, 
his  new  territories  amongst  Northern  lords  who  Count  of 

Toulouse. 

stipulated  to  follow  the  '  customs  of  France,'  that 
is,  of  their  own  homes.  It  was  even  a  favour  that  some  of 
the  less  guilty  vassals,  such  as  the  Counts  of  Foix  and  Com- 
minges,  were  allowed,  at  the  price  of  a  complete  humiliation, 
to  receive  back  their  lands  as  his  subjects.  As  a  still  greater 
favour  a  mere  fragment  of  Toulouse  and  the  imperial  mar- 
quisate  of  Provence  were  conferred  on  Raymond  vii.,  the  son 
of  the  deposed  Count,  who  was  glad  to  abdicate  in  his  favour. 
/In  the  midst  of  the  storms  of  war,  the  heresy  of  the  Albigenses 
Sras  slowly  stamped  out,  and  with  it  perished  all  that  was 
most  distinctive  of  Languedocian  civilisation.  The  stern, 
brutal,  effective  rule  of  the  Northern  Count  prepared  the  way 
for  direct  royal  government.  The  dependence  of  the  South 
on  the  North  had  begun.    ) 

As  the  struggle  proceeded,  Philip  Augustus  gradually  de- 
parted from  his  careful  policy  of  non-intervention.  In  1213 
he  allowed  his  son  Louis  to  take  the  cross,  and  helped 
Montfort  to  destroy  the  feudal  castles  of  the  South.  Philip 
himself  willingly  invested  Simon  with  the  fief  which  his  sword 

PERIOD  II.  3  C 


402  European  History ^  918-1273 

had  won.  But  in  a  very  few  years  Raymond  vii.  strove  to 
win  back  for  the  house  of  Saint-Gilles  its  ancient  position, 
and  the  Languedoc  rose  enthusiastically  in  his  favour.  The 
younger  Raymond  was  as  orthodox  as  Montfort,  and  under 
his  influence  the  struggle  became  a  mere  political  contest.  As 
such  it  waged  with  varying  fortunes  for  more  than 
docjan  thirteen  years.      Simon  was  slain  in  12 18  as  he 

reaction  strove  to  storm  revolted  Toulouse,  and  his  eldest 

Amaury  de  ' 

Montfort,  and    son,  Amaury,  who  had  few  of  his  great  gifts,  was 

Raymond  VII.  jqqjj  \^2^di  prcssed  by  the  triumphant  Raymond. 

In  1219  Louis  of  France  again  led  a  Crusade  in  his  favour. 

The  death  of  the  suspected   Raymond   vi.  in   1222  was  a 

further  advantage  to  the  Southern  cause.    Amaury  soon  saw 

that  his   chances   were   hopeless.     When   the   French   king 

died   in    1223,  Amaury  had  already   offered   to   resign   his 

claims  in  favour  of  his  suzerain. 

Thllfi  Philip  AngV'iMi'i  hy  ^(^rrt-  and  cunning  made  France 

.a  great  State.    There  was  no  longer  any  vassal  of  the  crown 

whose  power  overshadowed  that  of  his  sovereign,  and  the 

strongest  feudatories  of  the  monarchy  now  found  it  prudent  to 

be  on  good   terms  with  their   mighty  overlord.     To  them 

Philip  wsiT'coiifteous  and  TrTeiiHly      He  had  so  much  work 

to  do  in  absorbing  his  conquests  that  he  might  well  leave 

his  vassals  a  good  deal  to  themselves.     Yet  he 
Philip  II. '8  ,  ,  .       .        /•  ,. 

dealings  with    ncvcr   ncglcctcd   an  opportunity  for  extending 

barons,  clergy,  j^jg  power,  and  Systematically  strove  to  establish 
and  towns.  ,.  ,     .  .  ,      ,,    ,  -- ,  •  , 

direct  relations  with  all  the  tenants  of  his  vassals 

whom  he  could  draw  within  his  reach.     Over  his  own  tenants 

he  exercised  a  constant  and  watchful  superintendence.     By 

the  perfection  of  the  administration  of  his  domains,  and  by 

the  gradual  extension  of  the  sphere  of  the  royal  courts,  he 

was  able  to  pose  as  the  protector  of  peace,  the  friend  of  the_ 

poor,  and  the  champion  of  the  independence  and  integrity  of 

tht   nation.     The   humiliated   feudalists   took   his   pay  and 

fought    his    battles.      The    conciliated   clergy  glorified   his 

liberality  and  piety.     Yet  ^11  his  friendship  with  Popp  and 


France  under  Philip  Augustus  and  St.  Louis    403 

prelates  did  not  prevent  Philip  froin  Jceepin^  a  tight  hand 
dver^the  great  dignitaries  of  the  Church.  He  forced  the 
"prerates  to  pay  their  full  share  of  suit  and  service.  He  strove 
to  minimise  the  constant  interference  of  the  papal  authority, 
even  when  his  interests  and  his  principles  forbade  him 
to  openly  set  himself  against  it.  ^JIe—VKas__a  gqod^  friend 
to  the  townsmen.  He  felt  himself  so  strong  that  he  could 
— -atjafltdon  iKeTeeBle  and  tentative  policy  of  his  predecessors, 
and  boldly  strike  an  alliance  with  the  communes,  though  still 
discouraging  the  more  revolutionary  aspects  of  the  com- 
munal movement.  He  was  thus  able  to  put  even  cities 
outside  his  domain  under  the  royal  protection.  Nor 
did  he  content  himself  with  giving  towns  charters  of 
liberties.  He  loved  to  strengthen  their  fortifications,  re- 
build their  walls,  encourage  their  industries,  and  protect 
their  commerce.  He  enco